The Charleston daily news. (Charleston, S.C.) 1865-1873, March 06, 1867, Image 1
VOLTIME IV.NO. 428. CHARLESTON, S. C., TUESDAY MORNING-, JANUARY 1, 1867. PRICE Tmm rnSfrTS " '
VOLUME IV.NO. 482
TELEGRAPHIC.
Oar Cable Dispatches.
LIVERPOOL, March 4-Evening.-Cotton ad?
vanced jd. daring the afternoon. Middling Uplands
13id. Sales 10,000 bales.
MARCH 5-Koon.-Cotton declined ' ? since yes?
terday. Middling Uplands 13'd. Sales 8000 bale3.
Provisions firm. Breadstuffs quiet. 1 allow 42s. Od.
LONDON, March 5.-Finances unchanged.
A noon dispatch from Dublin denies tho appre?
hension of Col. O'CONNOR.
Congressional.
WASHINGTON, March 5.-In the House there was
aa official announcement that the Presinent had
no conimui lection to moke.
In drawing seats STEVENS and WASHBURNE wtro
allowed to retain their old seats. Thc caucus
nominees were elected. BOYNTON was elected
Chaplain. Among thc nominees for this office was
Parson BROWNLOW. A joint committee was then
appointed from each House to equalize the pay of
employees.
Tho Speaker announced that on Thursday he
would appoint committees on mileage and creden?
tials, and would hold the other committees sub?
ject io the order of the House.
In the Senate several Bills were presented-one
to reorganize the Supreme Court; but they were all
laid on the table until the committees should bo
appointed.
The committee announced that the President
had no communication to make.
Hie Wool Tariff goes into effect at once, but the
Senato Finance Committee will report in favor of
tts suspension forton days.
The Secretary of the Treasury has not received
a cei-tified copy of the Bill for the appropriation of
pay Tor thc Treasury Agents appointed regardless
of the test c a th, which section was stricken out by
the Conference Committee previous to its passage.
Washington News.
WASHINGTON, March 5.-The New York Heralds
special says there is a delegation from South Caro?
lina already here, conferring with the President
relative to the Brigadier Bill.
Congress will posh the impeachment investiga?
tion.
Alexandria negroes claim the right to vote in
to-di.y's municipal election under SHERMAN'S Bill.
The Clvronide of this city urges them to vote, and
?Lreatens those who, by violence or mistaken ap?
prehension of the law, shall prevent them.
The Election Commissioners sent delegates
here to consult the authorities. CAMERON
said in response to SEWARD., that if JOHNSON
had nave been a wise man he would have signed
the Reconstruction Bill, and thus have golton him?
self back into his old harness. He might then,
perhaps, have been forgiven some wrong done
during the last four months, bat it was now too
late ? ;o forgive bim.
South American News.
NEW YORK, March 5.-The Times' Panama cor?
respondent reports that the President of Bolivia
was killed by his body guard, and there is a revo?
lution in Carthagena is consequence.
New York Sews.
NKW YORK, March 5.-The steamer Henry
Chauncey, with $800,000-treasure, has arrived
from San Francisco, bringing California dates to
the ?th ult.
General News.
ALEXANDRIA, March 5.-The negro vote taken at
the late election will bo contested provided the
white Republican vote, added to the black poll,
makes a plurality.
Domestic ' Markets,
NOON DISPATCH.
Nicw YORE, March 5.-Flour dull, and drooping.
Wheat dall. Corn l@2c better. Pork very firm
Bales 250 bbls. ; new mess $21874. Lord dull, bbls.
I2?<$13? Cotton dull; 31@31$ for Middling Up?
lands. Freights quiet.
The Sftck market is lower; 5-20's of '62 coupons
1103 ?110$. Exchange, 60 days, 84 i sight, 9. Gold
137|.
EVENING DISPATCH.
Cotton dud and heavy. Sales 1300 bales, at 31c.
for Middling Uplands. Flour dull; for common
firm; for good State $8.50all.25. Wheat heavy.
Cora active, and advanced 2a8c-$1.08al.ll. Pork
bonyant, $21.62a22. Lard heavy. Whiskey quiet
Freights unchanged; Cotton to Liverpool, by
steam, Ja|d.
? 5?20's of '62 Coupons, 109&110. Gold, 1S6|.
Money, 67.
NEW ORLEANS, March 5.-Cotton-Sales 3350
bales. Market low. Low Middling 29$a80o. Re?
ceipts in three days 9543 bales. Exports in the
same time 15,783. Sugar firm at 13c. for good com?
mon to* fair. Molasses dull at 65a75c. for common
to good. Flour in fair demand but lower. Super
llall|. Gold closed at 37?. Sterling 47?o48i.
BALTIMORE, March 5.-Cotton lower; Middling
Uplands, 30a80j. Floor unchanged. Southern
Wheat scarce. Corn, receipts small, demand good
at 98ca$l. Mess Pork, $2163. Sugar steady.
Whiskey irregular.
CINCINNATI, March 5.-Flour unchanged, with a
limited local demand. Wheat quiet. Corn dull;
shelled 62; ears 57; sacks 56. Cotton dull and no?
minal at 27@28o. for Middling Upland. WiisVey
firm at $2 26. Mess Pork firmer; held at $21 CO.
Bacon firmer. Shoulders 94; Sides 10$.
ST. LOUTS, March 5_Cotton quiet at 27c. for
Middling Uplands, 279a28c for Strict do. do. Floor
quiet; Superfine, $8.75al0; Extra, $10al0.25. Wheat
dull. Corn better; $1.45al.50. Mess Pork ad?
vanced; $20a20.50. Baoon stiff, at r2|al2ie. for
Gear Sides, 9jc. for Shoulders.
- State Items.
THE ORPHAN HOUSE.-Rev. T. H. EDWARDS,
writing to as from Newberry, under date of 18th
of February, says :
By visiting Washington, I have obtained assur?
ance of all tho assistance I desire from the Govern?
ment. I also have capital enough in prospect to
berrin my "Orphan Home," on a much larger scale
than I could possib.y have anticipated. My suc?
cess for exceeded my most sanguine expecta?
tions. * * * I wish to commence budding
as soon as practicaba?, that I may be able to start
my school at tho earliest dav possible. The school
is not for the orphans of soldiers exclusively, but
destitute orphans all over our land.
[Pickens Courier.
DEATH OF MB. ANDERSON-Mr. Isaac Anderson,
aa aged and highly respectable citizen of Pickens,
died at his residence, on Eastatoee, on the 17th
ultimo. He was in his eighty-seventh year.-Iota*.
PUNISHMENT COMMUTED.-Perry Durham who
hos been under the sentence of death for the mor?
dor of Col. Thomas Miller, has had his punishment
commuted by Gov. Orr to imprisonment in the
penitentiary ior life.-1bid.
FIRE.-About 3 o'clock, Sunday afternoon . fire
o<icurred in the bu?ding opposite the Pnonix
office, occupied by Mrs. Reed as a millinery store.
The fire originated in the cellar, among several
cf.se s of straw goods, and is supposed to be the work
ol' some evil-dk;posed person. The damage to tho
building was slight, as the firemen were promptly
on '.he spot, and succeeded in arresting the flames,
after the destruction of some millinery goods.
[Phamix.
THE STATE CURRENCY.-WO leam that the billa
receivable aro somewhat firmer than they have
been during the past month, owing no doubt to the
?ict that taxes are being paid, and a considerable
amount has thus been withdrawn from circulation.
There also appears to be less apprehension than
formerly with reference to any change in our State
government under the new law by which we aro
ereaft8r to be controlled.-Carolinian.
BELIEF FOR THE PEOPLE OF LANCASTER DISTRICT,
8. C.-We are gratified to learn from Col. Vfm.
Johnston that he had received several donations
for the Buffering in Lancaster District-two hun?
dred and fifty bushels of corn from the noble city
of Newberne, and three hundred dollars from Bos?
ton, contributed by the edito: of the Pilot and a
few friends. The Colonel also received a letter
from an influential gentleman in Washington City,
inquiring if the reported destitution in that and
other sections was reliable. Ho reponded, fully
endorsing the statement of Colonel Mittagg and
others, and wo have reason to hope substantial aid
from that quarter may be expected. We regret
that ourpeoplo could not rescond to the appeal of
their Buffering neighbors as their liberal and gene?
rous hearts prompted. The immediate county
suffered* immensely from the drought last sum?
mer, and a large number of our people wh? have
heretofore been sellers of corn are now buyers.
There is a great deal of destitution in our midst,
continued calls for tho relief of which havo boen
constantly responded to with a liberal hand. The
people of Lancaster have our sympathy, and the
very few who con, will do something for their re?
lief. Col. Johnston has not only contributed out
of his own means, but has been instrumental in
securing, and wilt continue to exert himsolf to se?
cure, a more abundant supply.
[Charlotte Times.
A GREAT amateur buUfiiiht took place at thc
City of Mexico on the 13th of January, which was
originated for the laudable -purpose of replenish?
ing tho coffers of the Hospital do Pobres. Four
thousand of tho elite of the city, mcluding ladies,
were present, and th? flower: or thc youth of Mexi?
co joined in the sport. Eight bulls vero succes?
sively brought in and tortured to death or disabled
d tho cheers of the multitude. About $8000
ere realized ?om the enterprise.
VETO MESSAGE.
Message of the President of the United
States, returning to the House of Repre?
sentatives a Bill entitled "An Act to Pro?
vide for the More Efficient Government of
the Rebel States."
To the House of Representatives :
I have examined the bill "to provide for the
more efficient government of the rebel Statos" with
the care and anxiety whi?h its transcendent im?
portance is calculated to ?waken. I am unable to
give it my assent, for reasons so grave that I hopo
a statement of them may have some influence on
the minds of tho patriotic and onlightenod mon
with whom the decision must ultimately rest.
The bill places all tho people of the ton States
therein named, under the absolute domination of
military rulers; and the preamble undertakes to
give the reason upon which the measure is based,
and tho ground upon which it is justified. It de?
clares that there exists in those States no legal
governments, and no adequate protection for life
or property, and asserts the necessity of enforcing
peace and good order within their limits. Is this
true as matter of fact ?
It is not denied that the States in question have
each of them an actual government, with all tho
powers, executive, judicial, and legislative, which
properly belong to * free State. They are organ?
ized like the other Statos of the Union, and, like
them, they maka, administer, and execute the
laws which concern their domestic affairs. An-ex?
isting de facto g -vernment, exercising such func?
tions as these, is itself the law of the State upon
all matters within its jurisdiction. To pronounce
the supremo law-making power of an established
State illegal, is to say that law itself is unlawful.
The provisions which these governments have
made for the preservation of order, the suppression
of crime, and the redress of private injuries, are in
substance and principle the same as those which
prevail in tho Northern States and in other civil?
ized countries. They certainly have not succeed?
ed in preventing the commission of all crime,
nor has this Deen accomplished anywhere
in the world. There, as well as elsewhere,
offenders sometimes escape for vrant of
vigorous prosecution, and occasionally, per?
haps, by the inefficiency of courts or the prejudice
of jurors. It is undoubtedly true that these evils
have been much increased and aggravated, North
and South,* by the demoralizing inuuence of civil
war, and by the rancorous passions which the con?
test has engendered. But that these people are
maintaining local governments for themselves
which habitually defeat the object of all govern?
ment and rendor their own lives and r roperty in?
secure, is in itself utterly improbable, and the aver?
ment of the bill to that effect is not supported by
any evidence which has come to my knowledge.
All the information I have on the subject convinces
me that the masses of the Southern people and
those who control their pu:<lic acts, while they en?
tertain diverse opinions on questions of Federal
policy, are completely united in the effort to reor?
ganize their society on the basis of peace, and to
restore their mutual .prosperity.os rapidly and ai
completely os their circumstances will permit.
The bill, however, would seem to show upon its
face that the establishment of peace and good
order is not its real object. The fifth section de?
clares tb at the preceding sections shall cease to
operate in any State where certain events shall
have happened. These events are: First, the
selection of delegates to a State convention by an
election at which negroes shall be allowed to vote.
Second, the formation of a State constitution hy
the convention AO chosen. Third, the insertion
into the State constitution of a provision which
will secure the right of voting at all elections to
negroes, and to auch white men os may not bo dis?
franchised for rebellion or felony. Fourth; the
submission of the constitution for ratification to
negroes and white men not disfranchised, and its
actual ratification by their vote. Fifth, tho sub?
mission of the State constitution to Congress for
examination and approval, and tho actual approval
of it by that body Sixth, the adoption of a
certain amendment to the Federal Constitution
hy a vote of the Legislature elected under the new
constitution. Seventh, the adoption of said amend?
ment by a sufficient number of other States
to make it a part of the Constitution of tho
-United States. AU these conditions must be ful?
filled before the people of any of these States can
be relieved from the bondage of military domina?
tion;, but when they are fulfilled, then immediately
the paine and penalties of tho bill are to cease, nb
m at Wr whether there be peace and order or not,
and without any reference to the security of life or
property. The excuse given for the bill m the pre?
amble is admitted by the bill itself not to bo real.
The military- rule which it establishes is plainly to
be used-not for any purpose of order or for the
prevention of crime, but solely as a means of coer?
cing the people into the adoption of principles and
measures to which it is known that they aro op?
posed, and upon which they have, an undeniable
right to exercise their own judgment.
I submit to Congress whether ?his measure is
not, in ita whole chancier, scope and object, with?
out precedent and without authority, in palpable
conflict with the plainest provisions of the Consti?
tution, and utterly destru .-tive to those great prin?
ciples of liberty and humanity for which oui an?
cestors on both sides of the Atlantic have shed so
much blood and expended so much treasure. ,
The ten States named in the bill are divided into -
five districts.. For each district an officer of the :
army, not below the rank of brigadier-general, is
to be appointed to rule over the people; and he is .
to be supported with an efficient militi JV force to ;
enable him to perform his duties and enforce his ?
authority. These duties and that authority, as i
defined by the third section of the bill, are "to ,
protect all persons in their rights of person and ,
property, to suppress insurrection, disorder and i
violence, and to punish or cause to be punished, ]
all disturbers of the public pe are or criminals." ,
The power thus given to the commanding officer |
over all th<- people of each district is that of an ;
absolute monarch. " His' mere will is to toko tho
place of all kw. The law of tho States is i
uo w the only rule applicable to the sub?
jects placed under his control, and that :
is completely displaced by the clause which ;
declares all interference of State authority to be ;
null and void. He alone is permitted to do.ermine -
what are rights of person or property, and ho may '?
protect them in such way os, m his discretion, ?
may seem proper. It places at his five disposal :
all the lands and goods in his district, and he may
distribute them without let or hindrance to whom ?
he pleassB. Being bound by no Stase law, and ,
there being n i other law to regulate the subject,
he may make a criminal code of his own; and he :
can make it os bloody ss any recorded in history,
or he can reserve the privilege of acting upon tho
impulse of his private passions in each case that
arises. He is bound by no rules of evidence; there
is indeed no provision by which he it authorized
or required to take any evidence at alL Every?
thing is a crime which he chooBOS to call so, and
all persons are condemned whom he pronounces to
be guilty. He is not bound to keep any re?
cord, or moke any report of his proceedings. Ho
may arrest his.victims wherever he finda thom,
without warrant, accusation, or proof of probable
cause. If he gives them a tnol beforo be in?
flicts the punishment, he gives it of his grace and
mercy, not because he is commanded so to do.
To a casual reader of the bill it might seem that
some laud of trial was secured by it to persons ac?
cused of crime; but such is not the case. Tho
officer "may allow local civil tribunals to try of?
fenders," but of course this does not roquire'that
he shall do BO. If ?ny State or Federal court pre?
sumes to exercise its legal jurisdiction by the trial
of a malefactor without his special permission, ho
can break it np, and punish the judges and jurors
os being themselves malefactors. Ho can save his
friends from justice, and despoil his enemies con?
trary to justice.
It ia also provided that "he sha'l have powor to
oltanize military commissions or tribunals;" but
this power ht ip not commande li. exercise. It is
merely penni.? ai ve, and is to?x? nssd only ' when
in his judgment it may bo .)<". ass:: ry for the trial
of offenders.* Even if thc i,.^lenee bf o commis?
sion were m.v?e o prerc^ihite to the punishment
of o party, it would be s'-nrcely tue slightest chock
upon the officer, who has authority to organize it
OB ho.please8, pt*e3Siibe its modo of proceeding,
appoint its members from among his bwn subordi?
nates, ard reviso all its d?cisions. Instead of miti?
gating the harshness of his single rule, such a tri?
bunal would be used much more probably to divido
tho responsibility of making it more cruel and
unjust.
booral provisions, dictated by the humanity of
Congress, have been inserted in tho bill, apparent?
ly to restrain the power ol the c mmonding officer;
but it seems to me that they arc of no avail for
that purpose. Tho fourth section provides-First.
That trials shall not be unnecessarily delayed; but
I think I have shown tliat the power is given to
punish without trial, and if so, this provision is
practically inoperative. Second. Cruel or unusual
punishmei3t is not to bo inflicted; but who is to de?
cido what is cruel and wi) at is unusual ? Tho words
have acquired a legal meaning by long uso in thc
courts. Can it bo expected that military officers
will understand or follow a nile expressed in lau
fruage so purely technical, and not pertaining in tho
east dogreo to their profession ? if not, then each
officer may defino cruelty according to Iiis own
temper, and if it is not usual, he will make it usu?
al. Corporeal punishment, imprisonment, thc gag,
the ball and chain, and tho almost ^supportable
forms of torture invented for military punishment,
he within the range of choice. Third. Thc sen?
tence of a commission is not to he executed with?
out being approved by the commander, if it affects
life or liberty, and a sentence of death must be ap?
proved by the President. This applies lo cases in
which there ha? been a trial and sentence. I take
it to bo clear, under this bill, that tho Inilit ry
commander may condemn to death without even
the form of a trial by a, military commission, so
tliut thojlife cf tho condemned may dopend upon
the will of two men, instead of or?e.
It is plain that the authority hero given to thc
mili-ary officer amounts to absoluto despotism.
But, to make it still more unendurable, tho bill
provides that it may bo delegated ic as many sub?
ordinates aa he chooses to appoint; for it declares
that ho shall "punish or cause to bo punished."
Such a power has not been wielded by any monarch
in England for more than five hundred years. lu
all that time no people who speak the English
language have homo such servitude. It reduces
the whole population ot the ton States-ali per
CHARLESTON, S. C
sons, of overjr color, sex and condition, and every
stranger within their limits-to tho most abject
and degrading slavery. No master ever had a
control so absolute ovor his slaves as this bill j
gives to the military officers over both white and
colored persons.
It may be answered to this that the officers of
tho army are too magnanimous, just, and humane
to oppress and trample upon a subjugated people.
I do not doubt that army officers are as weil en?
titled to this kind of confidence as any other class
of mon. But the history of the world has beon
written in vain, if it does not teach us that unro
, strainod authority can never be safely trusted in
human hands. It is almost sure to be t? are or less
abused under any circumstances, and it lias always
resulted in gross tyranny where tho rulers who ex?
ercise it are strangers to their subjoots. and come
among thom as the representatives of a distant
power, and more especially when the power that
sends them is unfriendly. Governments closely
resembling that here proposed have been fairly
tried in Hungary and Poland, and the suffering en?
dured by those people roused the evmpathies of
tho entire world. It was tried in Ireland, and,
though tempered at first by principles of English
law, it gave birth to cruelties so atrocious that they
aro never recounted without just indignation. The
French Convention armed its deputies with this
power, and sent them to the southern departments
of the republic. The massacres, murders, and
other atrocities which they committed, show what
the passions of the ablest men in the most civiliz?
ed society will tempt them to do when wholly in>
restrained bv law.
Tho men of our race in every age have struggled
to tie up the hands of their Governments and keep
thom within the law: because their own experience
of all mankind taught them that rulers could not
be relied on to concede those rights which they
w re "not legally bound to respect. The head of a
great empire has sometimes governed it with a
mild and paternal sway; but the kindness of an
irresponsible deputy never yields what the law does
not extort from him. Between such a master and
the people subjected to his domination there can
be nothing but enmity; he punishes them if they
resist his authority, and, if they submit to it, he
hates them for their servility.
I come now to a question which is, if possible,
still more important. Have we the power to es?
tablish acd cany into execution a measure like
this ? I answer, certainly not, if we derive our
authority from the Constitution, and if we are
bound by the limitations which it imposes.
This proposition is perfectly clear-that no
branch of the Federal Government, executive, leg?
islative, or judicial, can have any just powers, ex?
cept those which it derives through and exercises
under the organic law of the Umon. Outside of
tho Constitution, we have no legal authority more
than private citizens, and within it we have only so
much as that instrument gives us. This broad
principle limits all our functions, and applies to all
subjects. It protects not only the citizens of
States which are within the Union, but it shields
every human being who comes or is brought under
our jurisdiction. Wo have no right to do in one
placo, more than in another, that which the Con?
stitution says we sholl not do at all. If, therefore,
tho Southern States were in truth out of the Union,
we could not treat their people in a way which the
fundamental law forbids.
Some persons assume tbat the success of our
arms in crushing the opposition which was made
in some of the States to the execution of the
Federal laws, reduced those States and all their
people-tho innocent as well OB the guilty-to the
condition of vassalage, and gave us a pjwer over
them which the Constitution does not bestow, or
define, or limit. No fallacy can be more trans?
parent than this. Our victories subjected the in?
surgents to legal obedience, not to the yoke of an
arbitrary despotism. "When an absolute sovereign'
reduces his rebellious subjects, he may deal with
them according to his pleasure, because ho
had that power before. But whon a limited
monarch puts down an insurrection, he must
still govern according to low. If an insurrec?
tion should take place in ono of our States
against the authority of the State government,
and end in the overthrow of those who planned
it, would that take away the rights of the people
of the counties where it was favored by a part or a
majority of tue population ? Could they, for such
a reason, be wholly outlawed and deprived ol'their
representation in the Legislature ? I have always
contended that the Government of the United
States was sovereign within its constitutional
sphere; that it executed its laws, like the States
themselves, by applying its coercive power direct?
ly to individuals; and that it could put down insur?
rection with tho same effect as a State, and no
other. The opposite doctrino is the worst heresy
of those who advocated secession, and cannot be
agreed to without admitting that heresy to be
right.
Invasion, insurrection, rebellion, and domestic
violence, were anticipated when the government
was f am ed, and the means of repelling and sup
?raring them were wisely provided for in tho
bnstitution; but it was not thought necessary to
declare that the States in which they might occur
should be expelled from the Union. Rebellions,
which were invariably suppressed, occurred prior
to that out of which these questions grow; but
the States continued to exist, and the Union
remained unbroken. In Massachusetts, in Penn?
sylvania, in Bhode Island, and in New York,
at different periods in our history, violent
and armed opposition to the United States
was carried on; but the relations of those
States with the Federal Government were
not supposed to bo interrupted or changed there?
by, after tho re ellious portions of their population
wore defeated and put down. It is true ?hat in
these earlier cases there was no formal expression
of a determination to withdraw from the Union,
but it is alto true that in tho Southern States the
ordinances of secession were treated by all the
friends of the Union as moro nullities, and are now
acknowledged to be so by the States themselves.
If we admit that they had any force or validity, or
that they did in fact toko the States in which they
were passed out of tho Union, we sweep from under
our feet all the grounds upon which we stand in
justifying the uso of Federal force to nraint am the
integrity of the government.
This is a bill passed by Congress in time of
peace. There is not, in any one of the States
Drought under its operation, either war or insur?
rection. The lavs of tho States and of the Federal
Government are all in undisturbed and harmonious
operation. Tho courts, State and Federal, are
open, and in tho full exorcise of their proper au?
thority. Over eveiy 8tato comprised in these five
military districts, Ufo, liberty and propon ty are se?
cured hy Stato laws and Federal laws, and
the National Constitution is everywhere in.
torco and evorywticre obeyed, What, then, is
the ground on" which this" bill proceeds? The
title of the bill announces that it is intended
"for the more efficient government" of these ten
States. It is recited, by way of preamble, that no
legal Stato governments, ('nor adequate protection
for life or property," exist in those States, and that
peace and good order should be thus enforced.
The first thing which arrests attention upon these
recitals, which prepare the way for martial law, is
this-that the only foundation upon which martial
law oan exist under oui- form of government ia not
stated or so much as pretended. Actual war, for?
eign invasion, domestic iiiBurreotion-none of
these appear; and none'of these in foot exist. It
is not oven recited that any sort of war or insurrec?
tion is threatened. Lot us pause here to consider,
upon this question of constitutional law and the
power of Congress, a recent decision of the Su
Erenie Court of tho United States in ex parte Mil
gin.
I will first quote from tho opinion of the majority
of the court : "Martial law cannot arise from a
threatened invasion. The necessity must be ac?
tual and present, the invasion real, such as effectu?
ally closes the courts and deposes the civil admin?
istration." Wo see that maniai law comes in only
when actual war closes the courts snd deposes the
civil authority ; but this bill, in time of peace,
makes martial law operate as though we were in
actual war, and become tho cause, instead of the
consequence, of the abrogation of civil authority.
One moto quotation : "It follows from what has
been said on this subject that there are occasion?
when martial Jaw can be properly applied. If in
foreign invasion or civil war the courts aro actually
closed, aud it is impossible to administer criminal
justice according to law, then, on the theatre of
active military operations, where war really pre?
vails, there is a necessity to furnish a substitute
for the civil authority, thus overthrown, to pre?
serve thc safety of tho army and society ; and as no
power is l?ft but the military, it is allowed to
govern by martial rule until tho laws can have
their free coarse."
I now quote from the opinion of the minority of
tho court, delivorod by Chief Justice Chase: "We
by no moans assort that Congress can establish
and apply tho laws of war where no war Has been
decliu'od or exists. Wliero peace exists, the laws
of peace must prevail." This is sufficiently ex?
plicit. Peace exists in all the territory to which
this bill applies. It asserts a power in Congress,
in timo ot peace, to set aside tho laws of peace
and to . -'istitutc tho laws of war. The minority,
concurring with tho majority, declares that Con?
gress does not possess that power. Again, and, if
possible, moro emphatically, the Chief Justice,
with remarkable clearness and condensation, sams
up the wholo matte as follows:
"There are under tho Constitution three lands
of military jurisdiction-one to ho exercised both
in peace and war; another to be exorcised in timo
of foreign war wi.hout'tbe boundaries of the Uni- |
ted States, or iii timo of rebellion and civil war j
within States or districts occupied by rebel? treated
as belligerents; and a third to bo exercised in time
of invasion or insurrection within the limits of the
United States, or during rebellion within tho limits
of tho States maintaining adherence to the Nation?
al Government when tho public danger requires
its exorcise. Tho first of those may bo called
jurisdiction under MILITARY LAW, and is found in
acts of Congress prescribing rules and articles of
war, or otherwise providing for tho government of
thc national forces; tho second may bc distinguish?
ed as MILITARY GOVERNMENT, superseding, as far
as may bo deemed expedient, the local law, and
exercised by the military commaudcr under the di?
rection of tho President, with the express or im?
plied sanction of Congress; while the third may bo
denominated MARTIAL LAW PROPER, and is called
into action by Congress, or temporarily, wlren the
action of Congress cannot be invited, and in the
i case of justifying or excusing peril by the Presi?
dent, in times of insurrection or invasion, or of
civil or loreign war, within districts or localities
where ordinary law no longer adequately secures
public safety and privatG rig/its,"
It will be observed that ol' the throo kinds of
military jurisdiction which can bo exercised or
, created under our Constitution, thoro is but one
i that can prevail in time of peaco, and that is the
code of In ws ona tod by Congress for the govern
I mont of tho national forces. That body of milita?
ry Jaw has no aoplication to the citizen, nor oven
to thc citizen soldier enrolled in Hie militia in time
of peace. But this bill is not a part ot that sort of
military law, Jor that applies only to the soldier
and not to the citizon, whilst, contrariwise, thc mili?
tary law provided by this bill applies only lo tho J
I citizen and not to the soldier.
WEDNESDAY MORNHS
I need not say to the representatives of the
i American people that their Constitution forbids
the exercise or judicial power in any way but one
thai is by the ordained and established courts. It
is equally well known that in all criminal oases a
triai by jury is made indispensable by the express
wordb of that instrument. I will not enlarge on
the inestimable value of the rieht thus secured to
ovary freeman, or speak of the danger to public
liberty in all parts of the country, which must en?
sue from a denial of it anywhere or upon any pre?
tence. A very recent decision of the Supremo,
Court has traced the history, vindicated the dig?
nity, and made known the value of this great pri?
vilege so clearly that nothing mere ie needed. , To
what extent a violation of it might be excused in
time of war or public danger may admit of discus?
sion, but we are providing now for a time of pro?
found peace, where there is not an armed soldier
within our borders except those who are in the ser?
vice of the Government. It is in such a condition of
things that an act of Congress is proposed which,
if carried ont, would deny a trial by the lawful
courts and juries to nine. millions of American j
citizens, and to their posterity for an indefinite
period, It seems to be scarcely possible that any
one should seriously believe this consistent with
a Constitution which declares, in simple, plain,
anc unambiguous language, that all persons shall
have that right, and that no person shall ever, in
any case, bo"deprived of it. The Constitution also
forbids the arrest of the citizen without judicial
warrant, founded on probable canse. This bill
authorizes an arrest without warrant, at the
pleasure of a military commander. The Constitu?
tion declares that "no person shall be held to an?
swer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime
nnlesB on presentment by a grand jury." . This
bill holds every person not a soldier answerable
for all crimes and all charges without any pre?
sentment. The Constitution declares that "no
person shall be deprived of life, liberty or
property, without due process of law." This
bill sets aside all process of law, and makes
the citizen answerable in his person and
Kroner tv to the will cf ono man, ondas to his life
D tho will of two. Finally, the Constitution de?
clares that "the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus shall not be suspended unless when, inv
case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety
may require it;" whereas this bill declares martial
law (which of itself suspends this: great writ) in
time of peace, and authorizes the military to moke
the arrest, ana gives to the prisoner only one pri?
vilege, and that is a trial '^without necessary de?
lay." He has no hope of release from custody, ex?
cept the hope, such as it is, cf release by acquittal
before a military commission.
The United States are bound to guarantee to
each State a republicen form of government. Can
it bo pretended that this obligation is not palpably
broken if we carry ont a measure like this, which
wipes away every vestige of republican govern?
ment in ten States, and puts tho life, property,
liberty, and honor of all the people in each or them
under tile domination of a single person clothed
with unlimited authority ?
The Parliament of England, exercising the om?
nipotent power which it claimed, was accustomed
to pass buts of attainder ; that is to say, it would
convict men of treason and other crimes by legis?
lative enactment. The person accused had a hear?
ing, sometimes a patient and fair one; but generaUy
party prejudice prevailed, i astead of justice. It
often became necessary for Parliament to acknowl?
edge its error and reverse its own action. The
fathers of our country determinad that no such
thing should occur here. They withheld the power
from Congress, and thus forbade its exercise by
that body, and they provided in the Constitution
that no State should pass any bill of attainder. It
is, therefore, impossible for any person in tb i 3
country to bo constitutionally convicted or pun?
ished fer any crime by a legislative proceeding of
any sort. Nevertheless, here is a bill of attainder
against nine millions of people at once. It is
based upon an accusation so vague as to be scarce?
ly intelligible, and found to be true upon no credi?
ble evidence. Not one of the nine millions was
heard in bis own defence. The representatives of
the doomed parties were excluded from all partici?
pation in the trial. Tho conviction is to be"'fol?
lowed by the most ignominious punishment ever
in flic ted" on large masseil of men. It disfranchises
them, by hundreds of thousands, and degrades
them alf-even those who ore admitted to be guilt?
less-from the rank of freemen to the condition o?
slttv?s?
The purpose and object of the bill-tho general
intent which pervades it from beginning to'end-is
to chango the entire structure and character of the
State governments, and to compel them by force to
the adoption of organic law s and regulations which
they are unwilling to accept, if left to themselves.
The negroes have not asked for the privilege of
voting-tbe vast majority of them have no idea
what it means. This bill not only thrusts it into
their hands, but compels them, as well as tho
whites, to use it in a particular way. If they do
not form a constitution with prescribed articles in
it, and afterwards elect a Legislature which will
act upon certain measures in a prescribed way,
neither blacks nor white? con be relieved from the
slavery which the bill imposes upon. them. "With?
out pausing here to consider tho policy or impolicy
of Africanizing the Southern part of our territory, I
would simply ask the attention of Congress to toat
manifest, well-known, and universally acknowl?
edged rule of constitutional law, which declares
that the Federal Government has no jurisdiction,
authority or power to regulate such subjects for
any State. To force the right of suffrage out of
the hands of the white people and into the hands of
tho negroes is on arbitrary violation of this principle.
Tho DLU imposes martial law at .once, and its
operations will begin as soon as th? General and
bis troops can be put in place. The dz ead alterna?
tive between its narau rule and compliance with
the terms of this measure is not suspended) nor
are the people afforded any time for free delibera?
tion. The bill says to them, take martial law first,
then deliberate. And when they have done ali
that this measure requires them to do. other con?
ditions and contingencies, over which they have
no control, yet rennin to be fulfilled before they
can bo relieved from martial law. Another Con?
gress must first approve the constitutions, made
Si conformity with the will of this Congress, and
must declare these States entitled to representa?
tion in both Houses. The whole question thus re?
mains open and unsettled, and must again occupy
the attention of Congress, and in the meantime
the agitation which now prevails will continue to
disturb all portions 01 the people.
The bill also denios the legality of the govern?
ments of ten of the States which participated in
tbe ratification of the amendment to the Federal
Constitution abolishing slavery forever within the
jurisdiction of the United States, and practically
excludes them from the Union. If this assump?
tion of tho bill be correct, their concurrent can?
not be considered as having-been legally given,
and the important fact is made to appear that ibo
consent of three-fourths of the States-tbe requis?
ite number-has not been constitutionally ob?
tained to the ratification of that amendment, thus
leaving the question of slavery where it stood bo
fore the amendment was officially declared to
have become a part of the Constitution.
That the measure proposed by this bill does vio?
late the Constitution in the particulars mentioned,
and in many other ways which I forbear to enu?
merate, is too clear to admit of the least doubt.
It only remains to consider whether the injunc?
tions ?fthat instrument ought to bo obeyed or not.
I think they ought to be obeyed, for reasons which
I will proceed to give as briefly as possible.
In the first place, it is tho only system of free
government which we oan hopo to have as a nation.
When it ceases to be the rule c f our conduct, we
may, perhaps, take our choice between oomnlete
anarchy, a consolidated despotism, and a total
dissolution of the Union, but national liberty,
regulated by low, will have passed beyond our
reach.
If is the best frame of government the world
ever saw. No other is or can be so well adapted
to the genius, habits, or wonts of the Amenoan
people. Combining the strength of a great empire
with unspeakable Dlessiugs of local self-govorn
mcntr-having a central power to defend the gene?
ral interests, and recognizing the authority of the
States as the guardians of industrial rights, it is
"tho sheet-anchor of our safety abroad and our
peace at home." It was ordained "to form a moro
poriect union, establish justice, insure domestic
tranquillity, promote the genorel welfare, provide
for tno common defence, and secure the blessings
of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity."
These great ends have been attained heretofore,
and will be again, by faithful obedience to it but
they are cortain to be lost if we treat with disre?
gard its sacred obligations.
It was to punish the gross crime of dofying tho
Constitution, ?nd to vindicate its supreme'author?
ity, that we carried on a bloody war of four years'
duration. Shall wo now acknowladge that we sacri?
ficed a million of Uves and expended billions of
treasure to enforce a Constitution which is not
worthy of respect and preservation?
Those who advocated the right of secession al?
leged in their own justification that v.e had no re?
gard for law, and that their rights of property, life,
?ind liborty would not be safe under the Constitu?
tion, as administered by us. If we now verify
thou* assertion, we prove that they were in truth
and in fact fighting for their liberty, and instead of
branding their leaders with the dishonoring name
ot traitors against a righteous and legal govern?
ment, we elevate thom in history to the rank of
self-sacrifibing patriots, consecrate thom to the
admiration of the world, and place them by the
side of Washington, and Hampden, and Sydney.
No, let us leave them to the infamy they deserve,
nish them aB theyashould bo punished, accord?
ing to law, and take upon ourselves no share of
the odium whichtthey should bear alone.
It is a part of our public history which can never
be forgotten that both Houses of Congress in July,
1801, declarecLin tho form of a solemn resolution
that the war was and should bo carried on for no
purpose of subjugation, but solely to enforce the
Constitution aud laws; and that when this was
yielded by the parties in rebullion, the contest
should cease, with tho constitutional rights of the
States and of individuals unimpaired. This reso?
lution was adopted and eent forth to the world
unanimously by tho Senate, and with only two dis?
senting voices in the House. It was accepted by
the friends of the Union in the South, as well as
in the North, as expressing honestly and truly thc
object of the war. On the faith of it, many thou?
sands of persons in both sections gave their lives
and their fortunes to the cause. To ropudiate it
now by refusing to the States and to the'indivi
duole within them the rights which the Constitu?
tion and laws of the Union would seoure to them,
is a breach of our plighted honor for which I can
imagine no excuse, and to which I cannot volunta?
rily become a party.
The evils which spring from tho unsettled state
of our Government will bo acknowledged by all.
Commercial intercourse is impeded, capital is in
conHtant peril, public securities fluctuatu iu value,
peace itself is not secure, and tho sense of moral
and political duty is impaired, To avert these
calamities from our country, it is imperatively re?
quired that we should immediately decide upon
some course of administration which can be stead?
fastly adhered to. I am thoroughly convinced that
any settlement, or compromise, or "plan of action
ra. MARCH 6, 1867.
which is inconsistent with the principles, of the
Constitution will not only be unavailing, but mie
ebie vous; that it will but multiply the present evils,
instead of removing them. The Constitution,
in its whole integrity and vigor, through?
out the length and breadth of the laud,
is the best of all compromises. Besides,
our duty does not, in any judgment, leave us a
choice between that and any other. I believe
that it contains the remedy that is so much needed,
and that if the co-ordinate branches of the Govern
jment would unite upon its provisions, they would
bo found broad enough and strong enough to sus?
tain-in time of peace fie nation which they bore>
safely through the ord ?al of a protracted civil'war.
Among the most sacred guaranties of that instru?
ment are those which declare that "each State
shall have at least one Representative," and that
"no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of
its equal suffrage in the Senate." Each House is
made the "judge of the elections, returns, and
qualifications of its own members," and may,
"with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a mem?
ber." Thus, as heretofore urged, "in the admis?
sion of Senators and Representatives from any and
all of the States, there can be no just ground of ap?
prehension that persons who are disloyal will be
clothed with the powers of legislation ; for this
could not happen when the Constitution and the
laws are enforced by a vigilant : and faithful Con?
gress." . "When a Senator or. Representative pre?
sents hi s certificate of election, he may at once be
admitted or rejected; or. should there be any
question as to his eligibility, his credentials may
be referred for investigation to the appropriate
committee. If admitted to a seat, it must be
upon evidence, satisfactory to the House of which
he thus becomes a member, that he possesses the
requisite (Constitutional and legal qualifications. If
refused admission as a member for want of due al?
legiance to the Government, and returned to his
constituents, they are admonished that hone but
persons loyal to the United States will be allowed a
voice in the Legislative Councils of the Nation, and
the political power and moral influence of Congress
are thus effectively exerted in the interests of loyal?
ty to tho Government and fidelity to the Union."
And is it not far better that the work of restoration
should be accomplished by simple compliance with
the plain requirements of the Constitution, than
by a recourse to measures which in effect destroy
the States, and threaten the subversion of the
General Government? All that is necessary to
settle this simple but important question, without
further agitation or delay, is a willingness on the
part of all to sustain the Constitution and carry its
provisions into practical operation. If to-morrow
either branch of Congress would declare that, upon
the presentation of their credentials, members con?
stitutionally elected and loyal to the General Gov?
ernment would be admitted to seats in Congress,
while all others would be excluded and their
places remain vaeant until the selection by the
people of loyal and qualified persons; and if, at the
same time, assurance were given that this policy
would be continued until all the States were repre?
sented in Congress, it would send a thrill of joy
throughout the entire land, as indicating the inau?
guration of a system which must speedily bring
transiuiib' tVto the public mind.
While we are legislating upon subj 02ta which
axe of great importance to the whole people, and
which must affect all parts of the country, not
only during the life of the present generation, hut
for ages to come, we should remember that , all
men are entitled at least to a hearing in the coun?
cils which decide upon the destiny of themselves
and their children. At present ten States are de?
nied representation, and when the Fortieth Con?
gress assembles on the fourth day of the present
month, sixteen States will b,e without a voice in
the House of - Representatives. This grave fact,
with the important questions before us, shaula,
induce us to pause in a course of legislation which,
looking solely to the attainment of political ends,
foils to consider the rights it transgresses, the
law which it violatos,, or the institutions which it
imperils. . ANDREW JOHNSON.
WASHINGTON, March 2; 1867.
THE PEACE OP EUROPE.
The Emperor Louis NAPOLEON and Queen Vio
TORTA, from tho advantages of their position, should
be considered good authorities in matters per?
taining to the prospeots of the continuance or in?
fraction of the peace of Europe. They have both,
from their thrones, recently delivered addresses to
their respective Parliaments, on the affairs to
them severally of the greatest importance ; and
touching the peace of Europe, NAPOLEON, on the
15th pf February, remarked, that he has "the firm
conviction that peace will not be disturbed and
the Queen of England more recently expressed
reasons for hoping "that the war in which Prus?
sia, Austria and Italy have been engaged, may
lead to the establishment of a durable peace in
Europe."
But notwithstanding these royal assurances,
there are many whose minds are not altogether at
ease on this momentous question. It has been
surmised that the olos%of the *French Exhibition -
would be speedily followed by new developments
indicative of an aggressive policy on the part of
Louis NAPOLEON. He might then avail himself of
an opportunity to rectify the national boundaries,
and perhaps avenge certain supposed indignities
heretofore re .?aived from jealous but powerful
neighbors. As time passes nothing transpires
that tends to justify these evil portents, and if we
mistake not the dread of the future, amounting
almost to a feeling of consternation which grew
out of the events connected with the German war,
is giving place to a' reasonable hope of continued
peace. Confidence is gradually regained. At first
the havoc of the Prussian breech-loaders caused a
simultaneous demand throughout Europe for
more effeotive firearms and the most thorough
military reorganization. The werk was entered
upon with promptitude and earnestness by nearly
all the leading governments, including Prance,
England, Austria, Russia and the Scandinavian
powers. It still continues, and will take years for
its completion, but in the end tho relative strength
of ambitions rivals is not likely to bo essentially
changed. Certainly a single year cannot greatly
disturb the equilibrium of forces. On all sides it
is agreed that if war comes at all Prance and
Prussia will figure as the chief combatants. But
the formidable array of fortresses held by Prussia
on the Rhine, the well-filled ranks of the now
terrible "landwehr," and the plethoric condition of
King WILLIAM'S treasury, are substantial argu?
ments in favor of peace which LOOTS NAPOLEON is
fully competent to appreciate.
THE BANKRUPT BILL.
The National Bankrupt Bill has become a law. It
is a very lengthy bill, but the following comprise
its important provisions :
Section ll. Prescribes the method of availing of
the act.
Any debtor, whose debts, provable under the ,
act, amount to over three hundred dollars, may
petition the District Judge of his disiriet, stating
his insolvency, his willingness to surrender his es?
tate and a schedule under oath of his debts and
Iiis creditors, with the nature of the debt m full,
and an inventory, also under oath, of his assets.
Such petition shall be an act of bankruptcy, and
the petitioner be adjudged a bankrupt. The judge
shall thereupon issue a warrant (or the Register,
if there be no opposing party) directed to the Uni?
ted States Marshal of said district, authorizing
bim to publish the necessary notices, to wit : 1.
That a warrant in bankruptcy has been issued. 2.
TL at all payments of debts to snch debtor aro for?
bidden. .3. That a meeting of tho creditors to
prove debts ind choose assignees, will be held in a
court of bankruptcy, not loss than ten nor more
than ninety days after the issuing of the warrant.
Section 14. JJirects that the Judge (or if there
is no opposing interest the Register) shall convey
to the assignee or assignees the entire real ana
personal estate of the bankrupt, but from this as?
signment are excepted household and kitchen fur?
niture, and such other articles as the assignee may
indicate, not exceeding five hundred dollars in
value, the wearing apparel of the bankrupt and
his family, hiB uniform and arms, ana any
other property hereafter exempted from attach?
ment or levy by United States laws.
Section 27. Proscribes that all creditors, who
prove thoir debts, shall shore alike, except that
wages to an amount not exceeding fifty dollars,
for service performed in the preceding six months,
shaU be paid in fulL ..
Section 28. Prevents the priority of debts.
Section 29. Allows the barikrupt, after six
months from tho adjudication of bankruptcy, or if
no debts or assets within sixty days, to aoply for
his discharge, which the court, a?tor due notice,
sholl grant, ii the bankrupt has honestly exhibited
his condition.
Section 31). Prohibits a second bankruptcy, un?
less by consent of creditors-except where the
assets amount to seventy per cent, of the debts.
Sections 31 to 39. Concern details, pronounce
against fraud and the like.
Section 39 provides for involuntary bankruptcy,
declaring that an absconding debtor, a debtor who
makes assignments to defraud, against whom an
unsatisfied execution for over one hundred dollars
stands, who makes an aspignment to give prefer?
ence to special cr?ditons, or who has suspended
for fourteen days the payment of his commercial
papor shall, on tho petition of ouy creditor, be ad?
judged a bankrupt.
THE CHICAGO Timos soys that since the com?
mencement of the war there has been no ship
bu?ding of any account along tho shores of our
inland lakes. A demand for additional tonnage to
carry on lake trade has been met during the pre?
sent winter by on unusual activity in the work of
vessel building, and more vessels, and of a larger
amount of tonnage, have been constructed during
the season than during any year hitherto. Be?
sides sailing vessels, several now propellers and
two sidowheel steamers wil bo reaiy for business
ot tho opening of navigation.
THE Danish sculptor, Professor Jerichan, is at
present in Rome, engaged in exocuting in marble
thrco groups, all of which are destined for Eng?
land. Tho first, tho bridal gift of the large land?
owners of Denmark to tho Princess of Wales, and
a cast of which is at Marlborough House, repre?
sents Adam awakening and finding, for the first
timo, Eve by his sida ; tho second, " Women sur?
prised while Battling," has been ordered by the
Princess of Wales ; and tho .third, a "Hutsman
attneked by a panther whose cub ho has taken,"
by Sii Francia Goldsn?d,
AUCTION SALES.
Direct Importation cf Crovkery, ex Gladstone, from
jX/?'OCfTDOOl*
BY CLIFFORD & MATHE WE S,
Auctioneers, No. 56 Bro*d Street.
Win be seid at auction on TUESDAY. 13th Inst, at
United States Bonded Warehouse, on North Atlantic
Wharf, at ll o'clock,
15 CRATES CROCKERY
CONSlSTfN? OF :
1 CRATE, 72 DOZEN, B E TWlcLEBS, 1-8 SOUPS
1 crate, 100 dozen, B E Muffins
1 crate, 24 dozen, O 0 Chambers, and 30 dozen Unhand
London Teas, Tulip shape
1 crate, 60 pairs, C C Ewers and Basins, and 22 J? dozen
Unhand London Teas, Tulip shape
2 crates, each 72 dozen, W G Twiners, 1-9 Soup?, first
quality, and 20 dozen, Wx> Muffins, 6-mch, first quality
1 crate, 20 dozen, W G Jugs, best andu dozen Unhand
London Teas
2 crates, each 116 W G Covered Dishes
1 crate, 100 W G Muffins, 7-inch, and 10 dozen do 6-inch
3 crates, each 40 pair W GE wera and Basinii; 34 W G
Chambers and Covers, and 1% dozen, Unhand, W G Lon?
don Teas
2 crates, each W G Flat Dishes.
Terms cash._;_, . March fl
Catalonia Wine, Direct Importation, ex Rosina,
?orn Barcelona, Svain._
F FORD & MATHEWSS,
Auctioneers, No. 56 Broad street.
Will be sold at auction on TUESDAY next 12th Instant
at United States Bonded Warehouse, on North Atlantic
Wharf, at ll o'clock, ' ? - . .
25-fifths of a port pipe of CATALONIA WIME, 26 gallons
each ,.., - ..
25-tontos of a port pipe of Catalonia Wine, 12 gallons
each.
Terms cash. March 6
AGRICULTURAL,
BRUCE'S FERTILIZER.
FEB TON OF 2000 LBS., CASH
$75 per ton of 2000 ?s., credit to 1st Novem?
ber, 1867, payable by approved factor's acceptances,
with interest at 7 per cent For sale by
Marche_. RAVENEL tc CO.
COTTONSEED! COTTONSEED!
OAA BUSHELS SEA ISLAND COTTON SEED.
?j\J\jThQ Cotton sold for $160cents per pound. For
sale by WM. GURNEY, '
Marchs ._8 Na 102 East Bay.
BELLE FUE SEA ISLAND COTTON
SEED FOR SAXE.
IT HAS PRODUCED THE LARGEST YIELD WITHIN
our observation, and is of a superior quality. Apply
to J.H. B AGGETT & CO.
MttTr^ 2 Imo
SUPERPHOSPHATE
OF
LIME.
TO COTTONPLANTERS.
mHE UNDERSIGNED TAKE PLEASURE -IN AN
JL NOUNCTNG to Planters and Farmers that they are
prepared to furnish a superior article of SUPER-PHOS?
PHATE OF LIME, manufactured expressly 1er them,
and which they can warrant to contain all the elements
necessary to insure a rapid and mature growth of any
crop to which it may be applied.
Terms-Sixty douars per ton cash, or sixty-five dollars
per ton-one quarter cash, and balan co 15th December,
wlih approved factors' acceptance, with interest at 7 per
cent from date of puechase.
f LITTLE & MARSHALL,
Agricultural Implement Warehouse and Seed Store,
No. 140 Meeting street .
February 13 Imo Opposite PavUion Hotel,
BAUGH'S
mHE APPLICATION OF BONE PHOSPHATE HAS
X always been beneficial-the only difficulty being to
obtain a genuine article. Before offering BAUGH'S
PHOSPHATE on the market the last season, I submitted
lt for analysis to Professor Shepard, of the South Caro
Una. Medical Collage, who fully endorsed lt and hts
opinion has now been verified by actuel experiment by
our own Planters, whose testimony I have of the su?
perior excellency of this Phosphate, especially in the cul?
ture of Cotton, in msuring a good Btand. /
J. N. ROBSON, Agent,
December 10 flu mwfSmo No. 62 EAST BAY.
CHARLESTON
msmm
AND
?
NO. 140 MEETING STREET,
OPPOSITE PAVILION HOTEL.
PLOWS, HARROWS, CULTIVATORS, HORSE HOSE
Corn MiUs.Corn Shellers, Feed Cutters
Cotton, Corn and Garden Seed Planters
Grain Cradles, Sythes and Sua the
Shovels, S pades, Forks and Hoes
Riceand Grain Fan Mills .
Hand and Power Cotton Gins
Horse Powers-of all kinds . .
Reaping Machines, Threshing Machines
Grain Separators and Cleaners.
AGEN IS FOR THE
INGERSOLL HAND-POWER
COTTON PRESS.
AGENTS FOB THE
iMREH WISHING MACHINE.
LITTLE & MARSHALL,
NO. 140 MEETING STREET,
' CHARLESTON, S. C.
December 10 mwfSmo
DRUGS MDJHH
JU &T RECEIVED,
A Large and carefully selected Stock
OF
DRUGS, MEDICINES,
CHEMICALS,
AND
Fancy Articles,
WHICH IS OFFERED TO THE PUBLIC
AT REDUCED PRICES.
OUR MEDICINES AND CHEMICALS ARE IMPORT?
ED directly from Manufactories, under the super?
vision of experienced Chemists, which enables us to re?
commend tiiem as pure and reliable in strength.
Wo keep on hand all articles to be found in a first-class
Drug Store. Fresh additions are received by every
steamer.
SS" PRESCRIPTIONS carefully put up.
E. H. KELLERS & CO.,
No. 131 MEETING STREET,
North of Market.
E. H. KELLERS, M. I.H. BAER, M. D.
December 3_
THE ORANGEBURG NEWS.
PUBLISHED EVERY 8ATURDAY MORNING, AT
Orangeburg, S. C. Terms $2 per annum, in ad?
vance.
During the spring and fall seasons extra copies of the
OBAKOEBOBO NEWS will be circulated for the benefit of
our advertising patrons.
Contract Advertisements inserted on the most liberal
terms. Addre?s SAMUEL DIBBLE,
Editor Orangeburg News,
Iebrnary25_ Oraugebnrg, a C.
Greendlle Mountaineer,
ALARGE WEEKLY, IS ISSUED EVERY THURS?
DAY, at $3 a year, in advance. Advertiser ent?
inserted at usual rates.
G? E. ELFORD, J DJ(,
November^ G. F. TOWNES,| ^tci?.
PRICE FIVE CENTS.
Tribute of Respect.
At a Eegnlar Monthly Meeting of the Palmetto ' Ire
Engine Company, held at their Hall on the evening of
the ?th hurt., the fellowing Preamble and BescOutions
were unsnimously adopted : . ' v?
Death bas again stricken down a brother in onr midst*
He who lately stood amongst na buoyant with health, and
foll of the promise of future usefulness, nu?r*beiDed
to fill an untimely grave. Azrael the Angel . '>*??%:.
had marked him for Ma own, and with scarce an a*LflO
nition hurried him to the tomb. Not the strength af
manhood, nor the anxious care of hia family, could save
him from that death to which the Almighty Baler baa
doomed all rrnmMnA. As a m******* of our Company ha
had endeared himself to aB by'his unobtruatve depart*
ment; by his excellent principles of action, and by tits
marked fldeUty with which he discharged the duties ?*$
Treasurer, friend, and fireman. . .
Resolved, That the Palmetto Fire Engine Ckmipany de?
plore the early decease of their Brother Fireman* tn*
late JOHN A ARMSTRONG, and deeply feel the loa?
they have sustained in his death. ' .... . ^
Resolved, That we sincerely sympathize with the famiby "
and relatives of tho deceased, and tender them our com?
ddence under their heavy bereavement, > ;
Resolved, That in token of rorpect far the memory m
Our deceased brother member, tho uaual -badge--?
mourning be worn for thirty days, and that a paga hi
our Minute Book be dedicated to his memory. :?'~ "
Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be tesnsV
mitted to Ms family, and published in Tua DATLT ?SW?
of this city. - ' "]:'?'
Extract from tho Minutes. ' ' .' '.V ; :?'
March 6 THOMAS O'KEEFE, Secroliry.' -
SPECIAL NOTICES.
gar CONSIGNEES BY THE STEAMSHIP
MANHATTAN, from New York, are notified ?fast she .as.; 0g
discharging cargo at North Atlantic wharf, Goods re
maining on the wharf ai sunset wffl be stored at ownerB*
risk and expense. STREET BROTHERS k CO., \
March? '
SO* BEAUFORT DJBTEIOT-CO?MON PLEAS
-WM F. HUTSON VB. WM. HAZZARD WTGG^APPLI
CATION, TO RESTORE JUDGMENT.-It tppcertoffto
my satisfaction that the defendant in (tts! ossesestdes ?
beyond the limita pf thia State: Ordered that be do ap
pear and answer the apphoation wtthinthirty days, or jin,
order for have to restore wiRbemade by default ,. -. .
Marchi, 1867. T. G. BUCKNER,
Match 6 6,11,18,25 C. C. P. Beaufort District ~
HST NOTICE IS EEBEBT GIVEN THAT AN
apphoation wi? bo made lo the Court.cf Common
Pleas, al its next session for Charleston District, for a
Charter of Incorporation oj ' THE HOMESTEA D BUILD. -
LNG AND LOAN ASSOCIATION." , ?'. '':X\r
February27 ~A .
MS* SPECIAL l^TSLWW(M^^^f^
POSE to furnish LABORERS of all classes for Fkrmera,
Railroads, Shop, Garden, Store, Hotel or general House?
work. ; I
Persona desiring employment wfll ca? at NaJS06 Zing
street; and aR orders for Laborers wffl be pronmtiymal.
and satisfactory reference given.- ,
February 23 Imo, - ." :: 6, H HALL A CQ.
AST BEAUTIFUL HAIKMJHEVAIJEB'S
LIFE FOB THE HAIR positively restores, gray: hair to
ita original color and yontMnl beauty; Impart* Rfc and
strength to the weakest hair; stops ito faning, out at
once; keeps the bead clean; la unparaueled aa a hair
dressing. Sold by aR Druggists and faahlonabte hair?
dressers, and at my office, Na ll? Broadway, New
York. SARAH A (JFtEVATdHR^M D.
DOWTE'4 MOISE^''.
Ha 151 Meeting streetTf- :
? Oppoaito Charleston HoteL M
January4 _. .. .? . ., .Amos'
gar CALVARY BAPTIST O UBC^ pHABtsx^
TON.-The Members (Mitered) Of thisUhorch were reg
ulariy.dlanussed from the three White Baptist Ghurche*
of thia City, to form a sep?rate Church. They a? wor?
shiping for the present at Bonum'* Hall, John.street,
between Meeting and King. They have purchased a lot,
and axe soliciting contributions to enable them to erect a
House of Worship. .S.~"?'~?
They ?re believed to be pious and worthy persons, sod
their object is respectfully commended to sit who have
Hie ability and disposition to aid such enterprises.' The
following members of the said Church, have teen author?
ized to make coflecttons : CHARTES SMALLS, THOMAS A.
DAVIS, EDWAKD Haxo, DAJOBX. D. McAnrar, Jons Bxs?
and SAMUEL STEWASD.
Chsriestoa, 8. a, Jane 37, 186c; .
Rev. LUCIUS CUTHBERT,
.JfS. . Pastor OlteM g^naw cgMireh.
Rev. E. T. WINKLER, .. : ;
Pastor United Church.
WTXUAMSTHINEBY. i Descons^iM Square
WILLIAM G. WHTLDEN.) Church, ,
January 4 fmwSmos
gfir AWAY WITH 8PEOTA(Jim^i^ E?^ '
made new, without Spectacles, Doctor or Medicine.
Pamphlet mailed free on receipt of ten cents. Address
E. B. FOOTE, M. D., No. 1180 Broadway, Hew York,- ' I
November9_? . -, . -r'
gSrWE ABE AUTHORIZED TO ANNOUNCE
E. M WAJTLNG, Esq., ss s candidate for Sheriff of
Charleston (Judicial) District, at the next election.
3eptemberl0^^^^_^^_^^^
sar ELMORE MUTUAL INSURANCE C0MPA- -
NY.-CHARLESTON, February 27th, 1867.-A Dividend i
of ONE DOLLAR FEB SHAHS wffl bo paid to the Stock?
holders on and after this data, in partial h^dattonfrom.
Assets realized. Also a return of the Assessment' ot
ONE DOLLAR PER SHARE, with interest, and the" ?a~
sesament Notes of $4 per Share, now hold try t' ie Com?
pany. .*>.. /^?''? '
Stockholders wfll be required to present thehr Stock
Certificates.
By order of the Board of Directora. . .Y __?? -1 : /
JOf PIH WHTLDEN,. g - v?
February 27 Sectary and Treasurer.-,
gar NOTICE TO MABINEBS.--0 AP TAINS
AND PILOTS wishing to anchor their vessels in Ashley
River, are requested not to do so anywhere within direct
range of the heads of the SAVANNAH RAILROAD
WHARVES, on the Charleston and 8t Andrew's side of.
the Ashley River; hy which precaution, cor tact with tba -
Subniatine Telegraph Cable wfll be avoided- . ^' .
S. C. TURNER, H. M.
Harbor Master's Office, Charlcstom February 6,1886. "'
February? / ?? -'l-'-'J;*";
gar THE HEALING FOOL AND HOUSE OF
MERCY.-HOWARD ASSOCIATION REPORTS, for
Young Men, on the CRIME -OF SOLITUDE, and th?l
ERRORS, ABUSES and DESEASES which destroy the
manly powers, and create impedimenta to MARRIAGE, '
with sore means cf relief. Sent In sealed litter en-;
velopes,. free of charge. Address Dr. J, SKTLLDf
HOUGHTON, Howard Association, PhUaddphla, Pa. .
january 16_ ; .. _ ".. . -, ..
ea-ARTIFICIAL Ei^.-ABTTPK^AL TbIU-;
MAN EYES made to order add inserted by Drs. F.
BAUCH and P. GOUGLEMANN (formerly employed by >
Roi?soNNEAU, of Paris), No. 609 Broadway, New York.
April 14 _.; . lyr ?:'
gar BATOHELOR'S HALB BYE.-TH1B- .
SPLENDID HALB DYE ia (he best in the world. The
only true sod perfect Dye-harmless, reliable, instan- :
taneons. No disappointment. No ridiculous tints*>
Natural Black or Brown. Somedles ina in effects of JBcuX z
Dyes. Invigorates the hair, lea7ing.it soft sod beau?fuL
The genuine is signed William A. Batchelor. AR others
are mere imitations, and should be avoided. Sold by'?ll ;
Druggists ?nd Perfumers. Factory, No. 31 Barcley "
street New York. ....
gar BEWARE OF A COUNTERFEIT. 'L *
December 10 ?. ' /-Ijr^
TODD & RAFFERTY,
ENGINEERS IND FOTJ^EB^i
Office ?nd Works, Paterson, New Jersey J
WAREHOUSE, No. A DEY STREET, N. Y.
MANUFACTURERS OF STATIONARY AND POET 1
ABLE STEAM ENGINES AND BOILERS; Flax, '
Hamp, Tow, Oakum sud Rope Machinery: - Bh?Mnfc r
?MIR Gearing, Iron and Brass Castings ot all kinds
Latches, Planing Macbiugs, Drina; Shaping, Slotting andJ
Boring Machines; Gear Cutters; Centreing, MnRns and
Bolt Cutting Machines; Chucks of aU kinds; Leather .
and Rubber Belting; Lace Leather, Bett Hooks, sad
General Supplies for Railroad Rand other Machino Shops; ' .
Judson & Snow's Patent Governors. Saw M?hl, Cotton .
Gins, Prossee, &c, constantly on hand.
TODD & BAFFEBTT, - . .
March 20 ly_No. i Dey street N. Y. .
TAVE RN-BCEKPERS'NOTTCE.
i OFFICE GLEBE OF COUNCIL, 1 -
_ March L1867.; '
ALL TAVERN-KEEPERS, AND PERSONS BETAIL.
LNG spirituous Uquors, within the city limits, who
have not executed their bonds and taken out the proper
cards to show that they have license to seU, wffl be re- ;
ported aa hot complying with the law, alter Monday, 3th ?
inst. .. *
Those who have cards are hereby notified to have the
same placed in a conspicuous place in the window. All :
faning to observe this notice w?l also be reported, after '
the ?bove-mentioned time. W. H. SMITH, - -
Marcha_Clerk pf CoondL. ?
FIRE LO AH.
MAYORALTY OF CHARLESTON, ) -
CITY HALL, November 9,1866. J
ALL PERSONS DESIROUS OF REBUILDING INT SB
Burnt Districts and Waste Places of the City, un- ;
der "An Act of the General Assembly, giving authority
to the City Council of Charleston to proceed in the mai- '
ter of a Fire Loan, with a view to aid m building up the >
City anew," are hereby notified that the form of appli?
cation for loans can be obtained at the office ef the Clerk '
of Council, between the hours of 9 A M. and 3 P. M.
AB applications must be flied in the above mentioned .
office, as the Committee w?l meet every MovAay to can
aider the same.
By order of the Mayor W. EL SMITE,
November 10_'_Clerk of Council. '
CITY TAXE S-MONTHLY H.ETIRS8.
OFFICE OF THE CITY ASSESSOR. I ' '
CITY. HALL, March 1,1867. i_ .
?\TOTlCE IS HEREBY GIVEN TO ALL CONCERNED
JN that the Monthly Returns for the month of Febra- *
i ary past hi compliance with the Tax Ordinance, ratified :
on the 28th day of December, 1866, must be made on or -
before the 16th instant D. O. GIBSON, ?
Marchi . 19 dry Assessor,