University of South Carolina Libraries
t^ijmmtm^m^mmam^mmmmmmtwmmmmmtmmmm.im ;.11 i j j g | *??? ? ' ' ' ' ' ? ? ? " T ' 1 ' " ! 11 ?mm?a An Independent Family Journal?Deroted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. HOTlT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON C. H., S. 0., THURSDAY MORNING, APRIL 27, 1871. VOLUME 6?NO. 48. -?? ? .. \'. ii. ' v 'ja From the Charleston News, April 19?A. A TALK WITH ?K)V. SCOTT. HB TOWS 03 OUR FINi KCIAL AND GEN? ERAL CONDITION. The presence of his Exoellency, Governer Scott, in Charleston, enable? us to present to Our readers a semi-official resume of his views On several subjects, by which the public mind has of late been agitated, and concerning which his statements possess, at this time, a peculiar interest. The privilege of an interview with him was freely granted, and the interview itself Was unconstrained. The language of his Ex? cellency, as given below, is almost verbatim, and the freedom with which it was spoken, in? dicates that all of the questions treated have been thoughtfully considered. After some gen? eral remarks, the conversation proceeded as follows: THE STATE DEBT. ; Q. Governor, you are full y aware, from the Comments of the press, and the action of the Board of Trade and Chamber of Commerce of Charleston, that the people of the State are fe? verish with an excitement which has grown out of what they believe to be ait oppressive taxa? tion, an enormous State debt, and a corrupt Legislature; please state frankly your own opinions upon these matters. The Governor. I am free to say that, in my judgment, the disturbed condition of the public mind results from a misapprehension of our fi? nancial affairs. Either with a view to injure the credit of the State or to achieve personal objects?perhaps political in character?certain individuals have sought to make it appear that the State debt has been largely increased by the present administration. Such is not the fact, and I propose to show the why and wherefore. Einst, the act of the Legislature of 1868 au? thorized the funding of the bills of the Bank of the State into State bonds. That I do not regard as an increase of the debt, but merely as a change in the form of an old debt, the courts having decided that the State was un Suestionably liable for these. So much, then, i not chargeable to this administration. Sec? ondly, in the reorganization of the government, it was ascertained that a large amount of past due interest and other claims had accumulated and were unpaid. To meet these obligations the Legislature authorized the issue of a mil? lion of bonds. It will be seen, by reference to the law, how these bonds were to be negotiated. Thirdly, a debt existed which h?d been created by the issue of bills receivable immediately af? ter the war. They, toe, had to be provided for, or rather, retired, and an additional issue of .five hundred thousand dollars' worth of bonds was made for this purpose. Fourthly, it was ascertained, during the regular-session of1868 '69 that even with this assistance, it was im? possible, at the low price at which the bonds were selling, to meet the liabilities which ex? isted?debts, by the way, that had not been created by this administration. The issue of a million more of bonds was, therefore, au? thorized, for the relief of the treasury. The sum total was then two million five hundred thous? and dollars. Finally, the act providing for the organisation of the land commission called for seven hundred thousand dollars more of bonds, and thus the total issues, since 1868, amount to three million two hundred thousand dollars. Now, of these bonds, according to the last re? port of the financial agent, at New York, about one million of dollars nave been placed upon the market, leaving a balance of twenty-two hundred thousand dollars in his hands. You will see from this statement that there is no foundation whatever for the rumors which have obtained currency; and can readily understand why^in consequence of those rumors our secu? rities have been depressed, and the credit of the State seriously injured. Q. Do I understand you that Mr. Kimpton, the financial agent of the State, now has twen? ty-two hundred thousand dollars in his hands? The 'Governor. He has, unless he has sold an amount since his last report. In raising money for the uses of the State, however, his modus operandi generally has been to hypothe? cate bonds. EAILP.OAD BONDS. Q. Is not the State largely involved on ac? count of her endorsement of railroad bonds ? The Governor. The sum total of the en? dorsements of railroad bonds by the State is about siix millions and a half of da liars, includ? ing the Bine Ridge Railroad bondii, which have sot been put upon the market, and you must bear in mind that these endorsements cover a period of nearly thirty years. I do not, how? ever, regard the endorsements of the railroad bonds as a part of the State debt, because there is no railroad thus protected by the State which if put in liquidation would not pay the full amount of the endorsement. THE SUM TOTAL OF THE STATE DEBT. Q. What, then, is the sum total of the debt en which the people have to pay taxes; and this is a point on which I beg that you will be explicit f The 'Severnor. Between seven and eight millions of dollars?not more. The exact fig? ures I cannot give you, for I have not got them with me. Wc owe, besides, to the State agent about a million of dollars. Of this amount we have on hand, in cash, five hundred thousand dollars, and when the taxes for 1870 are col? lected, which is now being done, we shall rea? lize more than enough to entirely relieve our? selves from this debt. I think, therefore, the financial condition of the State is eminently healthy, and I see no bar in the future to its continued good management. THE QDi^TION OF TAXATION. Q. If such is the case, how do you account for the dissatisfaction and the murmurs of the people? The Governor. With a proper understand? ing of the subject?that is, taking into con? sideration the aggregate of the three levies of tax which have been made?the people would have no cause to complain. For instance in 1868, there was a levy of seven and a half mills oa the dollar, which was collected in 1869; in 1869, the levy was only five mills on the dollar ?an amount which any man who will sit down and figure up the absolutely necessary expenses of the State Government will see is utterly in? adequate. Still, for political purposes, the i Legislature was then induced to fix this per? centage, and it perhaps had its influence on the campaign; yet it was not enough. It was, therefore, necessary to increase the levy for the expenses of 1870. Taking the three years, however, the aggregate is only twenty-one mills and a half, which equally subdivided, would not make the levy so greatly out of proportion as it may at present seem. It certainly fur? nishes no real cause for the complaint of high taxation. Q. Let me ask, in this connection, why it was arranged to have two levies of tax collec? ted in one year ? The Governor. That is not correct. We are now collecting the tax for 1S70, and by an amendment to tue tax act, if proposed to com mence collection, for 1871, on the 15th day of November next, the object being to bring the collection of a portion of the taxes within the year in which they; are levied. The impor? tance of making this change will be apparent to every though ful man. It is well known that a large portion of the citizens of the State do not pay taxes, and that tbey are improvident in the expenditure of money. Usually the Sroduct of their year's industry comes to them uring the months of November and December. Were the tax books then opened, it is my im? pression that this class of the people would pay their taxes, and thus add to the income of the State, whereas, if the time is postponed to the middle of January or the first of February, as hitherto, as a general rule thev would pay noth? ing. In short, I believe we shall be enabled by this change, to collect two hundred thousand dollars which, under the former arrangement, could not be collected at all. And I can see no hardship that will bo caused by the change, for it leaveii the privilege the same as at pres? ent of deferring the addition of a penalty for non-payment if it is thought expedient to do so. Instead of oppressing the tax-payer, there fore, it is in one sense a blessing to the people, for it opens the door to those who have the means and are disposed to pay, during the fall, while it is still at the discretion of Executive to extend the time of the general taxpayer who pays a large amonnt, without subjecting him to the prescribed penalty. Indeed, I am free to say that the taxpayers may rest well assured there will be no more cause of complaint on that score in the future than there has been in the past; for in every instance within my re? collection, where an application has been made, the time of collection has been extended with? out the addi tion of the penalty. Q. While that is a comforting assurance, Governor, is it not nevertheless true that the assessments of values have been greatly exag? gerated, and that property is frequently taxed ior two or three times its real worth ? The Governor. That may be true in some instances, but I am certain it is not the rule. In all cases of excessive assessment, where an application has been made, the matter has been considered, and an abatement ordered, if the circumstauces justified such a course. DO THE PEOPLE PAY? Q. Up to the present time, have the taxes generally been paid promptly ? The Governor. I must confess that I have been surprised at the e:ctraordinary disposition manifested by the people in the payment of their taxes. Even at this moment, while there is apparently so much ill-feeling concerning the expenditure of public moneys, citizens in all parts of the State are meeting the demands of the tax collector with a unanimity and promptness which not only deserves the highest praise, but favorably illustrates their character as a law-abiding people. I cannot blame them ibr desiring to know how these moneys are ex? pended, and, so far as lies in my power, I shall always afford to the public the information on this and other subjects to which it is entitled. THE STERLING FUND BILL. Q. So much has been said about the sterling fund bill, Governor, that I would like to hear your version of the matter. The Governor. Well, it is simply this : The bill was conceived chiefly by creditors of the State?parties interested in the stocks and bonds that are past due, and are soon to become due. Every business man knows full well that it is impossible-for the State, by direct taxation, to take up these bonds. It was therefore believed to be good policy to create a sterling loan, which could be negotiated by the proper par? ties at such prices as would justify the ex? change for the old. And when there was in? corporated in the law a provision which barred even the posibility of adding a dollar to the State debt at any time in the future without a two-thirds vote of the people, it offered, in my judgment, a sufficient guarantee to the pur? chaser of the new bonds, that he would he pro? tected against new liabilities. Under these cir? cumstances, I favored the measure, and the best financial men of the State agreed with me, with'Only a difference of opinion concerning details. Some gentlemen of high reputation thought and expressed the belief that trustees ought to be appointed by law, who should be charged with the negotiation of this. To this I had no personal objection. On the contrary, I was anxious to see any plan adopted that would engender confidence in the honesty of the negotiations to be made. It appears, how? ever, that the Legislature differed from these gentlemen and myself in regard to the matter, and when the bill passed, the appointment of the agent was left to certain officers of the State government, including the Executive, and to the Executive was committed the duty of signing the bonds before they could possibly be put upon the market. The bill was signed and approved with the firm belief that a sufficient cneck was thus put upon any disposition?if such existed?to give the negotiation of the bonds into the hands of irresponsible men, who would not insure that credit for the State which was desirable. In other words, to the Execu? tive was left tho power of refusing, absolutely, to permit any bouds to go upon the market un? less they shall go through the hands of a trust? worthy and competent representative of the. State. Q. Do you mean to say that you, as an in? dividual, can control the issue of these bonds in the event of a dishonest agent being ap? pointed ? The Governor. Yes, sir, most emphatically, for I do not intend to sign a bond unless the banking-house selected is one entitled to the ful? lest confidence of the people. There is no power on earth that can compel me to do otherwise. Q. Suppose that after the selection of a banking-house, and the issue of bonds duly signed, the financial board should determine to make a change and select a party who agrees to carry out their own plans ? The Governor. In the first place, no honest banker would surrender his claim upon the bonds for any such purpose; and, in the second place, they would have to be bold and desper? ate men who attempted to tamper with the State credit for their own dishonest purposes. Q. If I may be permitted to ask, who is your nominee as a banker, for the especial man? agement of this fund ? The Governor. I have no nominee at pres | cut; bHt he will be a man who will inspire con? fidence among the creditors and the people of the State. In making up my miud I shall consult I both their wishes and interests, and I feel as? sured that the members of the board appointed by law to make this selection will co-operate with me in accomplishing that object. Q. What amount is to be covered by this funding bill? The Governor. Just six millions of dollars. The bill provides for tho issue of twelve hun? dred thousand pounds sterling, but I do not un? derstand that the bonds are to be used, except for the purpose set forth iu the bill, namely, to take up the past due debt of the State, and debts that are soon to become due. I do uot understand that the agent appointed for the ne? gotiation of these bonds will have any authori? ty to sell a single bond except in exchange for the purpose named. Some persons have sought to create the impression, for personal or politi- I cul purposes, that these sterhug bonds can bej put upon the market and sold, and the funds be transferred to the State treasury to meet the ex* penses of the State, er for other objects than, those referred to. Such is not the ease. With my consent it shall never be done. THE BOARD OF TRADE AND CHAMBER OF COM? MERCE. Q. I would like to hear your views concern? ing the recent action of tho Board of Trade and Chamber of Commerce in this city ? The Governor. I can only say that the alle? gations made by both of those bodies on the subject of tho State debt rest on no truthful foundation. These gentlemen have unques? tionably been misled, or they have themselves misinterpreted facts 'and figures, for I will not be so uncharitable as to suppose that two or? ganizations representing the wealth and com? merce of Charleston have assumed such an ex? traordinary position for merely political or par? tisan purposes. I have given you a full state? ment of all the obligations due by the State, and it is my answer to their proceedings. Q. What has been the influence of the ac? tion of the Board of Trade and Chamber of Commerce on our bonds in New York and else* where? ( f The Governor. It has been decidedly perni? cious. The value of the bonds on the market has been depreciated, and it is more difficult than before for our financial agent to carry tho debt he has been compelled to assume. H. H. KIMITON. Q. Why is it necessary that the State should be in debt to Mr. Kimpton to the amount of a million of dollars ? The Governor. From the fact which yon will understand by reference to the manner of collecting the taxes. In other words, we have had to spend the money and collect the taxes to pay the debt afterwards. For instance, the levy of taxes for 186S was not made until Sep? tember of that year. The auditors and treas? urers were unable to prepare their books and papers for collection until May, 1869. Hence we were obliged to raise money to pay the debts of 1868, and most of 1869, before a dollar of the tax was collected. The taxes for 1869 were not collected until between March and July, 1870, and now we are in the midst of April, 1871, collecting the tax to meet expenses incurred for the year 1870. This is the reason why we have been obliged to borrow money through Mr. Kimpton, and hypothecate the bonds in his hands. THE MAY CONVENTION. Q. What are your viiews, Govornor, with reference to the approaching May Convention ? The Governor. I think it will develop some important facts which it is proper for the tax? payers more fully to understand, and, among others, that our debt is not the enormous sum which is charged, but simply the amount I have stated, or very nearly so, (for I have not the figures with me.) It will also bring to? gether elements that have been kept asunder from various causes, and kindle a bettor feel? ing than has hitherto existed among the two parties in the State. Convened in the proper spirit, it may indeed be the commencement of that true Reform which was sought through a different channel a year ago, by making all classes of the people realize that the dread of each other exists more in imagination than in fact; aud that gentlemen of ability and expe? rience in Statecraft should have a fair share in the responsible places of the State government, where their moderate views on all subjects which conduce to the re-establishment of con? fidence of the taxpayers, will give assurance that, in taking an active part in the adminis? tration of public affairs, they will faithfully serve the interests of the whole people. Q. Do you consider that the May Convention will be held in a spirit of hostility to you and your adminstration ? j The Governor. I do not. On the contrary, I regard it as an honest effort, en the part of most of the gentlemen connected with the move? ment, to develop what has been set forth in the resolutions of the Board of Trade and Chamber of Commerce?namely, the truth or falsity of the report that there has been a large increase in the State debt. I should be more pleased, however, were I assured that the proceedings would not take a political turn. The delegates ought to bo selected without j reference to their political affiliations and opinions. THE POLITICAL OUTLOOK. Q. Do you think you observe any decided change in the public sentiment of the State, looking to a political combination of the two races? The Governor. I think that the moderate views recently uttered by the press of the State on subjects connected with its politics are tending to obliterate the prejudices and fears once entertained by Republicans that if the State fell into the hands of the opposition, or the leading native white citizens were given any considerable influence in the administra? tion of affairs, they would use it to the injury of the political Btatus of the newly enfran? chised class, and employ the dominant power in oppressing those with whom they miglit differ in politics. Whether this belief was well founded I will not undertake to say, but that it has existed honestly in the minds of almost all Republicans in the State, there is not the least doubt. Q. Allow me to ask what you think is ne? cessary for the people of the State to do in order to effect perfect harmony between all classes ? The Governor. The answer is in a nutshell. Let the intelligent whites of the State show by their acts that they would not, if they had the power, interfere with the rights and privileges of the newly enfranchised citizen. Confidence can only be inspired by practical illustration. Pledges are all very well in their way, but pal? pable results arc better. Q. That being true, why did not the colored people accept the right hand of fellowship ex? tended to them during the last campaign ? The Governor. Because up to the time of the nomination a different policy prevailed.? The conversion was too sudden. The Republi? cans doubted you. Furthermore it was shown to be a purely political movement, in which nothing more was desired than to gain the as j cendaucy without reference to the character of persons put in nomination for various offices. I hold that whatever reform is necessary must be accomplished through the combined influ? ence of the good men of the State, and the selection of persons to fill responsible public positions, whose personal character is a guar? anty for the correctness of their official con? duct. Q. Do you think that you made a reasona? ble effort to secure tho beat men, and carry out the plan enunciated by you in your last answer ? The Governor. Having mixed as much in Solitics as you have done, you can readily un erstand the impossibility of my making any very great effort during the heat of a campaign like that through which we have just passed. The attack of the Reform party was made principally upon myself, and that fact alone precluded me from using any considerable por? tion of my personal influence to secure tho election of the best class of men to office, which, by the way, I desired perhaps mnro earnestly than even tho members of the Re form party, because the results of my adminis? tration depend very much upon the character, not only of tho Legislature, but of the local officers throughout the State. THE REFORM AND REPUBLICAN PLATFORMS? A DISTINCTION WITHOUT A DIFFERENCE. ? Q. What, in your judgment, was the essen? tial difference between the two parties? The Governor. There was none. I regard the Republican platform as embodying the main features of the constitution of the State; the Beform platform was an acceptance of the same principles, I can arrive at no other con? clusion, therefore, than this: that all good men associated in the Beform movement were, prac? tically, Bepnblicans, although they did not dare to say eo.- Indeed, I am satisfied that a very large element who acted with the Beform party are at heart in full sympathy with Ee publicanism, and are only unwilling to identify themselves with us because of prejudice against the name. I can see no reason, however, wliy, in the future, such men may not rise above these petty considerations, and unite with the Republican party in correcting whatever evils may exist in the management of the affairs of the government. BOUTH CAROLINA A REPUBLICAN STATE. Q. Have you any objection to mentioning the names of some of the gentlemen you em? brace in this category, that is to say, whom you regard as -good Eepublicans? The Governor. Well, I have no reason to doubt the sincerity of such gentlemen as Gen? eral M. C. Butler, General McGowan, Colonel Cothran, of Abbeville; Colonels Baxter and Simeon Fair, of Newberry; Colonel T. Y. Simons, of Charleston, and many others of high character, when they give public expres? sion to principles that are perfectly Eepublican in character. I am therefore bound to accept these gentlemen as being as good Bepublicans as there are in the State. Q. What do you say of the mass of whites who voted with these gentlemen ? The Governor. I believe that a large ma? jority are Eepublicans at heart, for the reason, very easily understood, that the chief issues of the Democratic party, so far as the State was concerned, are absorbed in the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the constitution, or are settled by the war. They have nothing left to stand on but that constitution, which is our own vantage ground, and thus it is only a name which divides the two parties. THE K. K. K. Q. If this, in your opinion, bo the prevail? ing sentiment of the people, how do you ac? count for the existence of the Ku KluxKlan ? The Governor. In the first place I do not believe that all of the people who have been recognized as opponents of the Eepublican party belong to or sympathize with the Ku Klux organization. But that there arc many prominent men at the head of that organization, and connected with it in one way or another, I have not the least doubt My -statement is based on information which I believe to be per? fectly reliable. In the second place, their acts indicate a large and influential organization, although I must confess I do not attribute all of the outrages committed in the State to the Ku Klux. There are other parties banded to? gether who whip and murder for their own personal ends. Q. Seriously, Gevernor, do you think the Ku Klux organization is anything more than a Vigilance Committee, such as has existed during the incipiency of several of the State Governments of America ? The Governor. Perhaps in one sense it is a Vigilance committee, but I am satisfied that its chief object is political. Its whole course has been aggressive, at the same time that it has Sretended in the name of right to punish evil oere and redress wrongs. Still, it can be reached in one way, and the General Govern? ment can adopt measures that will lead to the detection of the men engaged in it without much more trouble or expense than attends the detection of crime elsewhere. Q. Have you formed any opinion as to the effect of the Ku Klux organization upon the political complexion of the State hereafter ? r The Governor. Very decidedly. Iamsatls > fied that if anything was wanted to thoroughly crystalize the Republican party and drive every colored man and every poor white man Into its ranks, the Ku Klux was the only thing necessary. Instead of accomplishing their own political purpose they will lose by the reaction against them. The United States Govern? ment is bound to give protection to its citizens, and the entire South may some day be garri? soned by troops, who will see to it that men vote according to the dictates of their interest, as the case may be. A further bad effect will follow, in which the republican party it? self*will be injured, not less than the people at large. In all periods of strife, the worst ele? ments invariably come to the surface. The most extreme and unscrupulous men are cer? tain to be the most industrious in securing for themselves political positions from the domi? nant party, and thus that would occur which every well-wisher of his State most wishes to avoid. I say, therefore, that if the Democratic party?if that be the party under which this Ku-Klux organization is operating?aim to achieve certain purposes, they can adopt no Burer plan to consolidate the Republicans to a man, than to attempt to regulate by force that which can in time, perhaps, be won by reason. MINORITY REPRESENTATION. Q. Changing the subject, somewhat abrupt? ly, what are ycur views on the new question of minority rcpresentatiou ? The Governor. I have given that matter considerable reflection, and believe the minori? ty system to be the best plan of representation. It must be patent to everyone that a majority, unchecked and untrammelled, may, by legisla? tion, do au infinite-amount; of harm, and that the only mode by which the evil can be limi? ted, and greater purity in the administration of affairs be secured in any Commonwealth, is by allowing the minority to have a representation corresponding with their strength. To accom? plish that purpose in South Carolina, however, it would first be necessary to make a change in the constitution, which, by the way, all the people of the State will, in my judgment, soon require, because in several particulars it is not equal to the demands of tiie hour, THE ROCKS AND SHOALS OF THE ADMINISTRA? TION. Q. I would like to know what have been the chief difficulties whith which you have had to contend in your administration thus far? The Governor. First, the efforts of the out? side parties to push through legislation which was destructive of the best interests of the State, and only beneficial to a few individuals. Secondly, the promptness with which the Leg? islature yielded in many cases to these influen? ces, and carried out measures in which their constituents had no concern. Q. Was there not open and direct bribery ? The Governor. Well, the facility with which local interests wer subserved and the general interests of the State whore neglected, besides certain other signs more personal in thoir char? acter, induced those who were not connected with the Legislature to believe that improper influences had been brought to bear in order to pfioct these objects. Whether it is true or not, I have had no means of knowing. Q. Were not the expenses unnecessarily large ? The Gorernor. Undoubtedly; but I had no mcnns of limiting them. A large number of the attaches received pay for services that might have been dispensed with, while the length of the session, unnecessarily prolonged, again increased the expenses. I have no meaus of knowing, and, up to this time, have not been able to ascertain how many employees there were, in and around the capital) or what were their duties. wanted?good men. Q. One more question, and I am done. In selecting officials, doyou feel yourself confined exclusively to those who are in open affiliation with the Republican party ? The Governor. I have never done so hithe to, nor do I expect to be governed by the ordi? nary rules adopted by other administrations. Were I to attempt to apply the rule strictly, I should fail in many instances in securing the best men for the positions. I can only refer you to my last inaugural address, in which I proposed to consult the fitness and qualification of a man, rather than the claims of ? mere politician. conclusion. In closing this somewhat remarkable inter? view with his Excellency?so important because it is the first expression of official opinion that has been heard in the present crisis?it may add to the interest of the statements made, to remark that the Governor seemed to meet each question frankly and squarely, and spoke with an earnestness which betokened conviction. The colloquy on both sides was the inspiration of the moment, and in all respects the forego? ing is a faithful transcript of a free conversa? tion. The Perils of Circumstantial Evidence. A remarkable case, showing Hhe danger of trusting implicitly to circumstantial evidence, has just been concluded in Toledo. Nearly three years ago Robert Sharp was found dead, with shot and slugs in his brain. A man named Harrington, who had been on intimate terms with the deceased, was arrested for the murder. The testimony was wholly circumstantial, but so skillfully "worked up" by the detectives that Harrington was convicted and scut to the peni? tentiary. His lawyers had become interested in the case, and although Harrington was a poor man, they determined to fight his cause to the eud. After a long and arduous struggle through the district and supreme courts an order for a new trial was obtained, and that trial has just closed. The main points in the evidence on which he was convicted were the apparent correspon? dence of the shot in the body of the dead man with that in the shot-bag belonging to Harring? ton ; the correspondence of pieces of newspa Ser found near the scene of the supposed mur er, and assumed to be part of the gun-wad? ding, with a torn paper in Harrington's resi? dence and piece in his vest pocket; and that the motive for the murder was to be found in the alleged fact of Sharp having come to Toledo with several hundred dollars of money, which Harrington knew, and that no one else was so intimate with Sharp. On the second trial it was rendered doubtful whether there was a similarity in the shot. It was clearly proven that the pieces of paper alleged to have been picked up at the scene of the murder were not there at the time of the finding of the body, nor for a day or two afterward, and the infer? ence was unavoidable that they were nut there by the detectives to aid them in "working up" the case against Harrington. It was further proven that Sharp was destitute when he ar? rived in Toledo, and that Harrington was doing his best to aid him in procuring employment. To crown all, an alibi was clearly ana satisfac? torily proven. Harrington was declared inno? cent, and the jury voluntarily gave him a let? ter, signed by every member, repeating in em? phatic terms their belief of his entire inno? cence of any knowledge of the supposed mur? der, and bearing testimony to his uniform good character. The public sentiment unanimously coincided with the verdict. The former em? ployer of Harrington immediately took him back into his service. t It causes an unpleasant shudder to reflect that a perfectly innocent man, of good charac? ter, suffered two years of degrading punish? ment, and narrowly escaped an ignominious death, for a crime or which he knew nothing. This is another warning against placing im? plicit trust in wholly circumstantial evidence, and a protest against the detectives "working up a case" against one they choose to suspect. ?Cleveland Herald. Save-Your Own Gaeden Seed.?"A pin a day is a groat a year," was one of the pithy sayings of "Poor Richard," aud no saying has ever been more thoroughly ground into yankee character. It has made them the thriftiest and shiftiest people on the globe. They have grown rich and powerful by taking care of the pins. It is high time that we were learning the les? son. We are no longer the prosperous, happy, every-day-take-care-of-itself people we onco were ; and it is our duty and our interest to learn that "many a little makes a mickle." Millions of dollars go North every year, to pay for the garden seed used by the Southern people?for garden seed, for a country which ougnt to boast of the best gardens in the world ?where we have soil, climate and everything necessary to produce the best plants, and the best seed. But we have been so busy making cotton, that we have had no time even to pick a few beans and peas.:' How much money and com? fort could be secured by a little pains-taking; how much worry and vexation avoided. The matter is becoming more important daily, be? cause we are growing daily poorer and the seed growers of Yankeedom are daily putting up smaller packages for the money, ana not only smaller packages, but palm off upon us their old seeds.?Union Times. ? Never trust a secret with a married man who loves his wife, for he will tell her, and she will tell her aunt^llannah, and aunt Hannah will impart it as v profound secret to all her female relations aud acquaintances. ? Character is like stock in trade; the more of it a man possesses, the greater his faculties for adding to it. Character is influence; it makes friends, creates funds, draws patronage and support, and opens a sure and easy way to wealth, honor and happiness. ? The following remedy for croup is going the rounds. It is said to give almost instant relief, even in cases where other remedies have failed. It is nothing more than allspice tea. It seems at once to cut the phlegm loose and relieve the child. ? A newspaper correspondent has given a droll paraphrase of George Washington aud the hatchet story. He says Gen. Butler and Wendell Phillips were in the garden of the White House waiting to see the President. They were kept there for some while, when Butler, picking up a hatchet, began cutting the trees to beguile the time. Grant soon after ap? peared, ana asked, "Who has been hacking these trees?" Butler answered, "I cannot tell a lie, Mr. President; it was Wendell rhillips." 3Lee after Gettysburg* "A. 8CBHB TEAT A HISTORICAL PAiSTfiB iHOBf WELL mMOBTALLDS." Gen. J. B. Imboden, of Virginia, baa given the annexed graphic picture of Gen. Lee the night after Gettysburg) in the last number of the Qalaxy: When night closed upon the grand" sce?g, ??f army was repulsed. Silence and gloom perva? ded our camps. We knew that the day had gone against us, but the extent of the disaster" was nut known except in high quartet*. Th9 carnage of the day was reported to hare beeri frightful, but our army was not in retreat; and we all surmised that with to-morrow's; d?wn would come a renewal of the struggle j and wi knew that if such was ?he case those who had not been in the fight would have their full share in the honors and the dangers of the next day. All felt and appreciated the men men to us consequences of final defeat or victory on that great field. These considerations made that, to us; one of those solemn and awful nights that every one who fought through Otif long war sometimes experienced before a great battle, Few camp-fires enlivened the scene. It was a warm summer's night, and the weary soldiers were lying in groups on the luxuriant grass of the meadows we occupied, discussing the events of the day, or watching that their horses did not straggle off in browsing around About 11 o'clock a horseman approached and delivered a message from Gen. Lee, that he wished to see me immediately. I mounted at once, and, ac* companied by Lieut. McPhail, of my staff, and guided by the courier, rode about two miles to? ward Gettysburg, where half a dozen small tents on the roadside were pointed out as Gem Lee's headquarters for the night He was- not there, but I was informed that I would find him with General A. P. Hill, half a mile fur ther on. On reaching the place indicated, a flickering, solitary candle, visible through the open front of a common tent, showed where Generals Lee and Hill were seated on camp stools with a county map spread upon their knees, and engaged in a low and earnest con* versation. They ceased speaking as I ap* proached, and, after the ordinary salutations, General Lee directed me to go to Ms headquar? ters and wait for him. He did not return until about 1 o'clock, when he came riding alone at a slow walk, and evidently 'wrapped in pro* found thought There was not even a sentinel - on duty, and no one of his staff was about The moon was high in the heavens, shedding a flood of soft silvery light, almost as bright as day,, upon the scene. When he approached and saw. us, he spoke, reined up his hone and essayed to dis* mount The effort to do so displayed se much physical exhaustion that I stepped forward to assist him, but before I reached; him he had alighted. He threw his arm across his saddle to rest himself, and fixing his eyes upon the ground, leaned in silence upon his equally weary horse, the two forming a striking group, as motionless as a statue. The moon shone full upon his massive features and revealed an ex? pression of sadness I had never seen upon that fine countenance before, in any of the vicissi? tudes of the war through which he had passed, I waited for him to sneak until the silence be* came painful and embarrassing, when, to break it and change the current Of his th oughts, I re? marked-in a sympathetic tone, and in allusion to his great fatigue: - > ^General, this has been a hard day on you." This attracted his attention. He looked up and replied mournfully: "Yes, it has been a sad, sad day 1? us," and immediately relapsed into his thoughtful mood and attitude. Being unwilling again to intrude upon his reflection, I said no more. After a minute or two he suddenly straightened up to his full height, and, turning to me with more animation, energy and excitement of manner1 than I had ever seen in him before, he ad* dressed me in a voice tremulous with emotion, and said: "General, I never saw troops behave more magnificently than Pickett's division of Vir? ginians did to-day in their grand charge upon the enemy. And if they had been supported, as they were to have been?but for some reason not yet fully explained to me, they were not-* we would have held the position they so glo? riously won at such a fearful loss of noble lives, and the day would have been curs." After a moment he added in a tone almost of agony: "Too bad 1 Too bad! Oh, too bad 1" I never shall forget, as long as I live, his language and his manner, and his appearance and expression of mental suffering. A1 together, it was a scene that a historical painter might well immortalize had one been fortunately present to witness it In a little while he called up a servant from his sleep to take his horse; spoke mournfully by name of several of his friends who had fallen during the day, and when a candle had been lighted invited me alone into his tent, where, as soon as we were seated, he remarked 1 "We must return to Virginia. As many of our poor wounded as possible must be taken home, I have sent for yon, because your men are fresh, to guard the trains l>ack to Virginia." ? A good way to expand your chest?carry* a big heart in it. ? Agriculture, wedded to manufactures, gives birth to commerce. ? Paradoxical as it may seem, people who* are inclined to be fat are generally the least in? clined to be so. ? An Eastern editor asks his subscribers t*> Eay him, that he may play the same joke on is creditors. ? The ladies give as a reason for marrying' for money, that they now seldom find anything else in a man worth having. ? A Saratoga belle, who dresses nineteen times a day, has gone into a decline. So has her father. He declines to nay his notes. ? Diseaze and pills, when they enter a * man's body, are like two lawyers when they undertake tew settle his affairs; they compro? mise the matter by laying out the patient ? An eccentric, but observant English trav? eler, says that he has traveled three times around the globe?and seen but two classes of people?men and women, ? A gentleman expressed to a lady Iiis admi? ration of her toilet. She said she supposed he had been impressed by her angel sleeves. He an? swered with effusion. "No; but he'd like to be." ? "Benevolence," said Sidney Smith, in a charity sermon, "is a sentiment common to human nature. A never sees B in trouble with? out wishing 0 to relieve -him." ? A Sacramento girl is threatening to get a divorce on the novel ground of protracted fes? tivities. Her husband celebrated their mar? riage by getting drunk, ana has kept up the celebration ever since. ? The New York Tribune pays an elegant tribute to Gen. Butler's peculiar abilities. "It should," says that journal, "be patent to every Congressman, as it certainly' is to every sen-. Bible person out of that body, that the ma is who attempts to silence Mr. Butler by scurrili? ty, underrates his opponent's peculiar quaSft cutioiw."