University of South Carolina Libraries
Washington News and Gossip. . * . Washington, January 11. Desperate and concerted efforts are beingr made in influential quarters to prevent the Senate from confirming the nomination of Mr. Cushing for Chief Justice. The extreme Rad? icals both in the Senate and House are raising a perfejct. howl over the appointment of a Dem? ocrat to the position of Chief Justice, the highest officejn the gift of the President, and 8 position which may under very possible con? tingencies be of more importance in a party point of view than that of the President him? self. With a two-thirds majority in Congress the President has practically no control over the legislation. But the Supreme Court has in its hand the final supervision of all legisla? tion, and from its veto there is no appeal. This being the case all Ralicaldom has taken the alarm. If a vote had been taken on Mr. Cushing's nomination on Friday afternoon he would have been confirmed by at least a two thirds vote. Now the result is believed by many to be somewhat doubtful. Yesterday the President was called on by a number of Sena? tors and Representatives of the advanced Rad? ical type, who ventured to remonstrate against his appointment of a Democrat to the supreme bench. Those members who were among the active ones in enacting the reconstruction legislation profess to have fears that Mr. Cushing, when once at the head of the Su? preme Court, would avail himself of the first opportunity to declare it unconstitutional. Among these, however, is not Mr. Sumner. It has been said that (Jen. Butler was instrumen? tal in securing the nomination of Mr. Cushing. Whether this be so or not, it seems to be sure that he is the only one of the Massachusetts Representatives who has expressed himself in approval of it. Mr. Boutwell, it is thought, will go with Mr. Sumner in voting for confir? mation. The cries against Mr. Cushing of being a Democrat and a secession Democrat seem rath? er strange in view of the fact that many of the shining lights of the Republican party would be compelled to answer guilty to the same charge. Mr. Cushing's course in the Democratic Convention of I860 is brought up, but as Gen. Butler has long since been forgiven for voting fifty times in the same convention to nominate Jefferson Davis for President, it would seem as if Mr. Cushing's offence at the same time might also be condoned. An hon? ored member of President Grant's -Cabinet is known to have been a secessionist by his out? spoken utterances on the stump in the spring of 1861. And so are plenty of leading Repub? licans in and out of Congress, whereas the truth of the matter is that Mr. Cushing cannot be charged with being a secessionist. As early as April,1861, he made in his native State of Massachusetts the strongest kind of a Union speech, and offered to take the field on that side. He was complimented with the offer of a position hereby Presideut Lincoln, for whom he voted in 1S64, and he voted for President Grant in 1868 and 1872. It is certainly rather remarkable that Mr. Cushing's Democratic antecedents should be brought up against him when high honors have been showered by the Republican party upon men who fought in the ranks of the Confeder? acy. As tb Mr. Cushing's States rights ideas, they cannot be more rigid than the doctrines in this sa?ne connection enunciated last winter from the supreme bench by a justice who was himself prominently spoken of as the succes? sor of Mr. Chase. If, as alleged, Mr. Cushing has expressed the opinion that the reconstruc? tion acts were unconstitutional there is no ne? cessity for any great alarm on the subject. There are not likely now to be any issues raised out of these acts, reconstruction itself having been accomplished, and so far as is known there is not now any disposition in any quarter to revive any dispute on the subject. Never? theless, the party objections to Mr. Cushing will assume greaj strength in the Senate, as among -those who have declared they would not vote for him are several of the most influ? ential administration Senators. It is also affirmed that some of the Democratic Senators will oppose his confirmation. An effort will be road&lo have the matter disposed of as early aswsstble". Late to-night the opponents of Mr. Cushing express more confidence than ever that he will be rejected. A list was exhibited with the names of thirty Republican Senators who, it is asserted^ will vote against him. Senator Schurz, it is said, will also vote against him. There is a vast deal of activity to-night both among his friends and enemies. Senator Sum? ner is doing heavy work for Mr. Cushing. He says that Mr. Cushing was the next penitent Democrat that came over after Gen. Butler, and he regards him as entirely sound on the reconstruction acts and the constitutional amendments. Washington, Jan. 12,1874. Very considerable opposition has developed itself as to the nomination of Mr. Cushing as Chief Justice. That opposition all takes shape from the allegation that he is not iu accord with the republican party upon the great meas? ures of reconstruction and the constitutional amendments which authorized them, and the fear is expressed that it may not be safe to trust him as the head of the Snpretne Court with these cardinal principles of the republican party, or, as a republican Senator expressed it, with the jewel of the party. The opposition is fomented largely by candidates with lingering hopes that they may take his place, in case Mr. Cushing is rejected. The animus of those op? posing Mr. Cushing may be understood upon hearing the remarks of a candidate for the Chief Justiceship from Missachusetts who came on the floor of the House to-day, and said to a brother member, "Have you heard the latest news ? It is said that the President has withdrawn Cushing's name for Chief Justice and nominated Jerry Black." Still, it is be? lieved by thinking men here that when Mr. Cushing's record is fairiy put before the Senate they will find that since the breaking out of the war (and Who of the Senate dare go back of that date ?) his record has been as good and firm on the side of his country as the most prominent republicans from the democratic party, such as Logan, Morton and Butler.? While Mr. Cushing has not been as noisy as gome of these, especially the last one named, in his profession of devotion to the republican party, it appears that he has been quite as* pa? triotic and effective in aiding all the leading measures of reconstruction. It was asserted in the Senatorial caucus, in an informal discus? sion, by a republican Senator to-day, that Mr. Cushing was the author of the original draft of the text of the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. General Butler was diligently engaged du? ring a good part of the day canvassing the Senate in favor of Mr. Cushing's confirmation. Conspicuous- among those who received his at? tention were Morton, Brownlow, Howe, Morrill, of Maine, and Carpenter, the first of whom did not seem to respond to the appeals made to him, but looked darkly out from his heavy brows and dissented from the arguments of the statesman of Essex, who, childlike and bland, browsed around uuconsoled. All day long eeuatore hob-nobbed in groups of twos and threes. Daring the debate on the subject of Cushing's confirmation and in bringing it at once to a vote the presiding officer had fre? quently to suspend all business and bring Sen? ators to their seats and customary attention to the matter in hand. Finally, pending a mo? tion of Senator Sherman to get the Senate to take up the special order, Edmunds moved an executive session to bring the long agony over the Chief Justiceship to an end, when, by a very decided vote in the affirmative on Sar geut's motion to adjourn, the Senate manifested its positive unwillingness to take up the con? sideration of the case of Caleb Cushing. It will be tried again to-morrow and a hot con? flict is expected, with what results no one pre? tends to know. Mr. Cushing has of late years hailed from Virginia, but when he found a hubbub raised over his nomination as Chief Justice he fell back upon the Massachusetts Senators for sup? port. It was amusing to see the Washington Chronicle, which only lives by the droppings from the tables of advertising clerks, paid by order of the administration, pitching into Sumner, hammer and tongs, for sustaining an administration nomination; but Sumner was not easily seared. His defence of Cushirig's position as to the reconstruction acts of Con? gress and his endorsement of him?although a friend of Judge Hoar?had a great effect. Neither was Boutwell inactive in advocating the claims, the political soundness and the loyalty of Caleb Cushing, "of Virginia." Washington, January 13. It was supposed, yesterday afternoon, when Senator Edmunds moved that the Senate go in? to executive session, that it was with the inten? tion of acting on the nomination of Caleb Cush? ing as chief justice of the United States. Sen? ator Edmunds, who is chairman of the commit? tee on the judiciary, having reported favorably on the nomination the same day it was made, and a motion for adjournment being immedi? ately thereafter made, was regarded as favorable to the nomination. Some of the senators, how? ever, voted for adjournment on account of the lateness of the hour, it being half-past four o'clock, while the larger number did not care formally to enter upon the consideration of the j subject until time should be afforded for further individual examination into the entire question. The caucus of Republican senators this morning was called especially to exchange views relative to the nomination, when it was discovered that the opposition was much greater than was sup? posed even by those who made up their minds to vote in the negative on the question of con? firmation. The meeting of the Senate, at noon, interrupted the further proceeding of the caucus but after an early adjournment the session of the caucus was resumed, when Senators Ed? munds, Coukling and Boutwell advocated the confirmation of Cushing. These were his prin? cipal advocates; but those who spoke on the other side were far more numerous, and before the discussion ended it was discovered that the friends of the nominee were in the minority. Finally the gentlemen whose names are above mentioned seemed to yield to the views of the majority. ' As the best indication of the views of the Senate, it can be positively stated that the members of the committee on the judiciary were requested to wait on the President in reference to the nomination. It was the gene? ral understanding that they should represent to him the feeling and views of the Republican senators upon the subject as adverse to the nomination. The opinion, therefore, prevails among them that the President, on liearing the statement, will withdraw the nomination. The objections urged against Mr. Cushing did not affect his legal qualifications for the posi? tion, but were based principally upon his politi? cal principles, heretofore declared in his official acts, which were considered as not beiug in accord with those entertained by the Repub? lican party. The Senators expressed their views with much unanimity aud with a posi tiveness which showed a deep objection to the nomination. Washington, January 14. Yesterday afternoon, before the Republican Senators resumed their caucus session, Scuator Sargent called upon the President and men? tioned to him the fact that he had received an annonymous letter in which it was stated that on the 21st of March, 1861, Caleb Cushing wrote a letter to Jefferson Davis strongly re? commending Archibald Roane, a clerk in the Attorney Generald's office, to Davis's favorable consideration. Roane having strong Southern sympathies, and being an able scholar, was a contributor to DeBow's Review, and while briefly alluding to the subjects which then divided the North and South, Cushing spoke of them as the course of a final separation of the Union, which he regarded as an accomplished fact. The President a short time thereafter applied to the Secretary of War for the origi? nal of this letter, which was produced, it being found among the captured Confederate archives. The President, on reading the letter, at once concluded to withdraw the nomination aud caused a communication to be written to the Senate for this purpose. The President, before he nominated Cushing, knew that this gentle? man had taken the State Rights view of the questions which agitated the country, just previous to the breaking out of the civil war, but that when Fort Sumter was fired upon, Cushing made a patriotic speech, and offered his services in a military capacity to assist iu EUtting down the rebellion. Other gentlemen ad, like Cushing, declared their opinion that the government had no right to coerce a State, yet when hostilities resulted, they were actively found on the side of the Uuion; but now that this letter to Jefferson Davis had come to light, stating so broadly disunion views, the Presi? dent, notwithstanding his high appreciation of Mr. Cushing's legal attainments, resolved to withdraw his name, apprehensive that his opinions, as expressed in the past, might inju? riously affect the decisions of the Supreme Court in the event of his confirmation as Chief Justice. The President called an extra Cabinet meet- j ing to-day, which continued for nearly two ! hours, during which the subject of the Chief! Justiceship was considered. A short time before the President's priyate Secretary started for the Capitol, a long letter from Mr. Cushing, through Gen. Butler, was received by the Pres? ident, in which the writer thanks the President for his kindness, and particularly for nomina? ting him for the great office of Chief Justice, and, as if in contradiction of the numerous charges against him from newspapers and other sources, Be expressed his conviction of the propriety of the several amendments to the constitution added since the late civil war; and, in conclusion, he asks that his nomination be withdrawn from the Senate. The President detained the private Secretary, and added to the message of withdrawal a postscript stating that since the message was written yesterday, he had received a Tetter from Mr. Cushing, a copy of which he enclosed, deeming it an act of justice to that gentleman to lay the same be? fore the Senate. As soon as tho postscript was written the private Secretary left the Executive mansion for the purpose of delivering the mes? sage to the Senate. The message was accom? panied by Cubbing's letter to Jefferson Davis as the ground on which the nomination is withdrawn, and also the letter of Cushing to President Grant, to which reference is above made. The original letter of Cushing to Da? vis is in possession of the War Ddepartment. Senator Sargent has a copy of it, which he procured yesterday, by virtue of his Senatorial privilege, and which was exhibited by him to the caucus. Efforts to obtain a copy for publi? cation have thus far proved unsuccessful, as the paper is considered confidential. Nothing has yet been concluded as to a new nominee for Chief Justice. It is supposed in official quarters, that Cushing will soon leave Wash? ington for Madrid. Washington, January 14. The following is the letter of Gen. Cushing requesting the withdrawal of his nomination : To the President?Sir : Animated by the sense of profound gratitude for the honor you have done me in nominating me to the high office of Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, aud perceiving that the continuance of my name before the Senate may be the cause or occasion of inconvenience to yourself or your political friends, therefore I respectfully request you to withdraw the nomi? nation. Permit me to add that the charges of disloyalty to the Union and the Constitution which have been brought against me in this connection are utterly destitute of foundation in truth or in fact. I indignantly repel the imputation. In the time anterior to the com? mencement of hostilities in the Northern States every act of ray political life, in whatever re? lation of parties, was governed by the single dominant purpose of aiming to preserve the threatened integrity of the Union, and to avert from my country the calamity of its disruption and of consequent fratricidal carnage. How could such a purpose be promoted otherwise than by a political association or personal in? tercourse with citizens, of different States, in? cluding tho?e of States professedly disaffected to the Union? Sould the only possible means of laboring to prevent civil war be stigmatized as disloyalty to the constitution ? But imme? diately on the occurrence of the first act of hostility to the Union being struck in the State of South Carolina, I took my stand with the Union and its government. I publicly an? nounced my adhesion to them in the most une? quivocal terms. I tendered my services to the government in the field or in any other way which might testify my fidelity to it, and I have continued from that day to this, as well as in official as unofficial action, to tread in the path of unswerving devotion to the Union, whether during the actual progress of hostilities against it, or in the consequent events of its reconstruc? tion, and of the successive amendments of the constitution rendered necessary by the changed conditions and relations of the several States of the United States and of their respective inhabitants. The recent amendments of the constitution, each and all of them, as they were in turn adopted, and the legislative acts for their enforcement and for accomplishing reconstruction, had my co-operation and adhe? sion, and I have supported them constantly, if not in political debates, from which my com? paratively reserved habits of life afforded neith? er occasion nor opportunity, yet in legal opin? ion, or in the courts, and in counsel or discussion with officers of the government, members of Congress and private persons, I entertained the same general respect for these amend? ments as for other provisions of the constitu? tion, and also rendered the special observance due to them as the just and necessary incidents of the reconstruction of the Union. While my nomination was undergoingconsideration in the Senate, it would have been unbecoming forme to speak in explanation of my acts or my opinions, but now, with relative indifference to whatever else may have been said, either honestly or maliciously, to my prejudice, it belongs to my sense of public duty, and it is my right, to reaffirm and I to declare that have never, in the long course of a not inactive life, done an act, uttered a word or conceived a thought of disloyalty to the Constitution or the Union. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, (Signed) C. Cushing. A Disease-Desteoying Teee.?The fol? lowing paragraph appeared in the Medical Times and Gazette, and has been copied into some of the newspapers: "M. Girabert, who has been long engaged in collecting evidence concerning the Australian tree, Eucalyptus Globulus, the growth of which is surprisingly rapid, attaining, besides, gigantic dimensions, has addressed an interesting communication to the Academy of Sciences. This plant, it now appears, posseses an extraordinary power of destroying miasmatic influence in fever-strick? en districts. It has the singular property of absorbing ten times its weight of water from the soil, and of emitting antiseptic camphorous effluvia. When sown in marshy ground, it will dry it up in a very short time. The Eng? lish were the first to try it at the Cape, and within two or three years they completely changed the climatic condition of the un? healthy parts of the colony. A few years later, its plantation was undertaken on a large scale in various parts of Algeria. At Pardock, twenty miles from Algiers, a farm situated on the bauks of the Hamyze, was noted for its extremely pestilential air. In the Spring of 1S67, about 18,000 of the eucalyptus were planted there. Iu July of the same year?the time when the fever-season used to set in?not a single case occurred; yet the trees were not more than nine feet high. Since then, com? plete immunity from fever has been maintained. In the neighborhood of Constantine, the farm of Ben Machydlin was equally in bad repute. It was covered with marshes both in winter and summer. In five years, the whole ground was dried up by 14,000 of these trees, and farmers and children enjoy excellent heabh. At the fact* ry of the Gue de Constantine, in three years a plantation of eucalyptus has transform? ed twelve acres of marshy soil into a magpifi cant park, whence fever has completely disap? peared. In the Island of Cuba, this and all other paludal diseases are fast disappearing from all the unhealthy districts where this trae has been introduced. A station-house at one of the ends of a railway viaduct in the depart? ment of the Var was so pestilential that the officials could not be kept there longer than a year. Forty of these trees were planted, and it is now as healthy as any other place on the line. We have no information as to whether this beneficent tree will grow in other than hot climates. We hope that experiments will be made to determine this point. It would be a good thing to introduce it on the west coast of Africa." ? A Kentucky newspaper has been search? ing for some evidence of the existence of an honest man in the history of that State, and has discovered one away back in 1814. He bought a horse for &li}, when the seller asked $65 for him. Taking the animal home the man became persuaded that he was well worth the price asked, and went back and insisted on paying the other $20. The year 1814 is the very latest date at which any such man could be discovered. From the Pickens Sentinel. Drainage Again. Messes. Editoes : As you profess to be en? tirely favorable to the objects of the fr ends of a general Drainage Law, permit me to correct a serious misapprehension which yo 1 have fallen into, in reference to the plan p oposed by the Drainage meeting held at Picke i*. II you will re-peruse the proceedings of tlw meeting you will find that it is expressly stated that the drainage of the lands of the petition tioners is to be done at their expense ; but in certain contingencies, the aid of the County is solicited, not by way of increased taxation, but by issuing County bonds, redeemable in five or eight years, by a tax on the lands to be re? claimed. The first great contingency, and the greatest difficulty to be overcome in the drain? age of bottom lands, is the numerous mill dams thrown across our streams as artificial obstruc? tions. And here h the first great defect in the old law, and the existence of which has ren? dered it practically a dead letter on the statute book. The fact that said law has stood on our statute book for the last eighteen years, and that the evils it proposed to remedy are greater now than at any previous time in our history, is prima facia evidence that the old law is rad? ically defective. To meet this contingency, the meeting at Pickens proposed that a Board of Health, consisting of two physicians with the county commissioners, should be organized in each county, who should be specially charged with the great public duty of drainage, as a necessary sanitary and agricultural reform, and they should abate said obstructions, either by requiring a flood-gate in each dam, or, if upon a scientific survey, the entire removal of said dam should be deemed necessary, then a rea? sonable compensation should be assessed the owner of said property, which assessment should be provided for by the issuing of county bonds as aforesaid. Where is the injustice of such a proceeding? Is not the county deeply interested in this great subject of drainage, both as to health and agricultural development? And is not the public partly responsible for the present disastrous condition of things, by rea? son of the arbitrary construction of the com? mon law, giving one man, practically, the right to confiscate the lands of all his neighbors to his own private uses, and in so doing to scatter the seeds of disease and death throughout whole communities? And is it not right and just, in such a contingency, to afford the aid required by the county, which can be so easily done without adding materially to the burdens of taxation ? Another contingency is this, and right here may be traced the cause of the fail? ure of all the attempts hitherto at drai.iage under the old law. I he cupidity and obstina? cy of persons, some of whom may bo found in every community, who absolutely refuse to pay a dime of the expense, though they may re? ceive a corresponding benefit with their neigh? bors, in any general system of drainage. We need the aid of the county authorities in all such cases, to force a just compliance with the requirements of a sound public policy, through the power of taxation. In this way only, it seems to us, can this difficulty be overcome. If the subject of drainage is of sufficient impor? tance, as a means of sanitary and agricultural improvement, to justify a public endorsement, then the necessary powers to carry it out, fol? lows as a natural consequence. Take an illus? tration : A ship sails from Havana or New Orleans, laden with a valuable cargo, for the port of Charleston. The telegraph wires flash the intelligence that the yellow fever has broken out in those cities, and as the vessel ar? rives off the bar at Charleston, she is halted and subjected to quarantine, at a heavy expense to the owners of vessel and cargo. And if the taint of disease is found amoug her passengers or in her cargo, she will be absolutely forbidden to land at all. Very arbitrary, you would say, and yet very necessary for the public good. A man erects a business house in your town, and it soon becomes obnoxious and offensive to the public; he will be arbitrarily required to abate said nuisance at his own expense. In regard to drainage the same rule will hold good, though in a modified form. These und rained bottom lands have become, in numerous cases, noxious sources of malaria, causing serious injury to the public health, and especially is this a no? ticeable fact in the neighborhood of mill dams. Becoming detrimental to the public health, these dams should be abated?and we know of no better planVthan the one proposed. In many coses the flood-gates may answer every purpose; in other cases, where the stream is sluggish, and vast bodies of bottom lauds are thus injured by said obstructions, it may be necessary to remove them entirely. One other remark, and I shall conclude. The argument that because said bottom lauds would be increased in value by drainage, that therefore, as a matter of justice, the owners of said lands should bear the whole expense, is shorn of all its force when it is remembered that this increased value is merely the rightful restoratiou to the land owner of an original valuation, which has been wrested from him by the operation of an effete public custom. Even as late as fifteen years ago. many of these lands were yielding fine crops of corn, but are now utterly worthless for the purposes of cul? tivation, for want of drainage caused by mill dams. The special obligations which the land owner is under in such cases are very near akin to that of the unfortunate traveler who is ar? rested on the highway by the robber, who de? mands his life or his money. Of course, his money is given for his life. But here the simile fails. After the land owners had given up their valuable lands to the insatiable demands of this Moloch, then the insufferable demand is super added, "Give me your life!" This is the feath? er that breaks the camel's back. Respectfully, THOS. H. RUSSELL. Extent and Cost of Ameeican Rail eoads.?The Railway Monitor foots up the United State? railroad mileage at 71,564 miles, with second track and sidings of 13,512 miles, making a totai of siugle track of 85,076 miles. Locomotives, 14,223; passenger train cars, in? cluding baggage, express and smoking cars, 13,725 ; freight train cars of all sorts, 338,427 ; total capital stock, ?2,072,251,954, or about ?28,956 per mile; total floating and funded debt, $1,999,741,597, or $27,957 per mile ; total cost of railroads and equipments, $3,728,416, 958, or $52,099 per mile. Total gross traffic of railroads for latest year obtainable was $478, 885,597, and total net receipts over and above operating expenses, $174,350,913. These earn? ings are based on 54,454 miles of road, that being the total of which earnings are reported ; and hence the net iucome of railroads applica? ble to the payment of interest and dividends amounted to about $3,201 per mile on the 54,454 miles operated. The renewal of con? fidence in all business circles, and the disap? pearance of the worst phases, financially, of the late panic, has had an effect for the better i on the rail and iron market. A more cheerful feeling all around is to bo noticed, and prog? nostications of a good business for 1874 are re? iterated. - - , ,? ? No other living thing can go so slow as a boy on an errand. ' The Lien Laws. It is an easy matter to confound the effect with the cause. To over-look the beginning, in the bitter end, to curse the failure rather than the folly. The hard fortunes that have been meeted out to many of our worthy farmers, and the grinding poverty that is staring them in the face have conspired to render odious in their minds the provisions of the lien laws. Dis? couraged and embittered by the failure of the crops, the depression of values, and the hard effects of the panic they are disposed to mur? mur at the law, instead of the times. They regard all the poverty in the land as the result of the lien laws. In this they mis? take the effect for the cause, for the lien law is but the grim, visible, outstanding effect of the hard times, and not the cause. Men clamor against the law and urge its re eal, as if by this simple process riches are to e created, credit re-established, and prosperity restored. The press ever ready to pander to the popu? lar whim, has caught up the cry and the au? thors of the lien law are denounced heartily as Gradgrinds, Quilps and Shylocks. Now this whole hue aud cry is contemptible stuff?an unmanly whining over misfortunes that can not be helped. Suppose they do repeal it, how is that to better the matter ? It cannot be retroactive like the salary grab; it will not release anyone from a single obligation; nor will it make money any plentier or more available. Meu will not advance money without security. The law does not compel any man to execute a lien ; it is a voluntary matter between man and man. The farmer must be his own judge of the propriety of the venture, just as the mer? chant or the factor is of the security. If either party is not competent to transact the business, then let a court of lunacy be called in, and a guardian appointed. Not that we would insin? uate that the farmer, executing a lien on his crop, was a fit subject for a writ of lunacy?far from it. We conceive that in many instances, it is a judicious venture. It enables them to carry on the farming operation, whereas, with? out it, they would have to let their fields lie idle, and their hands be folded in indolence. If through the vicissitudes of fortune they have lost the venture, it is no fault of theirs, aud it was far better to fail in an honest effort to suc? ceed, than it would have been to sit and whine about hard times. It is quite fashionable *iow for persons to ' lecture the public about going in debt. "Keep out of debt, pay the money down ; that's the way to go," complacently say these economists. Their advice is almost as sensible as that of the unfortunate Maria Antoinette, who when the fierce cry of the mob for bread, penetrated the gilded halls of the palace, and touched I her dainty ear?asked "What is that the peo? ple want?" "They want bread, your Majesty, they are famishing for bread." "No bread, the people have no bread?then let them eat cake." So write our economists ; if the farmer can't get credit without giving a lien, let him pay cash. "Ah, but where is the cake to come from, your Majesty." Only this remains for the farmer to do, those who have tried the lien law and found it op? pressive, can profit by their experience and let it alone in future. Those who have by its instrumentalities been enabled to keep their operations active, may possibly need its help aga i n.?A t laut a Coin mon wea Uk. What is a (Grange ? The Farmer's Advocate says this is a question which we have often answered both through the columns of our paper and privately. We give below one of the most concise and perfect explanations of the Grange and its objects that we ever met, and recommend it to the study and reflection of all who feel an interest in this im? portant movement. It is an organization of farmers. It has for its object improvement. It is designed to elevate and enlighten the far? mer. It would qualify him for his God-given profession. It aims to bring about these objects by association. It unites those of the same calling into one great brotherhood for the pro? tection of all. Itestablishes in every neighbor? hood a lecture room?which is the Grange itself ?in which the importaut truths are unfolded. It disseminates valuable information, that all may be benefited. It is an intellectual institu? tion. Itcalls for an exercise of mind. It brings mind in contact with mind, and yet, by the con? tact, other minds are illuminated by the friction. It draws out our talent. It makes active and tangible what has been before dormant and un? seen. It shows the importance of cultivating brains as well assoil. It demonstrates the fact that as rich harvests are developed by brain culture, that a great crop of weeds has grown up and smothered out the useful plants by neg? lect of brain culture. The Grange is a social institution. It makes a grand brotherhood and sisterhood. It unites by strong ties those that have before been strangers. It makes each feel an interest in all, and all in each. It heals up the wounds of the unfortunate. It administers comforts to the sick, and elevates the suffering of the distressed. It is a husband to the widow and a lather to the orphan. It makes every neighborhood one kind, affectionate family. It seeks to obtain for its members the highest price for their produce. It looks to the good of all. It learns now and when the prize can be obtain? ed. It cuts the Gordian knot which has bound the farmer to the middle man, who has absorb? ed the chief profits of his labor. It buys the necessaries of life where they can be got cheap? est and best. It throws its protecting arms over and around all, and would make them more independent. The Slanderous Tongue.?The tongue of slander is never tired. In one way or another it manages to keep itself in constant employ? ment. Some times it drips honey and some? times gall. It is bitter now, and then sweet. It insinuates or assails directly, according to the circumstance. It will hide a curse under a smooth word and administer poison in the phrase of love. Like death it "loves a shin? ning mark," and it is never so available and eloquent as when it can blight the hopes of j the noble-minded, soil the reputation of the pure, break down the character of the brave j and the strong. What pleasure man or woman can find in j such work, we have never been able to# see. j And yet there is a pleasure of some sort in it to multitudes, or they would not betake them? selves to it. Some passion of the soul or body must be gratified by it. But no soul in high estate can take delight in it. They often serve to polish the slanderous tongue, increase its ? tact, and give its suppleness and strategy to do j its death work. ? Fleas have a special fancy for women, | small children and dogs. Fleas much dislike ; the smell of tobacco and whiskey, and hence seldom trouble a man. In their tastes they are much unlike the Indian. To capture and exe? cute ft flea confers more happiness upon a rep? resentative of the female sex than wearing a new bonnet in a crowd for the same length of. time. Treatment of Immigrants. Every thinking man is satisfied that immi? gration is one of the most important subjects that can engage the attention of South Caroli? nians. The people are becoming alive to its importance, and are beginning to put forth efforts to induce an influx of foreign labor. We need it in the town, in the country, in our workshops, aad at the plow. The efforts to induce immigration are now being crowned with success, and no one who has the good of his country at heart will fail to assist or know? ingly do anything to impede the work. But there is something differeut from the course heretofore pursued that is necessary to retain foreigners after they have come, and through tkeir representations, to make others eager to come, and that is a change, a radical change, in the manner of treating them. They must not be expected to be satisfied with coarse fare and poor accommodations. They must have neat and comfortable cottages, and such fare as they have been used to. They should be paid promptly and liberally. They should be treat? ed kindly and courteously, and not in a harsh and unreasonably dictatorial manner. Those who were once accustomed to command must learn to give their order as to equals. Pa? tience, too, must be brought into requisition. They are not to be expected to adapt them? selves immediately to our manners and customs. They must be instructed in our modes of culti? vating the soil when their own is different and inferior. They are not to be made the subjects of insulting remarks, nor the laughing stock of senseless idlers. They must not be inter? rupted in the observance of their peculiar cus? toms when not illegal. If any are desirous of purchasing land, it should be sold to them on reasonable and easy terms. It is the habit of some farmers to look upon these foreigners as mean hirelings who deserve no better treatment than one of their favorite dogs. They should not be expected to stand such. Being far from home and friends, while they are doubly sensi? tive to kindness, such treatment is highly irri? tating. No wonder we hear of dissatisfaction. No wonder they go from oue place to another, hoping by change to better their surroundings. If nonest, and they should be supposed so until found out to be otherwise, they are equal to their honest employer, and superior to their dishonest employer, and therefore should be treated with consideration. If our people will thus deport themselves to the stranger immigrant when he comes, he will feel that he has found a home, and he would not be human, if he did not desire and encour? age the friends he left over the water to come and labor among a people so just and liberal to himself. In addition to the dictate of human? ity and honesty, policy requires us to act to? ward the immigrant in an equitable manner. "Honesty," in this instauce, "is the best poli? cy." It is very true the immigration movement is no work of benevolence to foreigners. Self is the most prominent figure in this, as in every? thing else. But the very best way to serve self is to extend the hand of friendship to the strangers, and not to withdraw it as soon as they accepted it and come here on the faith of it. We give the land owners of South Caroli? na the credit of having sufficient shrewdness to seize upon the advantage now in their pow? er. We hope soon to see an immigration society in every county of the State, aud a de? termination to make a friend of every foreiguer who sees fit to cast his lot in South Carolina. Let not this movement be a bubble of caprice, a mushroom notion, a thin whim, to be bursted, smashed and dispersed at the first blow of diffi? culty, but a resolute determination, the off? spring of necessity, unalterable aud indefatiga? ble.?dewberry Herald. - ? > m Immigrants Should be Landed Proprietors. Tho subject, of immigration has received careful discussion throughout the State, and many suggestions have been offered as to the best method of giving permanency to the movement. In a late number of the Charles? ton ivctt'tf and Courier, the matter is discussed by Wm. E. Simmons, jr., in favor of making land proprietors of the immigrants as the surest means of identifying them with the for? tunes of the State. We have room only for the conclusion of Mr. Simmons' article: It is manifestly the interest of individuals as well as communities to make peasant proprie? tors of tho immigrants who come among them. But how is the desirable object to be effected in South Carolina? By giving the land to the im? migrants. In our Stato there is over 16,000,000 acres of farmablo land, not a fourth of which is improved and under cultivation. The re? mainder is held in large tracts, not one of which would sell for anything like the figure at which it is assessed. In fact, the bulk of it is unsalable, and a burden to the proprietors. If this land were divided into sections of ten or fifteen acres, and each alternate section con? veyed in fee simple to a settling family, the re? maining sections would increase from ten to twenty-fold in value, and the general prosperi? ty of the State be proportionately enhanced. Lifo occupancy or long lease of the land would not prove near so beneficial as conveyance in fee simple to the settler, because he would not, in that case, feel "the magic of property," which is the real stimulus to progressive in? dustry. When the settling immigrant is too poor to stock his farm, it would be a profitable investment to loan him the necessary capital and take a mortgage on his farm, being careful, however, always to give him a fair chance of paying off the mortgage. In Continental Eu? rope nearly every peasant, on buying a piece of land, stocks it this way, and it is an agreea? ble fact, very creditable also to the peasants, that such mortgages are almost always paid off. The plan I havo suggested of giving immi? grants land, is, as everybody knows, anything but new. But, heretofore, want of an agency to carry it into effect has rendered it impracti? cable. Such an agency we now have in the Granges, which are planted in every county of the Stato. Let eaoh landholder report to his nearest Grange how much land he can give Lot the secretaries of the Granges keep a record of the land thus offered, and communicate with Dr. Newman at Castle Garden, New York, with the German Society of Charleston, or perhaps even with Mr. Joseph Arch in Eng? land. In a short time large numbers of desi? rable immigrants could thus be attracted to our State -immigrants who would prefer to locate in South Carolina, but are now carried to tho far-off plains of the West by the inducement of cheaper land. In undertaking this work, the Granges would also assume the position of arbitrators between the landholder and the immigrants, to insure that justice is done on both sides. From a knowledge of nu? merous discussions that have recently occurred in the Granges, I feel confident that they are ripe for the work I propose, and that the initia? tive step only need oe taken to insure the suc? cessful accomplishment of the end. The impori,anco of this work to the welfare of the State is such that the majesty of its pro? portions dwarf all others into insignificance, and it has the additional merit of forming another link in the great chain of effort which is now making for the physical and moral elevation of the human race. ? A country lady tells of a smart wife that helped her husband to raise seventy acres of wheat. The way she helped him was to stand in the doorway and shake a broom at him when he S'tt down to rest. ? An Irishman quarreling with an Eng? lishman, told him that if he didn't hold his tongue he would break his impenetrable head and let the brains out of his empty skull.