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HOYT & 00., B-oprietors. ANDERSON 0. EL, S. GL, THURSDAY MORNING, MARCH 12, 1874. VOLUME IX.--NO. 35. TJWTeiqwii?ence Anderson Intelligencer. WashingtonvD. C.,'March 2,1874. For more than a week an animated debate ran on in the House upon a bill to partially reatore. the. fianking privilege, and to allow newspapers to go free in the counties where published, and to exchanges. Many able and witty speeches have been made, and more sta? tistical knowledge was given out than any country-'newspaper could find room for in a year-. T3be division line on the question- ccrald" not- be, traced all the time, but there were stro^indications'thatr it lay chiefly between the'owners of the oity newspapers and the country press,1 and between city and country populations.. Mr. Garfield made the statement that the act repealing the franking privilege had been* disastrous to the country newspapers, as the postage on the great city newspapers, or on many of them, was no more than on the small local papers, and the discrimination was dir^ly against the latter; He held this dis? crimination to.be unjust, because the city readers of papers are better able to pay postage according to quantity of matter, and the city papers hare advantages which the country papers cannot have, and he thought it impolit? ic to discourage the country press, on the ground that they more nearly reflect the public opinion than the city press. Of course such an opinion could not be advanced without be? ing challenged, and when challenged, the merits of the press both of city and country were placed on the Congressional anvil for vigorous hammering. It came ont that city editorials are mostly written late at night, up five or. six, flights of stairs, by people with vag? abond tendencies, in a frame of mind one re? move from despair in relation to their next meal, which is always a matter of considerable uncertainty; while the country editor meets and converses with intelligent mechanics and farmers, whose blood flows pure and strong from healthy hearts, and courses through their veins with life-giving energy, rendering the brain vigorous, the head clear, and the soul true to the highest sense of duty and responsi? bility. ' In the country the people know the editor, and know when -and how .much to trust his veracity, and what confidence to place in his statements; but the city scribbler may be a clandestine individual, who approaches the office through a back alley after dark, never seen of men, and who comes in contact with humanity only in its low estates, and most un? healthy moral conditions. He prepares his mind for writing the flash editorials by reading the sickening details of brawls, reports of cases in the police courts, and by picking up such unhealthy garbage as floats through the social slums of artificial society in cities. The city people get a free delivery of letters- at great expense to the government, and if that can be done for them, it would seem that once a week the farmer and mechanic might have his news? paper free. Mr. Whelps, of New Jersey, a rich New Yorker, in fact, and said to be a large owner of stock, in the Tribune, made quite a humorous speech against doing anything for the country press. Mr. Cobb, a new member from Kansas, advo? cated the sending out of the Agricultural and other important Reports free, and Gen. Butler thought Congressional speeches were great ed? ucators of the masses, and should go free. As the newspapers have no room to print Con? gressional speeches in full, and the postage is too serious an item to permit the members' sup? plying their constituents, it is manifest-that without the franking privilege, a Congressman might as well not make a speech, and when it comes to that, he might as well not bo a Con? gressman, so far as the eclat of reputation is concerned; so, between the needs of the far? mer, the eountry editor, the granger, and the member, the franking privilege is not so despe? rate as was thought. The .bill was ardently and ably supported by Danford, of Ohio; Hereford,"of West Vir? ginia; Dunnell, of Minnesota; and.Conger, of Michigan. Some of these gentlemen dwelt strongly on the point that vast suras of money are spent by the Government in collecting ag? ricultural and other information, and then, to save a small sum for press-work, paper, and postage, it is proposed to store it ail away in a few libraries, out of reach of those who most need it. The House finally rejected the bill by three majority. The leading feature of interest in the Senate has heen the dashing speech of Senator Schure on the -finances. ..Mr. S. ia a specie-payment man out and out, and no matter on what sub? ject he speaks, his clear, lucid style, and ele? gance of manner in delivery, cause him to be listened to with rapt attention. Senator Mor? ton replied for the more-currency men with his usual animation and vigor, and then he and Schurz drifted into a little personal unpleasant ness.and difSculty, which did nothing towards extricating the Senate or the country from its financial difficulties, and added nought to the fenown of either the bull-dog or terrier. Mr; Sumaer made on Friday a vigorous at? tack upon the Philadelphia Centennial scheme, striking at its international character, and op? posing any4ippropriation. ThaPensylvanians are hawagsa' hard time of it with their.favorite measure. ? ? -A veteran observer says that "old friends are like old boots. We never realize bow perfectly they were fitted to us till they are cast aside,"and others, finer and more stylish,' perhaps, but cramping and pinching in every corner, are substituted:''* * ? Mr. Hiram B. Coffin, of Massachusetts, has been engaged for several years in collecting death statistics, and he finds that a "gentleman" lives on an average sixty-eight years, a judge sixty five, a carpenter forty-nine, a painter forty-three, and a factory operator thirty-two. The importance of being a gentleman is thus itrikingly illustrated. For the.Anderson Intelligencer. New Bales for Calculating Interest. Mr. Editob: Please permit us through the columns of the Intelligencer to give publicity to the following rules for calculating interest for months and days : ?'lliese rules were originated?it we may be allowed the1 expressiOn^by ourself about fif-" teen years ago.. In saying we originated these* rales, it is not to be understood that vre claim having originated any thing theoretically. This is a well-known m^hMnatical impossibility, for j the principles which underlie all the rules per? taining to the science of numbers are as old, and at the same time as unchangeable as the unerring laws of nature; and hence, have ex? isted without any modifications or innovations ever since the day on which our mundane sphere was spoken into being. It is, therefore, only in the application of these principles that any originality can be predicated. But to the rules : J To calculate the interest upon any sum of money for any number of months, at any given rate per cent: j Rule?Multiply the ;principal by the rate per cent, and the resulting product by 8$. If the principal is composed of both dollars and cents, begin on the right hand side and count off towards the left six figures; all on the left are dollars, and all on the right are cents, mills and parts of mills. But if the principal con? tains dollars only, count off as aforesaid, four figures. This gives the interest for one month, which being multiplied by any number of months, gives the interest for that number of j months. To calculate the interest for any number of days, we have the following: Rule?Multiply the principal by the rate per cent, and the resulting product by 8J; di? vide this last product by then count off from right to left seven figures, if the principal contains both dollars and cents; but if only dollars five figures. This gives the interest for one day, which being multiplied by any num? ber of days, gives the interest for that number of days. W. H. China Grove, S. C, Feb. 25th, 1874. Labor Saving Implements and Diversified Agriculture. The leading and far-seeing .agriculturists of the South have repeatedly urged the people to adopt the plan of diversified husbandry, as an indispensable prerequisite to future indepen? dence and prosperity, but as yet to little or no avail. Labor-saving machinery is necessarily bound to effect by actual facts and results that which precept has thus far failed to accomplish. The modus operandi by which this all-impor? tant reformation is to be brought about we propose now to consider. We find that the inventive genius of the present day has not ignored the demands for improved implements, bearing upon the production of that most potent of Southern staples, cotton; but has produced labor-saving machinery well adapted to every process connected with it, from the preparation for and the planting of the seed to its shipment into market, except that of pick? ing or gathering from the field. At this point nature seems to have sent forth her edict: "thus far and no farther shalt thou go;" and although many attempts have been made to substitute mechanical for human labor in this most tedious and laborious task, so far, as we are able to learn, little or nothing has been accomplished towards the attainment of the desired end, nor can we conceive how-any ma? chine short of one possessing every known mechanical movement, with the addition of brains and eyes, can be constructed to materi? ally facilitate this work. Under the old regime of hand implements it was estimated that a laborer could produce as much or more cotton than he could gather. Now, if by the aid of labor-saving machinery, he is enabled in one fourth of the time to produce as much cotton as he can gather, the remaining three-fourths may be devoted to the production of those crops most essential to the comfort of both man and beast, which will consequently enable the farmer to keep the proceeds of his undi minished cotton crop at home. Thus it is, we think, that the general introduction of labor saving machinery in the South will prove of most inestimable advantage; it will necessarily enforce a diversified indnstry and afford oppor? tunity for the development of her many but now latent resources. In the Southern States the introduction of labor-saving machinery has been slow, nor is it a matter of surprise that such has been the case when we contem? plate the great clouds of depression and gloom which prevaded the minds of Southern agri? culturists, as they gazed upon the shattered ruins of the very foundation upon which all their hopes for prosperity were based, and the effect upon the laborers, the bulk which, as is well-known, was composed of negroes, was no less marked, but was of an entirely opposite nature, producing the wildest enthusiasm. But time and force of circumstances have, to a j large extent, closed the chasm thus formed between the owners of the soil and the labor j ere; and, as before stated, it is gratifying to notice that a reaction has taken place, and that a general tendency towards improvement is manifest, that will prove eminently salutary and beneficial. Upon almost every farm, from J the verdant mountain slopes to the seaboard, may be seen labor-saving machines of some sort. The innovation is insidious in its pro? gress, like all other great changes continually going on around us, both in nature and art, at of which we are scarcely aware. For illustration, behold the tiny spears of wheat or grass, just peeping through the soil, we see it all the whife, but cannot discover the change that has taken place from one day to another, yet in a short space of time appears the golden waving grain in all its beauty ready for the harvest. So it is with the great agricultural progress of the South. M. L. DONALDSON, in the Rural Carolinian, March No. j ? The Legislature of West Virginia recently passed a law "to prevent the owners of hogs from rnnning at large." I ? A great many negroes in Texas are com ! iog to grief for being too much married. They think that matrimony is.no more binding on colored folks now than it was before the war. ? A Kentucky legislator was recently mis? sing for three days. The fourth found him back in his seat. To the inquiries of friends he replied that he had been sick. Being asked what the matter was, "Well," said he, "some folks called it nervous chills, others pronounce it a kind of affection of the heart, but, to be candid, I call it a plain case of old-fashioned drunk/' I Senator Bayard's Vindication of the F s trate State. The recent, speech of Senator Bayard, of Delaware, in the United States Senate on the resolution to investigate the conduct of Maj. Merrill, of the regular army, in receiving a large sum of money appropriated by the plun? dering Legislature to reward his zeal as a Ku Klux hunter, was one in all respects worthy the better days of the Republic. In the course of his remarks the Senator said : . It struck me as a very illogical proposition stated by the honorable Senator from Pennsyl? vania, that because this individual had been sent to South Carolina to perform a very un? pleasant military duty, one that required him in point of fact to supersede the civil govern? ment of that State, and take under his control the security of pereon and property within its limits, he should have met with social ostra? cism by certain families in that State, and that, as a seguitur, he should, therefore, be properly paid some twenty-odd thousand dollars out of the treasury of that State as a solatium for the alleged wouuds to his feelings and those of his family; so that? The jingling of the guinea helps the hurt that honor feels. It is an odd proposition to be gravely ad? vanced by the Senator. But one thing let me say in regard to what I have several times heard complained of on this floor. The questions of social intercourse and social relations are not governed and never will be governed by statute law. They are not gov? erned, and never were or will be governed, by coercion in any shape. Social intercourse is controlled by human sympathies; sympathies of taste, coincidences of education and of cul? ture; sympathies of feeling, sympathies of oc? cupation, sympathies in joy, and, deepest of all, sympathies in sorrow. All these things in their way control the social intercourse of men, and no law of Congress, no fiat of any auto? crat, civil or military, can ever change this truth. It seems strange to me to hear these complaints in the Senate of the social ostracism of officers of the array of the United States, and of citizens from the Northern States going to the South, when even the dull intellect of that inimitable idiot, Dundreary, found out the great rule that "birds of a feather flock to? gether." Even he discovered that; and yet it seems that Senators have not yet discovered it. Now, Mr. President, there are many reasons, if Senators will but reflect upon them, why the hospitality of the South is not what it was. There are many sad reasons for it. The hos? pitality of that region of our country was one of its glories. It was one of its chief and most delightful virtues. No man ever tasted of it but would wish again to renew it. But many things are needed to make it possible. In the first place, there must be the question of sym? pathy between the host and his guest; mutual good will is a prime necessity; then there is required some degree of pecuniary means where with to exercise it. The hearts of the South? ern people are as generous and as warm as ever, but their means and opportunities for hospital? ity and generosity have been sadly curtailed aud destroyed by the war that has wasted the region where their homes are, and uprooted their system of domestic service and menial labor. Many, many are the proud, generous and sensitive men and women of that coun? try whose doors are closed simply from sheer want, barred by poverty, aud they are too proud to have that poverty inspected by cold and unfriendly eyes. Let those who would criticise the absence of that free and bountiful hospitality for which in other and happier days they were renowned remember what has caused it in so many cases to disap i pear. Why, sir, the other day a gentleman from New England, whose home is now in Carolina, and who feels a deep interest in the people of that State, desired to have a convention of the property holders, or holders of the remnant of the property that is left after taxation and war ! in that State, that they might consider how they should relieve themselves from the confis? cation that their estates were being subjected [ to at the hands of their rulers. He sent letters I to the various tax-payers in the State, and among others to a gentleman who had been ' the governor of the State, whose name for I obvious reasons I do not mention in public, i but who had been a man of great wealth prior to the war, of high character, well known and esteemed everywhere, tyhen that gentleman f replied to the invitation to join in this con } vention he was compelled to reply that, despite the need of his presence, despite his desire to ! attend, he was absolutely unable to raise ten i dollars wherewith to pay the railway fare from his home to the City of Charleston. And this is but one case of a long and distressing cata? logue. Mr. President, it is not simply the question of pecuniary ability, it is the question of sym? pathy, it is the question of feeliug, that will always control the intimacies of men. It is J the peculiar genius of our government that men are left free to form their associations, religious, political and social, and such will j ever be the case, and all attempts by force of law to change it will prove fruitless and una? vailing. A word more, sir, in regard to our military i men. It is my pleasure and good fortune to number among my frieuds and personal ac? quaintances many gentlemen of the United States army. I have frequently heard from them expressions in regard to the unplea3ant nature of the duties they have been called upon to perform since the end of the war in the Southern States. They have been placed in an attitude of coercion and of appareut un ! friendliness to the people in order to execute I congressional legislation. They have not been J allowed to execute those laws according to their own theory of wisdom and propriety, or in accordance with their own sympathy ; but they have been placed there as a kind of po? lice, at the beck and call of partisan appointees. They have not been allowed to treat the people of the South as they desired to do, but they have been compelled to perform a vast amount of most objectionable work at the call of a low, base set of wretches, thrown to the sur? face of society in the throes of revolution and excitement. What have you seen in Louisiana ? The Army of the United States, with a soldier somewhat distinguished at its head, compelled to obey the command of such a class of politi? cal Bcoundrels and adventurers as those into whose hands political power has been placed against law and the popular will in that un? happy State. How can men who are subordi? nated to such creatures as Piuchback, Kel? logg, Packard and the like, expect that they are to be received as guests and friends by the gentlemen over whom they dominate, and by the people of whose civil rights they are made the instruments of destruction. It is absurd to expect it, and no sensible man does expect Depend upon it, sir, the human heart is the I best teacher in regard to this matter. When-; ever the Southern people or the people of the North shall feel that an army officer or a civil? ian, whether the representative of the govern- j ment or a private citizen seeking either health or recreation, comes among them as a friend, and with the heart of a friend, he will be re? ceived as such; but when he comes among them otherwise he will not be received as such, and all the laws you may pass from now until doomsday will never be worth one farthing for the purpose of preventing it. But, as I said in regard to this individual case,'having no personal knowledge of Major Merrill, having never seen him, and all that I can learn of him in this transaction not mak? ing me desirous of making his acquaintance, all I can say is that his course in this matter may in the eyes of the Senator from Pennsyl? vania be perfectly honorable and proper; but I cannot believe it will be so considered by his brother officers or by the American people, whose paid servant he was and still is. It is the first time in the history of our country, to my knowledge, that any officer of the United States army has pursued for his private gain the trade of lobbying in a State legislature to obtain pecuniary rewards for the execution of the duties for which he was intrusted with large powers and high discretion, and espe? cially assigned to execute, and paid exorbi i tantly, ten times the amount of his official salary. And all this for the performance of functions which are justly regarded as iguo minibus. The name of informer is odious to the Amer? ican people. The name of detective is not respected by the American people. If such things are sometimes necessary, they are un? happily necessary; but they are not to be per? formed for the sake of pecuniary gain by offi? cers of the United States array, especially when, as we all know, martial law had been proclaimed in that State. Martial law is no law, but simply the will of the commander-in chief. All other law fades away before his glance; and part of the time that this officer was in Carolina, in a large part of that State he was the military commandant, and his will was the supreme law, for the President of the United States had suspended the writ of habeas corpus. What was the power of such a man over that country ? What was his influence over the body of ignorant and degraded people collected under the name of a legislature in that State to plunder those who had no power to control their selection ? It was omnipotent. How could they resist his demands? They could not; and therefore, as a matter of course, when his influence was thrown in the scale, his demands took the shape of law, and this large sum of money, thirty-five thousand dollars, was taken out of that treasury for the purpose of paying these rewards in the criminal cases. ******** I passed through the State of South Caroli? na. I passed through those counties in which martial law had been proclaimed, and where Maj. Merrill's will was the sole law of the land. I remember well casting my eyes to the right aud to the left from the time we entered the borders of those counties until we emerged from them, and it was a scene of desolation. No white man could be seen. He depopulated the country. The people fled from his rule. The plow was left in the furrow; the farms were abandoned. No man was safe. I re? member meeting at a railway station two young men who sat down at the table with me, and I asked them in regard to the condition of the country. They told me it was because of the declaration of martial law; that no man, how? ever aged, however respectable, was safe if the basest negro simply pointed his finger at hirn and asked for his military arrest. It was a reign of terror. It continued so. Men were arrested by hundreds, dragged from their fam? ilies, incarcerated without writ, discharged sometimes without question and without any explanation, and without any charge being brought against them. Such was the condi? tion of things there so long as there was no writ of habeas corpus with Major Merrill in command, and no court open for their relief. That was martial law in America?the suspen? sion of the writ of habeas corpus by the Presi? dent in a time of profound peace, with the courts all open, where every judge was of his own party, every juror of his own party, every prosecuting officer of his own party, the whole machinery lor the arrest, trial and conviction of men confined to men of his own choice, because by the test oaths, which still prevail in the South, men are disabled from serving on a jury whoever performed the moat natural dic? tates of humanity, the slightest act of friend? ship, of assistance, toward their own kindred and friends during the eutire period of the war. The Senator may sneer at the affected solicitude of the people of South Carolina for the honor of the Federal army. It is for him to consider whether it is just to them and whether it is just to himself to do so. But the people of South Carolina did not cause this resolution. I make no especial profession of solicitude for the honor of the American army. I only say that I have, in every way that a man can obtain it, a right to be so solic? itous; it is my right to be solicitous; and if there were no other moving cause than my sympathy and friendship for a distressed and down-trodden people of my own race, a desire to save the poor remnant of their property from further robbery; if there were no other reason than my feeling of respect for the army of the United States, that is sufficient to justify me, as it has prompted me, in offering this resolution. Pulling Foddee.?Prof. Peudleton, of the State University, in his recent report, says an acre of corn from which the fodder had not been pulled produced nearly one bushel more corn than an adjoining acre, the difference being 20-89 to 21-60. He also shows that the value of the pulled ccrn was less by $2; but the fod? der was worth $5.90, making a difference of $3.11. It is reasonable to suppose that the corn will be injured if the pulling takes place before the grains begin to harden, as the substance of the grains will be absorbed in the cob. We are decidedly of the opinion that the Eastern plan of saving corn fodder is the best. The farmer takes the first spare moment after the corn begins to harden to pass along the rows and cut the stalk off about six inches from the out-shoot of the ear ; the stalks are deposited along the line to cure, and in this process he tries to avoid the deleterious effects of rain, and the moment they are dried the stalks are deposited under cover. Thus cut, the stalks are full of saccharine juice, which dries and makes the whole stalk as nutritious as the blades, and cattle leave no refuse. The corn is not more injured either than when the blades are taken off. Thi?? is worth testing.?Augusta Constitutionalist. ? Two deaf mutes were recently arrested in Atlanta for making a disturbance while drunk. It is difficult to imagine what kind of a distur? bance they could have made. ? An exchange makes the following good suggestion: "Always when you come in directly to your town paper and inform the editor. You will uot only receive his grateful acknowledgement of the favor, but also the thanks of his patrons. Many items of news doubtless escape our notice every week, which would add interest to our paper, if chronicled." possession of any important news go Memorial to the Legislature on behalf of the Tax-Payers. The following communication was sent to the General Assembly last week: Columbia, S. C, March 2,1874 The Committee of the Tax-Payers' Conven? tion, upon which the duty was devolved of representing some of the grievances of tax? payers arising from the fact that the laws are improperly administered, and of the need of some wholesome laws which should be enacted, beg respectfully to bring before your body, in which is lodged the power to redress grievances, three remedies, which they think will tend to better government: I. The Committee respectfully urge on the General Assembly to consider how important it is, in a republican government, where re? sponsibilities are imposed, that these responsi? bilities should be devolved in such a manner and under such forma as the Constitution es? tablished by the people prescribes. When the Constitution, which establishes a fair and equitable distribution of burdens, is violated or disregarded, it naturally excites dissatisfaction. One of the articles of the Constitution, third section, Article VIII, where the people of the State require the Legislature "to provide, from time to time, for registration of all electors,'' has been entirely ignored.? The Committee feels emboldened by the clear language of the Constitution to respectfully but earnestly urge on the General Assembly the proper enforcement of this duty. There can be little doubt that peace and good order, as well as fairness and justice, would all be subserved by carrying out this long-neglected command. How shamefully familiar have we been made in the recent elections with the de? moralizing habit of repeating! How frequent? ly have the honest voters of one locality been overwhelmed with imported purchased voters of another 1 How often have the most flagrant acts of fraud been perpetrated by stuffing the ballot-boxes with false names! All these dis? graceful evils could not fail to receive a great check by the impartial registration of all voters. This Committee, being convinced of the great benefit to be derived from it, and be? ing confident that no honorable excuse can be made for any longer disregarding so plain a mandate from the people by their solemn com? pact, the Constitution, feel at liberty, as citi? zens interested iu the moral welfare of the State and in the peaceable settlement of all differences that is needed by a fair election, to earnestly request that this great subject be at? tended to at once. II. The Committee suggests another great grievance from which the State has seriously suffered. The entire magistracy of the State, in violation of a plain provision of the Consti? tution, has been wrested from the hands of the people and placed in the hands of the Execu? tive?a usurpation which has been fruitful of wrong in the past, and threatens more dangers in the future. Under no form of government, called republican, should the entire administra? tion of that part of the Judicial Department that affects the vast majority of the people be submitted to the absolute control of the Gov? ernor. The plea most commonly urged against restoring to the people the right thus denied is that the people are too ignorant to be com? mitted with this trust. The Committee would respectfully urge on the Legislature the consid? eration that, independent of the plain command in the Constitution, whether the appointments and removals have been made in the interests of the communities, respectively, in which the important duties were to be performed?wheth? er they are not now regarded as part of the patronage of the Executive Department? What force can be claimed for the plea of the people beiug too ignorant, when it is a notorious fact that the officers elected, such as Clerk, Sheriff and Judges of Probate, are in? finitely superior in intelligence aud honesty to the Trial Justices appointed by the Executive? The latter are frequently appointed, as it is has been asserted by "Republicans, for personal ends. In consequence of this violation of the Constitution, there are many instances of neg? lected duties and violated rights, the responsi? bility for which must rest with the law-making power. The Committee hopes the Legislature will see to it that no personal consideration or temptation will divert them from consulting the interests of their constituents and the general welfare of the State. III. The Committee, in conclusion, beg to bring to the attestion of the Legislature a principle of representation, which it is firmly believed is founded in sound republicanism, and which will do much to abate the grievan? ces of the State and produce harmony through? out its borders. The General Assembly has the power to iuaugurate a system in this State, composed as it is of two distinct races, which will contribute to the safety and protection of both. Although in ten years it is probable that the white race will largely out-number the black in South Carolina, this State will be the home of both race " for all time. How impor? tant, then, for rigu ?f the races, to establish some one of the systems that is embraced under the name of "minority representation." Al? though the name is new, the system springs from a principle that is as old as representa? tive governments. To refer to no more distant examples than the Senates of every State of the Union, the Senate of the United States, the upper houses of Parliament, which exist in every Govern? ment of Europe, give the minority a voice in the government of equal force, for many pur? poses, to that of the majority, is no new idea. In fact, it is as old as man, and forms an ele? ment in every man's conception of a truly free government?that is, a government not of sub? jects, but of fellow-citizens. The minority claim, and in all good communities receive, at the hands of majorities respectful consideration, and as al? ways constituting a portion of the body politic that deserves the anxious care of the majority. But, while the committee recognize the fact that this State, like others, has already incor? porated into its Constitution that feature of rep repsentation, the system of "minority represen? tation," by which the idea of an entire commu? nity caii be expressed in legislative bodies, is entirely unprovided for. Manhood suffrage is an advance in this direction. It is a recogni? tion of the fact that man's welfare depends to some extent on his mental action, and, therefore j to deny him the right to vote is to deny him a liberty that no one has the right to deprive him of without clear proof of its impractica? bility. We who, for the time, represent a large portion of the community, think it a wise thing that the two races which now dwell together should each be guaranteed in future the op Eortunity to be seen, heard and felt in the egislature in a degree, and to an extent ap proximatively, if not accurately, to our number. By the adoption of such a principle no right, would be denied any one, and no dangerto the majority could ever ensue. For, possessing in the Legislature, as among the body of the peo- j pie, the greatest number, the majority would not allow their constituents to be damaged. The plans by which this desirable end is to be reached are variously called, but they do not I spring from the brain? of political tricksters, J but are the careful product of the earnest1 thoughts of the^ wisest and most philanthropic men of this age?men who have devoted their lives to the good of others. This principle has been practically adopted for years in various municipalities in England -with satisfaction. The State of Illinois is governed under this principle, and the recent and much-lauded constitution of Pennsylvania is said to-incor? porate it. Though new, it is not too new for us, who have adopted so many new ideas of late. And if the system represents the truly representative and republican idea in a homol geneous population, it will be more beneficia in a State composed of different races. The committee, in behalf of those they are deputed to represent, ask that this matter be considered maturely, appeal to the higher and nobler elements of our nature, and love of jus? tice, of truth and of country. "Minority rep? resentation," if applied faithfully in this State, would insure the co-operation of a large ana influential class, closely united among them? selves, who are now excluded from the respon? sibility of the government of this State. The committee express the hope that this memorial will attract the careful consideration of the Legislature on two grounds: 1. That it is just and truly republican. 2. That the minority of this State, representing by far the largest pro? portion of its material interests, feels aggrieved at the government of the majority, which im? poses, in its most virulent form, the evils of taxatiou and personal subordination vrilkoutrep? resentation. Evils and wrongs unredressed al? ways have and always will create dangerous reaction. This scheme suggests the only rem? edy which will prevent antagonismsof the races and produce harmony. The form of minority* representation is one, of course, which must be left to the Legislature. With this memorial we beg to submit for your consideration the following resolutions of the Tax-Payers' Con? vention. Respectfully submitted. J. A. HOYT, A. B. WOODBTJFF, F. W. McMaster, D. S. Henderson, J". H. Screven, Committee. I Immigration?Suggestions to Farmers. Since the inauguration of the immigration movement in December last, when Rev. Rob? ert Newman, Missionary of Castle Garden, came to South Carolina, to see if immigrants could be sent here, about one hundred per week have arrived, and been placed in good positions in various parts of the country. Rev. Mr. Newman placed the matter in my hands, and I have labored diligently and gratu? itously to do the best for the immigrant, and make him satisfied with bis new home. I have been greatly assisted in my labors by the peo? ple of the State, especially by the people of the upper sections of South Carolina, who called for the industrious foreigner. 1 The farmers, as a general thing, send the money down to pay the passage for the immi? grant from New York to the interior of the State, which money the immigrant pays back from his wages. But from the experience be? fore me, I would suggest that the Granges of Patrons of Husbandry throughout the State should take the matter in hand, and appoint a reliable agent to communicate with me, as Granges in Abbeville, Aiken, Newberry, Mari? on and other Districts have done. This agent collects the orders from the farmer for hands, and sends them down to me, and I fill theord^r to the best of my ability from the material coming here. I Among the immigrants there are ill-disposed people as well as anywhere else, and when a farmer orders a man and pays his passage in advance, the man may be enticed away by another farmer, or may not be willing to fulfill his contract, and never get to his place of des? tination. The farmer ordering the man is the loser, but the State, nevertheless, gains a man. This should not be. If the Granges make up a fund to meet such cases, and put it in the hands of a responsible person, I could, when a farmer should lose a man, give an order on this fund to the farmer, to have his money refund? ed, so the loss falls equal on all. Cases where immigrants leave without repaying their pas? sage money are few and far between, but they have occurred, and may occur again, and should be guarded against It is reasonable to expect that the stream, once set in, will continue to flow, and that im? migrants will continue to arrive weekly. Our farmers are all desirous of having laborers now, as the crop has to be provided for, which is very reasonable; but as it is impossible to fill all orders at once, everybody should make a small sacrifice, aud order immigrants during the whole year, some work can be found for them during the interval. If immigrants should arrive during this and next month, and no work be found for them, they will go back and find work in the West, and South Carolina loses them, therefore the orders for immigrants should be regardless of time. Take them whenever they can be got. Another point I would dwell upon. The first impression made upon an immigrant is a lasting one, and when he is kindly cared for at the first offstart, he will be a better worker, and perform his labor faithfully, without being told to do so. As for their food, they require prin? cipally vegetables; potatoes, beans, peas, tur? nips, etc., all of which can be grown at a small expense on the farm. They also prefer wheat or rye bread to corn bread, beef and bacon ro'ght be given alternately, either fresh or salt? ed, as is most convenient, and with some coffee, tea and sugar, comprises the list of necessaries of life. They would like to live in comforta? ble nouses, such as have windows, but would also be satisfied with less for a short time; then in. a year or two the most industrious among them will be able to buy their own lands, and commence on their own account. Contracts are not made for them, but should be made man to man. The farmer engages a man for certain wages, and if mutually agreea? ble the contract is made, and the one becomes the master, and the other the servant, who has to obey all reasonable demands made upon him ; until that time both stand on the same platform, that of free white men. All seem to agree that immigration is a bles? sing for our country, and those who have tried the experiment thoroughly, are very much sat? isfied with the result of the same. At first there may bo a difficulty in the way, as the parties do not understand each other, but in a short time everything will work smoothly to their mutual benefit. In auother year those who have settled among us will write home to their friends in Europe, and those small letters are the best immigration agents which can be Srocured. Let a poor man write home: I am ere and well off, and his whole village will read the letter, and before the year is up. some other family from his neighborhood will come Erovided with money to settle in the neighbor ood of their townsman. In this manner the great West has been built up, and in this man? ner South Carolina can be built up too, if all good citizens only put their shoulders to the wheel, and help in this great undertaking. South Carolina must regain her prestige among the States of this great Union. F. MELCHERS. [Rural Carolinian for March