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HOYT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON 0. H? S. C, THURSDAY MORNING, JANUARY 15, 1874. VOLUME PL-NO. 27. For the Anderson Intelligencer. Stabled Cotton Seed as a Manure for Cotton. Mr. Editor: For two years I have used this manure (almost exclusively) for cotton, applying only fifty to seventy-five pounds of guano per acre, with the planted seed, in bot? tom ?nd. c n \ f i ??; ?, :. Previous fothediBCovery of thhi manure, I used guano almost entirely.. My success with this manure has given the greatest satisfaction, exceeding any guano I have tried, and I have used the best kinds. I will state the results of the nse of this manure. I live near the north? ern limit of the.cotton belt?almost under -the shade of the Sine Ridge. The lands planted are very old, mostly in sedge 27 years ago, when j I became in possession of them. They were; originally good for. this part of the country, and have been planted in cotton almost con? tinually for 20 years, except during the war* The yield of the crop last year from 55 acres mis 43 bales, of 420 lbs. This year 40 acres have made 35 hales, of 430 lbs. These crops were made entirely with this manure, except 75 lbs. of guano to the acre on half the land! ?(bottom) each year. Had the caterpillar not! injured 20 acres "of this year's crop, the_y$e|d would iave been hot less than ten bales more, wWch would hive been 44-bates "front 40 ?cres. I feel certain of this yield, as the same land; made 1,430 lbs. per acre last year and only 750: this, which is the better cotton year of the tWO.. .; , ? . .; j The mode of making and applying this ma? nure is dimple and easy, but requires attention.' I will state, in the first place, I have four mules; and one horse, and do.not make any of it du? ring the months of June, July and August, asjl it'would endanger the health of the place. . The mules stand naltered in separate stalls, | and in each one I pot about 35 bnshels of seed right from the gia house. These seed are! stirred daily with a manure fork, mixing the! excrement thoroughly with the seed; every; other day would do,'but it is better done every:! day, only requiiing about twenty minutes to doit ? j i find it requires about twenty days to geil them thoroughly mingled with the excrement. At the expiration of this time they are carried out and deposited in an open log house, well-1 covered, and remain till I am ready to put! them ou the land. Occasionally they should be thrown about in this house to prevent burning, j or. fire-fanging. Burning deteriorates their , value, and it cannot be obviated, unless a very large shelter is used, or mixed with something else that will prevent the escape of ammonia, which is objectionable, as it increases greatly the labor of hauling and applying. I apply them by preparing the land just as I Would for any other manure, which should be deep and close. I apply about 35 bushels per; acre; 20 or 25 is enough for old red land, as they will burn the crop in a dry time on this kind of land. On low, moist land, 40 bushels or more I would not be too much, but when this quantity is put on, the plow should be run through them after they are deposited in the furrow, mingling the soil with them, so they will not! present any mechanical obstruction to the roots of the plant while young and delicate. In fact, this is a good plan with all manures, but more particularly where they are abundantly j applied. I bed on them as with other mapure. | What X chum for this manure is that it is the only substitute for guano?that is, it is the only manure, except guano, that can be exten aively used. Of course, it can not be hauled j and applied as easily and as rapidly as guano, .1 but four mules can haul enough for four or five j acres at one load, and three hands can apply them about as fast as one can guano. I use bandied bushel baskets in distributing them. Many farmers say they have not seed enough to make this manure. I reply that I bought no seed for last year's crop or this, but sold over 200 bushels, and had about this much left after planting cotton this year. If 300 or 1000 lbs. of seed cotton are made per acre, it will be sufficient to manure the same land. In conclusion, I will say that those of my neighbors who have followed this example, and those who have seen the'crops, verify all Fsay about it. If the farmers of the country will carry out this plan as" statedlSHd are hot great? ly delighted with the.result, I shall be sadly ^appointed.-' ? - \ The general use of cotton seed applied in this way would ruin every guano company and save millions of dollars to the planters. I hope I'm not over sanguine about this matter. I try to be practical. If any fanner, after testing this manure, thinks he has been sufficienty benefitted to do so, he can send a bale of cotton or a button (either <w?i be'satis&ctory compensation) to .Jt ?... jr. ^ORAWPOED. Cold Spring, Piclena Co., Dec. 29, 1873. &?tf&tkx Repttblicanism.?The benefi? cence of negro rule in South Carolina receives afteab illustration from the report of the Comp Jroller-Geoerialr to the Legislature, in which is jgiven a list of lands forfeited to the State for the non-payment of taxes during the year end Jug October 31,1873. The report gives a stand? ing revelation of the poverty to which many of the people have been reduced by bad govern* menfc and extortionate taxes, in showing what a large amount of property has been l?st to the owners by reason of their inability to pay a small1 sum of money. The whole amount of delin? quent payments was $32,358, and for the fail? ure to pay this no less than 268,523 acres of land and 309. buildings -were sold. Another significant point is shown in the excessive penalties, and costs which the negro govern? ment of South Carolina, like the Kellogg usur? pation in Louisiana, imposes upon delinquent tax papers. For while the amount of delin? quent taxes, at first levied, was only $20,303? the difference between those two sums, $11,955, being made up by the penalties, costs, and fees imposed upon delinquents. These are inter-1 eating figures for the friends of progress and of 1 Republicanism in the South to contemplate.? Wilmington Journal, Washington Hews and Gossip. Washington, Jan. 4,1874. A rumor is afloat here that before the lapse of many days a republican member of the House will submit to that body a somewhat bold and startling proposition for the relief of the Sonth -ern States from their present disheartening financial embarrassments. This proposition, it is said, will be to advance to the Southern States several hundred millions of cash, or its equivalent, and partly in consideration of the heavy losses suffered by the Southern States in the loss of their slave property. Of course there n no hope of the success of any such scheme this side of the Presidential election of 1876; but suppose you have an ambitious re? publican or two intent upon a new departure for 1876, you will perceive that, in gaining the good will of the South, through the proposition suggested, the republican leading off in this movement will secure some capital to build upon. It seems to be understood here that a g'owerful bolt'from the administration party is ound to be made For the campaign of 1876, and so if some leading republicans during this session of Congress shall lead off in some move* meat for the Southern vote not set down in the .administration programme you need not be surprised. When the nomination of Chief Justice Wil? liams comes up in. executive session, which may not be for several days, as the Judiciary Committee is not in a hurry to make a report, Senators Chandler and Con kling .will first try to rally the administration Senators to the sup? port of Mr. Williams on purely party grounds. If a rejection stares them in the face, then they will try the game of adjournment, and Conk ling will try to pass his compromise arrange? ment, already mentioned in these dispatches, to abolish the office of Chief Justice as a Pres dential* appointment. It is now considered certain that Mr. Williams will be rejected, the latest acquisition to the opponents being Sena? tor Frehnghuyson, making six of the seven members of the Judiciary Committee opposed to his confirmation. In accordance with the promise made in his Message, the President will to-morrow send to Congress the correspondence relating to the case of the Virginius. As prepared at the State Department, it embraces the whole or virtually the whole documentary history of the case, beginning with the first telegraphic in? structions tc Minister Sickles to inform the Spanish government what the demands of our government would be if the then unofficial news should be confirmed, and including the correspondence with General Sickles, which ended in the: acceptance of his resignation, and the opinion of the Attorney General concern? ing the status of the vessel. According to programme, the Civil Bights, bill will be the first thing after the morning hour in the House of Representatives, and Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, is to open the debate. In order to guard against any mistake or misrep? resentation of bis views, Mr. Stephens has, for the twenty-second time in his life, prepared a written speech. In this address Mr. Stephens states, first, the grounds upon which he does not oppose the bill; and, next, some of those upon'Which he does oppose it. In this order of division he declares, first, that he is not op? posed to the bill because of any disinclination to have awarded to tbe colored race the full en? joyment of all their civil rights. He is not opposed to the colored race having the amplest justice done them as equals before the law. Second, his opposition springs from no preju? dice against race, color or previous condition of servitude. He is for equal justice to all. Third, in tbe administration of justice, which he maintains to be the real source of peace, harmony in all societies or States, governments, in his opinion, should not be influenced by the common yet pernicious dogma of the "greatest good to the greatest number," but the higher, better rule of the greatest good to all without detriment or injury to any. In stating his rea? sons affirmatively for opposing the bill, accord? ing to his method of treating it, Mr. Stephens assigns but two. First, the want of constitu? tional power to enact it On this head, Mr. Stephens goes into a full discussion of the ? powers conferred by the new articles of the amendment of the constitution as they stood, and without any inquiry as to how they became incorporated into the organic law. He quotes largely from a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, delivered at its last term, known as the "Slaughter House cases/' and also from another decision afterwards made by the same Court at the same terra, which, he maintains, fully Bustains him on the constitu? tional question. The fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, so far as they relate to the sub? ject under consideration, he contends, are only protection, against State legislation, and confer no new powers upon Congress. The rights secured to the colored race are to be enforced in the same way that the rights secured to that race, as well as the. white race, under other like prohibitions in the constitution before the amendments were made?that is, not by mu? nicipal acts of Congress operating over the people of the several States, hut by the judg? ment of all courts declaring that all such hos? tile State legislation is null and of no effect. Secondly, Mr, Stephens opposes the bill upon the ground of expediency; even if there was any necessity for the passage of any such measure, it should be left to the State Legisla? ture. On this point he maintains that the powers claimed by the bill, even if vested in Congress, had better be left to the States, in view of the whole nature, spirit and history of our government. If there is any truth more prominent than all others in that history, it is the fact that the germinal -principle of all our free institutions was the great right of local self-government by the States. The great issue of constitutionalism on the one side and cen? tralism on the other must soon be met in this country. The dawn of a new epoch in the politics of the United States is upon us. The elements of present party organizations will soon fall into a new alignment. Of this issue Mr. Stephens maintains that whatever party, by whatever name, whether republican, demo? cratic or any other which shall plant itself on the old Jeffersonian creed, will, at no distant day, win as signal a triumph as the same party didinl800. Washington, January 6,1874. The Senate, in executive session, to-day con? firmed Caleb Cushing, of Virginia, to be En? voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentia? ry to Spain, vice Daniel E. Sickles, recalled at bi? own request. Tbe Cabinet session to-day was attended by I all the members, and lasted about two hours. The condition of affairs in Spain was under consideration, and several dispatches from Mr. Sickles to Secretary Fish were read. They contain no matters of interest not already published fn tbe regular press dispatches. The opinion in official and diplomatic circles is that the Spanish Republic is practically ended. There was no reference in tbe Cabinet sessions to the nomination of Judge Williams to the Chief Justiceship, and thero is no authority for saying that tne President has indicated to any one auy iutention of withdrawing his nomination. i It was remarked about the Capitol to-day I that Congress was making history when a Boston born negro, a pure specimen of the black race and representative of the district for which Calhoun once sat in the Houbo, rose to reply to the late Vice President of tbe Southern Con? federacy, and made what is universally admit? ted to be the speech of years for eloquence and force. The theme was consonant with all else, being the civil and legal rights of a class of citizens tvho, a few years agd,were not citizens at all, and had just enough civil, and legal rights to discriminate them from non-human animals. Congressman Elliott did not spare the aged Georgian orator, but turned against him his efforts as the second officer of the slave oligarchy to blot out the name of these United States, in whose national ball of Representa? tives he yesterday strove to postpone the day of justice for the colored man by glittering generalities, dreary platitudes and pure abstrac? tions of human rights and liberties. It had been arranged that General Butler should close the debate on the Civil Rights bill, after Mr. Elliott had finished his speech, but the tipje between his finish and adjournment was filled up by further debate and business, and so the debate went over without the speech that Gen. Butler will now, in all probability, never make. It is no longer a secret that the bill did not meet the approval of President Grant, and those who have either desired to know the Executive pleasure in advance of legislative action or who openly or in secret dislike the measure now know the fact just stated. If no change be wrought on the floor of the House to-morrow, from present intention the bill will be recom? mitted to the Judiciary Committee on the ->re-: tence of recasting it for the purpose of gettmcr tbe amendments in their proper places an3 removing objections to phraseology and ambi? guity, and it will be no more heard of during the present session. The President's assigned reasons for casting a prospective veto toward the bill may be summarized as follows: He is opposed to mixed schools so long as any prejudices of race! and color exist, preferring that the contest, if there must be one, be fought out by the adults at the ballot boxes, and youth and education left as free as possible from disturbance. Sec? ond, the bill, reduced to practical propositions, means social equality formulated into law and enforced by legal punishments, and against this very thing the exponents of the republican ?arty have pledged themselves time and again, bird, the bill is an attempt to forestall the slower but healthier operation of public opin? ion upon a subject that cannot be handled in any other way, and will be productive of de? plorable mischief to both races all over the Union. Fourth, it is a strong measure, entire-' ly confined in its practical operations to the Southern States, the relations between the races in other portions of the Union being amicable and constantly improving, and the representa? tives of East and West in Congress exhibiting; a significant desire to keep but of tbe contro? versy. Fifth/however well defined the intent of the law, it will be used as a terrible engine of oppression in the South, by arranging and prosecuting under it persons attempting to cont'.iue those discriminations that have al? ways been recognized as proper, without refer? ence to race or color. Sixth, it cannot fail to greatly weaken the Republican party by the re-action that will spring np against it as soon as its practical working is seen, as one of the many unwise, reckless*and cowardly pieces of legislation for which the party in Congress has become too notorious. Seventh, if the bill was one to be approved, instead of being scout? ed, the glory and. credit would all go to its champion, Mr. Sumner, and be carried by him away from the republican party to further strengthen an opposition that threatens to crys talize and consolidate itself before the next Presidential election. * Washington, January .7,1874. If, may be stated with absolute certainty that the nomination of Attorney General WiIlfams for chief justice of Supreme Oourt will be withdrawn to-morrow. His letter of with? drawal is written. In the Senate, Morton gave notice that when the salary bill was disposed of, he would ask the Senate to take up aud dispose of the Loui? siana case. Stevenson gave notice that when the Louisiana case was taken up. he would move to refer the whole matter back to the committee of privileges and elections, with authority to take proof as to the validity of the election. Sumner presented a petition from thirty-five thousand citizens of Ohio against tbe proposed theological amendmeut to the constitution. A tedious debate over the salary bill exhausted the day, and there was no exec? utive session. In the House, a resolution was adopted call? ing for the names of paymasters of the late war whose accounts are unsettled. Crutchfield, of Tennessee, asked leave to offer an amend? ment to tbe supplementary civil rights bill, providing a penalty against any woman who refuses an offer of marriage on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude. [Laughter.] Butler, of Massachusetts, object? ed. In tbe course of his speech, Butler said: "If he might be allowed to speak for the Re? publican party, he would embody the doctrine in a sentence, not that all men were equal, but that every man had a right to be the equal Of every other man if he could. All constitu? tions, all laws, all enactments, all prejudices, all caste, all custom, all thought against that were unjust, wicked, unchristian, and certainly must be brought to naught. This bill only removed all impediments to every man to be the equal of every other man if God had given him the power." Monroe, of Ohio, from the committee on education and labor, reported back adversely the resolution offered yesterday by Sypher, of Louisana, directing army rations to be issued for the relief of the starving poor in the Southern States. The committee had talked over tbe matter fully and freely, and the result arrived at was, that the committee did not re? gard it the proper sphere of Congress to enter on the system of providing for pauperism in tbe States. If this precedent were established, it would soon be found that Congress had en? tered on the whole business of taking charge of pauperism generally throughout the 6tates. The report was adopted, and the committee was discharged from the further consideration of the subject. The civil rights bill was re? committed. ? During the rebellion, an old lady living near Blacksourg, Va., was told by a man who had deserted from Lee's Army, that the Yan? kees were fortifying at Blacksburg, and Capt. McCosling had gone with his company of cav? alry to drive them away. While he was telling the old woman this tbe provost guard came and arrested the man. The old lady told one of her neighore who passed along the road where she lived the following: "There was an excrter from Capt. Lee's company came here this mor? ning ana said the Yankees was mortifying at Blacksburg, and that Capt. GoBlin had went with his critter company to form a streak of { fight and drive them away; and while the exer- | ter was tolling mo this the provoking guard came along and interested him and carried him away." "THE PBOSTRATE STATE." Henry Ward Beecher on the Fate of Sooth Carolina. It would be hard to find in the history of modern nations a more saddening or disgustful picture of the wreck and desolation of society than is presented at this moment in South Car? olina; and the condition of South Carolina, we suppose, while perhaps more picturesquely mis? erable, is but a type of the social wretchedness and the political shame which attach to the other States of the far South. These are facts which concern not alone the States immediate? ly immersed in this civic chaos. The nation is a partnership in diseases and disgraces as well as in benefits ; with the suffering of one mem? ber all the members suffer, and whatever is a biot upon Texas or Georgia stains through to Maine. The time has fully arrived when all citizens who do not believe that "our political Sstem can stand anything and defy anything" ould condescend to cast some serious glances upon the hapless circumstances of our friends and brethren of the Southern States. Of. this we may be sure: that the present apathy of Northern people upon this subject is largely conditioned on their ignorance of the real state of the case; and the -difficulty with us has been that we could not all go to the South to see for ourselves, and that we could not thoroughly confide in the testiraoney of those who did go. It as. greatly to be desired that some Northern men of real ability, and of un? questionable repute among us, could pass through the Southern lands and study the ac? tual situation, and report to us in terms which we could altogether trust. From this point of view, we deem it an event to be particularly mentioned that one.sueh cit? izen, Mr. James S. Pike, an old abolitionist, a journalist of high standing, and, by appoint? ment of President Lincoln, late minister of the United States at the Hague, took the trouble to go to South Carolina during the last session of its Legislature, and to spend two months at its capital in the study of men and things. He has now made his report, and has embodied it in a little book,.just issued by the Appletons, and bearing the gloomy title that stands at the head of this article. The book is so small that itcauberead in an evening, but it is large enough to give to every American anxious re? flection for many a day. Mr. Pike finds society in South Carolina "bottom side up." The people of character and culture, who, in a normal and righteous state of affairs, would give direction and tone to public proceedings, are trampled ander foot by a host of voting barbarians?"the most ig? norant democracy that mankind ever saw"? "the dregs of the population habilitated in the robes of their intelligent predecessors, and as? serting over them .the rule of ignorance and corruption through the inexorable machinery of a majority of numbers." Carpet-bag rule is at an end in South Carolina, for the carpet? baggers were, on the outside at least, white men. Even negroes tainted with white blood, and so unfortunate as to have the noble black? ness of the ancestral complexion debilitated into some shade of yellow, are beginning to feel the contemptuous antagonism of the un? mixed African, .who means to have things all his own way there. By sheer force of superior numbers the ignorant and unprincipled classes have taken complete possession of the govern? ment of the State. And what sort of a gov? ernment have they formed? According to the testimony of Mr. Pike, the rule of South Car? olina "should not be dignified with the name of a government. It is the installation of a huge system of brigandage. The men who have had it in control, and the men who now have it in control, are the picked villains of the community. They are the highwaymen of the State. They are professional legislative robbers. They are men who have studied and practiced the art of legalized theft. They are iu no senBe different from, or better than, the men who fill the prisons and penitentiaries of the world. They are, in fact, of precisely that class, only more daring and audacious. The sole, base object is to gorge the individual with public ,plunder. Having, done it, they turn around and buy immunity for their acts by sharing their gains with the ignorant, pauper? ized, besotted crowd who have chosen them to the stations they fill, and which enable them thus to rob and plunder." If it be asked how the corruptions of the ] South Carolina government differ from the ex? ceptional venality of certain Northern Legislar tures, this is Mr. Pike's answer: "The latter, while less in effrontery and in degree than the former, and springing from different causes, can also "be promptly remedied by exposure and by an appeal to the intelligence and virtue of the constituency ; in the other case, there is no such tribunal to appeal to. It is a moral morass,*in which there is neither standing nor holding ground." "So tainted is the atmos? phere with corruption, so universally implica? ted is everybody about the government, of such a character are the ornaments of society at the capital, that there is no such thing as an influ? ential local opinion to be brought against the scamps. They plunder and glory in it. 'How did you get your money V was asked of a prom? inent legislator and lobbyist. 'I stole it,' was the prompt reply." The impression made upon us by Mr. Pike's report concerning the prostrate State is that nothing can save society there from utter dis? solution but the speedy achievement of rule by the classes who ought always to rule. We regret that Mr. Pike, in announcing an opin? ion substantially the same as this, seems to us to imply that these classes can be ascertained by color. We know that this cannot be his real meaning, but the force and value of his book are likely to be abated by a certain indis? criminate denunciation of black men because they are black, and an equally indiscriminate commendation of white men because they are white. What is wanted to save South Carolina is not a rally of white people against black people; but of honest men of all colors against scoundrels of all colors. We must not despair of the Republic, even though that Republic bo South Carolina, and even though it have become a den of thieves. And the specific advice which Mr. Pike gives as a suggestion of remedy to the people of that State is in the main wise and good. He ad? vises them to bold on to the faith that the State can be redeemed; to make a systematic effort to attract foreign immigration to the State; to get rid of their hereditary prejudice against \ strangers, and of their old-time intolerance of j opposing opinions. It is not a war of races or of colors that should be brought on ; but a j calm, resolute, patient increase and combina- i tion of the forces of good in society against the forces of evil. Society needs to be turned right side up ; and iu this effort let all men help who can, whatever be their color.?Chris? tian Union. ? Watterson, of the Courier-Journal, having j been informed that Baltimore has 16,000 more | women than men, says: "We never go to that' blessed city that the number and beauty of the girls there don't make us loug to seize a couple of car-loads of them and fly to the bosom of the j Mormon Church as a city of refuge.'' ' Our Republican Court and Its Ladies. A special correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette gives an insight into the causes that led to the general indignation against the Presi? dent, for his nomination of Williams for Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, showing that i the women of our "Republican Court" must be ! consulted in regard to these matters, and that old-time simplicity has departed forever from the "best government the world ever saw.'' Here is the letter, with its rich and racy dis? closures : Washington, D. C, Dec. 23. For the first time in many years the nonde? script element called society has busied itself with might and main over one ofthe President's nominations. Never has disloyalty to party been so open or defiant among men as has been the fierce rebellion in the families of Cabinet officers, Supreme Court Judges, numerous high officials, and loyal Senators against the nomina? tion of Mr. Williams for Chief Justice. And this particular rebellion under consideration broke out and raged hotly, not because the women who led it or the other women who made up its rank and file were troubled with any misgivings about Mr. Williams' fitness for the high place to which the President has nominated him ; but something "far more im? portant in their estimation than any such trifliug consideration fired their hearts and made their eyes flash. Did not this action of the President, if indorsed by the Senate, make a woman of whom they have long been jealous "the first lady in the land ?" For be it known to those who are so blessed as ever to have to do with the inner circles of hollowness which here in the capital arrogate to themselves the exclusive right to the term "society" that the battles which have long raged among the "Su? preme Court ladies," the "Cabinet ladies," and "House ladies" have been fought through, and the wife of the Chief Justice is the "first lady of the land,""since the wife of the Presi? dent need not return calls. Upon this first lady all others in society must call first; then in regular gradation they visit each other, each society woman's soul writhing within her at the thought that she is required to make first calls on anybody. But round and round they go the winter through in one continued dance of mockery, jealousy, and bitterness of heart. And when tins last cup was commended to their lips by the President, the fires of treason were lighted in half the women's eyes through? out executive and official circles. Rebellion stalked openly all round the board where hus? bands and fathers sat in mute and respectful loyalty to the President. Along these battal? ion in silks and ruffles there were no banners inscribed with party, watchwords, or the names of party leaders. The question with them was not, Shall regard be paid by party men to the President's nomination; but, Shall anybody, President or Senate, or all political influences combined, be allowed to designate as first lady of the land, one of whom all "society" is so intensely jealous ? Perish the thought of peace cither with Presidents or Senates I Loose all the thunderbolts and lightnings of Amazonian war 1 A score of Mnjor-Generals in satins, jewels, and scarfs" sounded the advance, and all "society" in Washington fell into line and rushed to the fray. And a beautiful time Sen? ators have had since, in the quiet and loveli? ness of their homes and boarding houses! Wives, daughters, and their lady acquaintances have beset them in all waking moments, and been terribly present in their dreams, begging, protesting, denouncing, coaxing, and demand? ing, each in turn, and all vehementlv, the ob? jects of all requests and all demands Being that, rule as the President might in all other things, in this dictating who should be "first lady" the Senate should not humor him to the extent of overturning society. Seriously there is no exaggeration in all this. That hollow mockery, called society, has been i fighting the nomination of Mr. Williams with all the oitterness and all the weapons it could command, not on the ground of its fitness or unfitness, but solely c;i account of its relation to that far more important question of "first lady." If Mr. Williams had been, beyond room for doubt in any mind, the man best fitted of all in the land for Chief Justice, society would have* lashed itself into the same rage; and loyal Senators would hare mot disloyalty of the rankest sort at their firesides and in their beds, for hostility to the President's nomina? tion of "first, lady*' Has '"Invaded all. circles here, and made them as uncomfortable as the plague of frogs made the first circles of Egypt. Our "Republican Court" has heretofore had no similar trial. Mr. Chase was a widower. This "Court," as now constituted, only dates back to his time. The old Southern influences passed away from Washington, and our North? ern set had just began to arrange its furbelows and flounces and talk of its social precedence when Mr. Chase was made Chief Justice. And as he had no wife, the question of first lady did not enter, and so the "Republican Court" was not shaken and shattered at its birth by this momentous subject. Figuratively speaking, there were hair pullings and face scratching!) innumerable, over the question whether Sena? tors' wives or Cabinet ladies were entitled to precedence, and where in the court the wives and families of the Supreme Court Justices took rank. "And these matters are still unset? tled, and break out anew whenever a bold or ambitious woman is by the vicissitudes of po? litical life added to one side or the other. The nomination of Mr. Williams as Chief Justice may have been wholly objectionable. Whether it was or was not ha3 nothing to do with the battle society women have waged against him. For them the President had dis? regarded the proprieties, and by his act was about to promote a lady of whom they were and had long been jealous to a position wnere the members of the court, one and all, must ap? proach in turn, aud do her honor. They in? sist that the President should act in such a matter as if the Constitution read, "The Pres? ident shall nominate, and if the nominee be a married man, by and with the advice aud con-1 sent of the Seuate and the ladies of the re- j publican court, shall appoint the Chief Justice i and other Justices of the Supreme Court." This contest, which has raged for a fortnight now, is a good illustration of the tendencies of; official society in the capical. On all sides bit-1 terness, narrowness, ambitious, and jealousies are attempting to ape court manners, styles, | and forms, and trim and fashion official so- j ciety here into what they gravely speak of as a j thing of recognized existence?namely, this republican court. When the government builds mansions for Cabinet officers, and the States erect them for Senators, then, if the contingent funds of the departments continue Bufiicieut to furnish carriages, drivers, footmen, ushers, servants, aud furniture, the republican court will blossom out in full mockery of re? publican institutions. H. V. B. ? The Governor of Wyoming wound up his ! thanksgiving proclamation in this style: "Give j thanks unto the Lord, for His mercy endureth forever, in witness whereof I have hereunto , set my hand, and caused the great seal of the j Territory to be affixed, &c." Congress in the Past and Present. Grace Greenwood, in the New York Times, gives a sketch of the changes in Congress, con? trasting the present day with her recollections of former times: The House presented to me on my return an unfamiliar aspect. The new furniture and carpets have brightened it up somewhat, but the strange forms and faces bewilder me. I missed the old land-marks?Banks, with his two-story head and soldierly figure; Farns worth, with his frothy beard tossed in air, and Oakes Ames, with his heavy face, and his slow, elephant eyes. On the Democratic side there is not so much change. We miss the uplifted face of Brooks, pallid and troubled and dis? dainful, but the New York Democracy has evoked Samuel to fill his place, and Don Fer? nando still sits buttoned up to the chin in ele? gant proprieties, still bears aloft his snow wreath of a moustache, while the belligerent Beck keeps up his old stand in the aisle, and pitches forward into every debate. Ohio still leaves us her urbane Garfield, and has sent us back her Lawrence, who, will "never give up the ship" of State any more than Mrs. Micaw ber would desert Mr. Micawber. At one of the front desks of the middle aisle sat, on Wednesday morning, a peculiar figure, the sight of which strangely moved my heart. It brought back scenes of long ago, of another regime?almost, it would seem, of another world. Most vividly it recalled days and nights of a memorable long session in Congress, during which the discussion of the old compro? mise measures shook the country and nearly shattered the old Capitol. It was the figure of Alexander H. Stephens, the nervous/impas? sioned' littlo orator, toward whom, during that troublous t .ne, I often looked from the little loft of a gallery, and to whom I listened wit^i profound interest, though he seldom titt'er&l matter to my mind on the question of questions ?slavery. He is less changed than I thought to find him, for in the old time he had an air of permature age and feebleness, and seemed to be wasted by the intense flame of his'owW'res'? less and fiery spirit. He used to wear as wide a collar as Mr. Clay, only it was a turn down, and a long, black neck tie, simply knotted and falling. Now the collar is narrower and the neck tie shorter, and on his round, compact head, which was always too small for his hats, he wears a black velvet skull-cap, revealing a light fringe of hair, white with "the winter of his discontent." His keeu eyes are masked behind glasses; he walks on crutches, moving very slowly; but the princely will .and the high, quick spirit seem quite unsubdued, a^ ia shown by his repeating, the other day, substan? tially the speech he made on the question of salaries before he went out of the Union?re? minding one of the man who had bjs.skull broken in an explosion, and lay insensible for many days, but who, as soon as the trepanning process was commenced, proceeded to finish the sentence he had begun at the moment of the accident. With what amazement and ad? miration must Mr. Stephens have watched the late free-and-easy debates?how his mind must have gone back to the dark days of bondage, to the arrogant old days of Democracy and;tne duello, when a man was held responsible for hot, hard words, in the House of Representa? tives, as elsewhere; when he was not allowed to free his mind in debate, unless that mind was in a decently sane and moral condition ; when honorable gentlemen could not indulge themselves in the use of *ueh little epithets as "thief'? and "ass" and "liar" and "dirty dog/' without danger of being not only turned out, but "called out." In view 01 the glorious liberty, in which our legislators now revel arid riot, he' must see that our blood and treasure were not expended for naught in the great war, and haply feel consoled for the desolation of the South. . The Senate is less changed from last session than the House. We miss the ruddy benignity of Mr. Wilson's face, and Mr. Carpenter seems to have grown a little grey under his new dig? nity and responsibility. Time also has shaken j his dredgiug-box over the head of Senators Sumner and Fenton, and chiseled a little at Senator Lot Morrill's fine face, and taken the other Morrill by the shoulders and beet him slightly, for he never .can harm his face, and dimmed a keen ray or two in Senator Came? ron's pleasant ambushed eyes, but he has not meddled with Senator Brownlow iu the .least. He sits just as he always sat, in his silent, un? rest, lying back in his armchair, with half shut eyes, one foot on his desk, and shaking neither more nor less. It is evident time has forgotten the fierce old man, or has left the person and the palsy to fight j it out., Now, upholstery, painting and gliding have alsb made this chamber and tne ante-chambers look bright and comfortable; but there is one change which I must disapprove of, as undemocratic and invidious. Choice seats have been set apart for the wives and daughters of Senators and members, from which seats we, the com? mon people, aro as sternly excluded as from the diplomatic gallery. This is unjust to the strangers visiting the Capitol, who are often uncomfortably crowded in the other galleries, while those aristocratic reservations are almost empty. It is my impression that of all the ladies in Washington, those for whom these galleries are set aside, dedicated, tabooed, are the least given to watching the debates. Per? haps they have politics enough at home. The wife of a Congressman seldom goes to.the Capi? tol unless hi r husband is the hero of the hour; she goes to see him arraigned for high crimes and misdemeanors, or to near him arraign some other woman's husband. Immigration Societies Needed.?It is stated that 10,000persons,in families, will leave Englaud next spring, under the auspices of Messrs. Arch and Claydon, to seek new homes in Canada and in this country. Alarm is even felt in England at the peaceful -revolution which Mr. Arch is producing in effecting the emigration of such vast numbers of working people. Proper representations would no doubt induce a portion of this valuable tide to flow in this State. Immigrants are coming in al? ready in consideable numbers. This, with the knowledge-of such a large movement to take pihce soon, ought to induce us to form societies in every County, to. ascertain the local wants, and to provide for their supply. There should be formed also a State immigra? tion society, with headquarters at Columoia, and an agency in New . York, in order more effectually to promote this great object. There is undoubtedly a demand for labor here; but from lack of" proper encouragement and bf necessary arrangements, it finds but faint ex? pression. Now is the time to take action in these matters. There is a vaccuum to be filled. ?Phoenix. _On a New York Central Railroad train, receutly, two old ladies sat on adjoining seats in one of the cars ; one declared if the conduc? tor opened the window she would die. and the other protested against its being closed, for she would smother to death. The conductor was iu doubt when a venerable gent exclaimed, "Open the window and kill one of them, and then close it and kill the other, and we shall have peace."