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An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence. HOTT & CO., Proprietors. ANDERSON, S. C. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1870. VOLUME 5.-NO. 33: IMPORTANT HISTORICAL DOCUMENT. The annexed letter from Hon. Jeremiah S. Black, a prominent member of Mr. Boohaiian's Cabinet, throws a great deal ot light upon certain transactions occur ring about the close ot that administra tratipn.^^AS a valuable contribution to the history of those eventful days, be? sides showing the political position of the 4ate Secretary Stanton at that critical pe? riod, this letter will be found exceedingly interesting: Wo the Editor of the N. Y. Herald : Since the death of Mr. Stanton some newspaper writers have revived the scan? dalous accounts which began to be propa fated, I think in 1862, concerning his con uct while a member of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet. It is asserted that he came into that Administration with views entirely opposed to those-of the President and'the men who were to be his colleagues, all ot whom, except Messrs. flolt and Dix, were in favor of the Southern Confederacy, and ready to sacrifice the Union; that sup? ported by these two he bullied the rest; that he terrified tho President by threats of resignat'on into measures which other? wise, would not have been thought of; that'he urged immediate war upon the se? ceding States,, to crush out the rebellion ; that thottgh defeated-mthis by the treason ?of his associates, he carried with a high hand other points of sound policy; that by these hardy displays of hostility to the . Administration which trusted him he pro? moted the-interests and won the gratitude of its enemies. This is the substance expressed in my own plain JEnglish ol many statements coming from various sources,-extensively circulated and so generally believed that 5f not soon contradicted they are likely to be received as authentic, history. They are not only false, but they must be-inju rious to Stanton's reputation ; and they are grossly unjust to others, dead as well as living. I' am not the special 'defender of Mr, Stanton, and I certainly would not assail him- Before he fell away from the Demo cratic faith our friendship was intimate and close. There was no separation after ward except the separation which is inevi table between two persons who difler wide ly on public subjects believed by both to be vitally important.- Our correspondence of last summer and autumn (began by himself) shows that I was able to forgive him my particular .share oi the injury he had douo to the liberties of the country, and he had my sincere good wishes fot- his tuture health and welfare. His political attitude to the Buchanan Administration previous to his appointment as Attorney General is wholly misunderstood or else wilfully misrepresented. lie was fully with us at every stage of the Kansas question, aud no man felt a more loathing contempt than he did for the knavery of the abolitionists iu refusing to vote upon the Lecompton Constitution,---, when uoth ing but a vote was needed to expel slavery from tho new State, aud thus terminate tho dispute by deciding it in the way which they themselves pretended to wish. He wholly denied Mr. Douglas's notions, aud blamed him severely for the unrea? sonable and mischievous schism which he had created in the party. The Know Nothingism of Bell and Everett found no favor in his eyes. Iu the canvass of 18G0 he regarded .the salvation of the country as hanging upoa the foriorju hope of Breck inridge's election. We knew the Aboli tionists to be the avowed enemies of the Constitution and the Union, aud we thought the Republicans would necessari? ly be corrupted by their alliance with them. As we saw the march of these combined forces upon the capital, we felt that the constitutional liberties ot the country were in as much peril as Home was when the Gauls were pouring over the broken defences of the city. Whether we were right or wrong is not the question now. It is enough to say that Mr. Stau ton shared these apprehensions fully. He more than shared them; to some extent he inspired them, for he knew Mr. Lincoln personally, and the account he gave of him was anything but favorable. The 5th of November came, and Mr. Lincoln was legally chosen President by the electoral machinery of the Constitu? tion, though the majority of the popular vote was against him by more than a mil? lion. The question was now to be tested by actual experiment whether a party which existed only in one section, and which was organized on the sole principle of hostility to the rights, interests, and feelings of the other, could or would ad? minister tho Federal Government in a richteous spirit of justice, or whether the predictions of all our great statesmen for thirty years must be verified that the Ab? olitionists, when they got into power, would disregard their sworn duty to the Constitution, break down the judicial au? thority, and claim obedience to their own mere will as a "higher law" than the law of the land. The danger was greatly ag? gravated by the criminal misconduct of large bodies in the South, and particularly in South Carolina, where preparations were openly made for resistance. What was the Federal Executive to do under these circumstances? Make war? lie had neither authority nor means to do that, and Congress would not give him 1 the one or the other. Should he com pro-: mise the dispute ? lie could offer no terms and make no pledges which would not be repudiated by the new Adminis? tration. Could he mediate between the parties ? Both would refuse his umpirage, for both were as hostile to him as they were to one anoth< r. Nevertheless, he was bound to do thera the best service he could in spite of their teeth; and that service consisted in preserving the peace of the nation. It was his special and I most imperative duty not to embroil the incoming Administration by a civil war which his successor might be unwilling to approve or prosecute. It was undoubted? ly right to leave the President elect and his advisers in a situation where they could take their choice between compro? mising and fighting. In fact, Mr. Lincoln was in favor of the former, if his inaugu? ral be any sign of his sentiments. The mind of no man was more deeply imbued with these opinions than Mr. Stan ton's. The idea never entered his head (certainly never passed his lips) that the President ought to make war upon States, or put the whole people out of the protec? tion of the laws, and expose them all to indiscriminate slaughter as public enemies because some individual among them had done or threatened to do what was incon? sistent with their obligations to the United States. He knew very well that no such thing was either legally or physically pos? sible. Gen. Scott had reported officially that five companies constituted the whole available force which could be sent to the South for any pnrjwse, offensive or defen? sive. It is impossible that Mr. Stanton would have undertaken to conquer the South with half a regiment. He was thoroughly convinced that a war at that time, of that kind and under those circum? stances, would not only "tire the Southern heart," but give to the secessionists the sympathy of all the world, and ultimately insure their success, while it could not help but cripple, disgrace and ruin the cause of the Union. Nor did he feel pleasure in the anticipation of any civil war between the two sections of his coun? try. From the standpoint which he then occupied hO said that war was disunion ; it was blood, conflagration, terror and tears, public debt and general corruption of morals, all ending at best, not in the union of the Stales, but in the subjugation of some to the despotic will of the others. 1 He was apt to take a sombre view of things, and he looked at the dark side of this subject. The glory, profit and plun? der, the political distinction and pride of power which brighten it now, were not iucluded in prospective survey. On the 20th of November I answered' the President's questions concerning his legal powers and duties, holding that the ordinances of secession were mere nulli? ties; that the seceding States were and would be as much in the Union as ever ; that the Federal Executive was bound theie as well as elsewhere to execute the laws, to hoid the public property, and to collect the revenue ; that if the means and machinery furnished by law Tor these purposes were inadequate he could not adopt others and usurp powers which had not been delegated; that neither the ex? ecutive nor legislative departments had authority under the constitution to make war upon a State; that the military pow? er might be used, if necessary, in aiding the judicial authorities to execute the laws in collecting the revenues, in defending or retaking the public property, but noc in aets of indiscriminate hostility against all the people of a State. This is the "opin? ion" which has since been so often, so much, and'so well abused^ denounced and villified. Mr. Stanton did not stultify himself by denying the plain, obvious and simple truths which it expressed. The paper was shown him before it went to the President, and after a slight altera? tion, suggested by himself, he not only approved but applauded it enthusiastical It disappointed the President. He had hastily taken it for granted that Congress might make secession a cause for war; and in the draft ot his message, already pre? pared, he had submitted the question of war or peace to their decision. But the advice of the law department, supported by a powerful argument from Gen. Cass, convinced him of his error, and that part of the message was rewritten. The sub? stance of the message so modified received Mr. Stanton's hearty endorsement in eve thing that regarded secession and the treatment it ought to receive. Soon after this General Cass retired. I was requested to take the State Depart? ment, and Mr. Stanton was appoiuted At? torney General upon my declaring that I was unwilling to leave the care of certain causes pending in the Supreme Court to any hands but his. This appointment alone, without any other proof, ought to satisfy any reasoning mind that all I have said of Mr. Stanton's sentiments must be true. No man in his sober senses can be? lieve that I would have urged, or that Mr. Buchanan would have made, the appoint? ment if we had not both known with per? fect certainty that he agreed with us en? tirely on those fundamental doctrines of constitutional law to which we were com? mitted. The faintest suspicion of the con? trary would have put the Attorney Gene? ral's office as far beyond his reach as the throne of France. We took him for what he professed to be?a true friend of the Union, n devout believer in the Constitu? tion, a faithful man, who would not violate his oath Of office by wilful disobedience to the laws. I am still convinced that he did not deceive us. If he abandoned those principles in 1862 the change, however sudden and unaccountable, is not satisfac? tory evidence that he was an iuiposter and hypocrite in 1800. He did not find Mr. Holt and General Dix contending alone (or contending at all) against the President and the rest of the Administration. Mr. Holt on the Jid of March, 18G1, appended to his letter of resignation a strong expression of his grat? itude for the "firm and generous support" which Mr. Buchanan had constantly ex? tended to him, and pays a warm tribute to the "enlightened statesmanship and un? sullied patriotism" of the outgoing Presi 'deut. General Dix was not there at all when Mr. Stanton came in. He was ap? pointed a month afterward, when there was no disagreement in the Cabinet. He 1 took up bis residence at the President's, house as a member of his family, and re? mained there during the whole time of his service as head of the Treasury Depart? ment. He performed his duties faithfully, firmly, and in a way which met with uni? versal approbation. I do not recollect that he had one word of serious contro? versy either with the President or any? body else. If, therefore, Mr. Stanton was at any time engaged in dragooning the President and hectoring his colleagues he could not have had Mr. Holt and General Dix for his backers. There were disputes and serious differ? ences of opinion in the Cabinet during the period of Mr. Stanton's service, but his share in them has not been truly stated. I am not writing the history of those times, and therefore I say nothing of what others did or forebore to do, exueptsofar as may be necessary to show Mr. Stanton's acts and omissions in their true light. Before the election it was determined that the forts in Charleston harbor should be strengthened so as to make them im? pregnable. The order was given, but the execution of it was unaccountably put off. When General Cass ascertained that the delay was acquiesced in by the President be resigned. Two weeks afterwards Ma? jor Anderson, commanding Fort Moultrie, apprehending an attack, threw his garri? son into Fort Sumter. Simultaneously came certain commissioners from South Carolina demanding the surrender of the latter fort to the State. The character of the answer that should be given to the commissioners, and the question whether Fort Sumter should be furnished with men and provisions, were discussed for three days, each day running far into the night. On the one side it was insisted that the surrender of the fortress was so utterly in? compatible with our plainest duty that the demand itself was a gross insult. To leave "it in a condition which would enable rebel? lious citizens to take it if they pleased was still worse, for that would be merely another mode of making the surrender, and a worse one, because it would be fraudulent and deceptive. Maj. Anderson should, therefore, be immediately so rein? forced that "his castle's strength would laugh a siege to scorn," and then no attack would be made. This last, instead of be? ing dangerous, was the only measure that gave us a chance of safety ; it would not bring on hostilities, but avert them, and if war must come at all events, the posses? sion of Fort Sumter, which commanded the forts, the harbor, and the city, would he of incalculable value to the Govern? ment of the Union. To this there was absolutely no answer except what consisted in saying that the fort could not be relieved without difficulty and danger of successful opposition ; that South Carolina would take it as an affront, and that it was tantamount to a threat of coercion. The replication was easily made. There \ras no danger of even an attempt at resistance to aship of war; the statements made of the hostile power were mere brag; if South Carolina took offence at our prep? aration for the safety of our own men aud our own properly she must already be in a temper to make reconciliation impossi? ble ; and as to coercion, let her take care not to coerce us, and she would be safe enough. At length the President produced his decision in the form of an answer to the commissioners. While it was far from sat? isfactory to the Southern members, it filled us with consternation and grief. Then came the desperate struggle of one alone to do what all had failed to effect. It was painful in the extreme, but unex? pectedly short and decisive. The Presi? dent gave up his first ground?yielded the points on which he had seemed most te? nacious. The answer to South Carolina was essentially changed, and it was agreed that Fort Sumter should have men and provisions. During these discussions Mr. Stanton was always true., but the part he took was by no means a leading one. He said many times that he wa* oniy there that I might have two votes instead of oue. On no oc casjpn was there the slightest conflict be? tween him and me. He exhibited none of the coarseness which some of his latter friends have attributed to him. lie never spoke without the greatest respect for his colleagues and the profoundest deference to the President, lie said no word to the President about resigning. Il? told me that he would resign if 1 did; but when certain concessions were made to my wiah eR he expressed himself perfectly satisfied, lie did not furnish one atom of the influ? ence which brought the President round on the answer to Sauth Carolina. Nor did he ever propose or carry any measure of his own, directly or iwdirectly, relating to the secession troubles. He uniformly pro? fessed to he as anxious tor the preserva? tion of the public peace as any man there. It would be a wrong to tho memory of Mr. Stanton not to add that, so far as I knew, he never gave countenance or en? couragement to those fabulous stories of his behavior. Jeremiah S. Black. ? The following is the way one of our South Carolina Senators, making out a Quarterly Return, directs his clerk when asked how to spell Post Office : Post Office clerk asks Postmaster B : "How you spell Post Office" Answor?"Big P mit a little o st?Post, big O mit a little f, cooplo of times ice? Post Office. By tam?sign to papers and 6ond um off." ? A celebrated English physician, com? ing into the bed-room of a patient a few minutes after he had expired, porceived somethingglittoring through tho clenched fingors of ono hand ; ho gently opened thorn, took out tho guinea, and put it into his pocket, observing, "That was certainly intended for me." ' Congressional Proceedings. Washington, February 1. The Election Committee finally voted to oust Green and seat Van Wyck. The House is discussing Barker vs. Tucker from Virginia. In the Senate, Saulsbury presented" a petit'on to restore the government to the white race. The Mississippi bill-was re? ferred to the Judiciary Committee which invokes delay. In the Senate, Ramsey presented and advocated a resolution, which was adopt? ed, looking to the mediation of the Uni? ted States for a settlement of the diffcul ties between Canada and the people of Winnepeg Territory. . . Senators Lewis and Johnson, of Virgin? ia, were assigned positions on standing committees. Anthony introduced a bill to discontin? ue the publication of books by the Gen? eral Government for popular distribu? tion, and to dispense with newspaper pub? lication of laws, except those of general value. A joint resolution was introduced, by Conkling, to the effect that the State of Mississippi was entitled to representation in Congress. An amendment, by Saulsbury, to re? peal the ten per cent, tax upon State bank issue, imposed in 1864, was voted down. In tho House, Booker, from Virginia, was seated, after a sharp contest. The tariff bill was reported. Schenek ex? plained that the bill was merely amenda? tory of the former bill. It converts ad valorem into specific duties, whenever possible; also enlarges the free list, main? ly on raw material coming to manufac? turers. Tho committee endeavored to keep in mind revenue, protection and con? sumption. Brooks, opposing tho bill,#aid tho re? ductions in the bill had been ingeniously made upon mere revenue articles, such as tea, coffee, sugar, brandy, 6pices, liquors, &c, thus reducing the revenue, in order to have an excuse lor raising the duty on iron, steel, jute, carpeting, and even on old tape. But what was not done in the bill was far more censurable than what was done. The objectionable duties stood upon coal, salt, lead, lumber, hides, <fcc. Finally after much discussion, the bill was ordered to be printed, and made the special order for Tuesday, the 15th. The House considered appropriations to adjournment. In a case from Missouri, involving lia? bilities fur the seizure of property by of? ficers, the Supremo Court holds that a St:itc ma}- enact retro-active laws, when not inhibited by its established constitu? tion, and not in violation of tho provis? ions of the Federal Constitution in rela? tion to ex post facto legislation* Was-hinoton, February 2. It is stated that Sherman telegraphs Teny, by order of the President, that the senatorial election of Bill find Miller is regarded legitimate here. The effect of this order forbids tho Legislature electing other Senators. Georgia affairs aro bav? ins serious consideration in high execu ?Vi tivo and leading senatorial quarters, but nothing is absolutely known. Tho prin? cipal persons decline authenticating ru? mors or authorizing an}7 publication. In tne Senate, a bill was reported for an Associate Judge with Watson, of Tox as. Tho Reconstruction Committee will not consider Mississippi matters until Butler returns, though the bill which was before the Senate may pass at any mo mont. In the House, a report was presented from the Committee on Foreign Affairs with reference to the imprisonment of American citizens in Great Britain for political offences, closing' with a resolu? tion that the President communicate in? formation concerning the subject. The committee express sympathy with the subject. Speeches were mado on both sides of tho resolution, which wont over because of the expiration of the morning hour. A resolution was adopted instruct? ing the Committee on Foreign Affairs to inquire why Cuba was not recognized as a belligerent. The Sonate bill appropria? ting 830,000 for tho poor of tho District of Columbia, allowing $10,000 worth of condemned army clothing to bo distribu? ted, elicited considerable discussion?Lo? gan arguing that it was not proper to ap? propriate money for use, perhaps, of elec? tion purposes. IIo said if fashionable people of Wusl 'ngton would devote the money spent for receptions and orna? ments, to charitable purposes, there would bo no need to call upon Congress to aid tho poor. Knott asserted that the [ effect of the bill would be to draw negroes J hero from other Stales who would out? vote resident citizens. An amendment I by Logan, for tho issuing of rations by tho War Department, was adopted. Ad? journed, without disposing of the bill. A bill was passod, providing for tho is? sue of 845,000,000 of additional national bank circulation of* bunking nssocititions, to be organizod in States having less than thoir proportion, under tho present ap? portionment of 300,000,000. A new ap portionmont of this additional amount to bo mado as soon as practicable, based up? on tho census of 1870. Section 2 pro? vides for the retirement monthly of an amount of tho throe per cent, certificates equivalent to the issue of circulating notes. Section 3 authorizes any bank in a State having an oxcess of circulation to removo to a State having less than its proportion, with a view to tho equalization of the currency throughout tho country. The remaining sections provide for the* estab? lishment of banks upon a gold basis ; tho Comptroller of tho Currency to issuo to them circulating notes not exceeding in amount eighty per cent, of tho par value of United States bonds deposited by them in the Treasury. The banks are to keep I on hand in coin twenty-five per cent, of their outstanding circulation. Provision is also made for the-withdrawal of 20,000, 000 of tho present national circulation from States in excess of their proportion, after the 45,000,000 now authorized shall be exhausted. The bill passed?39 to 23. Trumbull reported, with amendments, a bill to secure to all persons the equal protection of the laws; extending the pro? visions of the civil rights bill to the Chi? nese. Howe addressed the Senate upon the bill to repeal tho neutrality Act of 1818. which prevents Americans from enlisting in or fitting out vessels for the service of a foreign government with which the United States is at peaco. The President has approved the bill ex? tending tho port of New Orleans. Ames' election excites unfavorable com? ment at army headquarters. Ames must resign from the army. The Senate Foreign Relations Commit? tee will report against raising the China legation to a first class mission. It is sta? ted that Anthony's bill, restricting the printing of public documents, will save 81,500,000. The census is to be taken under the regulations of 1850?the time for the new regulations by Congress having ex? pired. Statistics will be collected by the Marshals, with such changes regarding negroes as the changed circumstances ren dor imperative. Washington, February 3. Ames is before the Reconstruction Com? mittee today, regarding Mississippi re? construction. His statements are to the effect that tl^e admission of Mississippi would probably result in Yerger's dis? charge. Answering a question whether, if tho State were admitted, she would re? main loyal, he replied, in effect, yes; for several years at least, as in addition to carrying out the military provisions of the reconstruction Acts, he had selected civil officers who would protect the rights of all tho people, regardless of race and color. Finally, with Butler in the chair, the committee adopted tho Virginia bill forMississippi, merely changing the names when necessary, and adding the clause that conscientious people might affirm in? stead of swear. The Judiciary Committee of the Senate, not having official papers from Mississip? pi, took no action ; and will havo a special meeting on tho arrival of documents. In the.House, the Jfow York cigar makers presented a petition for a dollar a pound and fifty per cent, dd valorem on imported cigars; representing that few cigars were made here from imported to? bacco, and many workmen are unemploy? ed. A bill containing thirty sections Was reported by tie Committee on Territories, against polygamy in Utah. The Commit? tee on Public Lands reported a bill, aiding a railroad from Mobile to the Western boundary of Louisiana. The tax bill was mado tho special order for tho 1st of March. The Mississippi bill, as reported at noon, passed, alter a long discussion. The Banking and Currency Committee examined the telegraphers through whose hands Boutwell's order to sell 840,000, 000 of gold passed; also Mr. Boutwell's messenger and his private secretary. So far, no leak is found between Boutwell and Butterfield. The telegraphers who handled the despatches at New York have been sent for. The Secretary of tho Treasury, in a communication to the House, called atten? tion to the necessity of immediate notion regarding estimates for repairing the cus? tom houses at Mobile and Savannah. General Terry has been ordered to Washington, on important business; af? ter attending to which, he will return to Georgia. An agent of Frascr, Trenholm & Co., late agents of the Confederacy, is here, endeavoring to induce the Government to accept 880,000 in promissory notes, and dismiss all suits here and in Eng? land. In executive session, the Senate voted again adversely to Hoai for the Supreme Bench?33 to 24. In the Senate, a bill was introduced, re? organizing marine hospitals and providing for sick sailors. Abbott offered a resolu? tion, setting forth that violations of the public peneo aro of frequent occurrence in various Southern States; and that the protection of lifo and property by the General Government are tho right of ev? ery citizen, and instructing the Judiciary Committee to enquire what is the power of tho General Government in tho prem? ises; also to inquire into the constitution? ality and expediency of establishing a national polico, for Che bettor enforcement of tho law, which was adopted. Ferry offered a resolution, asking for informa? tion regarding the late postmaster at Au? gusta, Ga., Foster Blodgett, and his claim for salary while suspended. A bill allow? ing the Secretary of tho Navy to transfer appropriations from one bureau to anoth er. wasamended. forbidding commandants of navy yards paying higher wages than is customary in the locality, was consider? ed, and tho bill laid over. Carpenter spoke in favor of a bill repealing tho neutrality law of 1818. ? An Eastern youth was ambitiously displaying a small pistol before a brawny miner at the West, whose belt was weight? ed with two heavy six-shooters, when tho miner asked what he had thero. "Why," replied the young man from the East, "that is a pistol." "Wal," said the rough, "if yon should shoot mo with that, and I should find it out, Pd lick you like fun." ?? I'Dr. - wants to know if you'll pleaso pay this bill now." Old gentleman looks at tho items and replies: "Tell Dr. -I'll pay him for his medicine and re? turn his visits." Progress of Centralization and Despotism. Step by step, says the Baltimore Ga? zette, the Radicals'continue their policy of centralization. Their design is to ride rough s.:od over the Constitution, and to make the will of Congress the supreme law of the land. They aro bent on re* ductng the Federal Judiciary and the Fed? eral Executive to the condition of subor? dinate departments of the Government, and under cover of law, and by means of the machinery of law, are gradually but surely changing our form of government as it was established by the founders of the Republic. They hold in their hands, at this day, the purse and the sword. In ten of the Southern States they dictate who shall vore and who shall bo deprived of the elective franchise. By putting a false interpretation upon the right of Con? gress to judge of the qualifications of mem? bers, they have expelled men who were legally elected to the Senate and to the House of Representatives, and have in? stalled their own creatures' in the seats I thus summarily vacated. To swell their ?majorities in the Senate they have erected into States Territories which contain but a few thousands of permanent population, and huve thus crushed out the opposition of tho larger States where the Democra? cy are in the ascendancy. All the barriers which protected the in? dependence of the States from Federal encroachments are being thrown down and levelled with the ground. Even the equality of the States as members of a common Union is no longer respected. The work of reconstruction is still to go on in tho States south of the Potomac. Themost solemn pledges given by the Radicals have been violated time after time with impunity. No sooner bad u Southern State accepted the conditions exacted of her than fresh conditions were imposed. Georgia was thrust out of the Union after her members had been ad? mitted to scats in the House of Repre? sentative^. Virginia is only to be admit? ted on terms which are derogatory to hor dignity as a State, and to the manhood of her people. No Southern State, unless it be thoroughly and submissively Radi? cal, can hope to be represented in Con? gress. There is talk, even now, of putting Ten? nessee once more under military rule, and of Radical interposition in the affairs of Maryland, Kentucky and Delaware. Into tho new amendments to the Constitution amendments which were carried in tho Southern States by a system of terrorism, and in many of the Northern and Western States by trickery and fraud?they have incorporated a clause which gives to Con* gresrt the power to enforce them by what is sarcastically called "appropriate legis? lation." Under color of this authority they can and will, before long, interfere with the electoral vote in all of the States, their purpose being to take from the lat tor tho right of regulating the suffrage within their limits. Nor is thisall. The legislation of the States is to be super? vised by Congress; tho functions of State Governors arc to be reduced below those of pro-Consuls in the Roman times; and, under tho plea of the power of Congress to regulate commerce, tho right of emir ncnt domain, which has alwuj's apper? tained to the States, is to be contcmptu ousl}* disregarded, and the will of Con gross is to set aside tho will of the people of a State, even in matters of local con? cern. -??-? Election of Associate Justice.?The Columbia correspondent of the Daily He* \pitblican gives the following account of the election of Associato Justice on Tues? day of last week: This has, without exception, been the most lively and exciting day of the ses? sion since the recess. It was generally known this morning that the two Houses were to meet in Joint Assembly, to elect an Associate Justice to the Supreme Bench. Both parties held their caucuses last evening, and both felt equally confi? dent this morning. The triendsot Wright said but little, and seomed to bo working in the dark. Whipper's advocates, how? ever, were loud in asserting the certainty of his election. Toward tho hour of tho mooting of the Joint Assembly the Whip per party seemed to lack courage, and gave up the battle. The wholo election depended on a more breath. No one could tell five minutes previous to the election who was to be the successful man. At one o'clock tho Senate proceeded to the hall ot tho Representatives and took seats amid much bustle and confusion. Mr. DeLargo, after a characteristic speech, which was listened to with more than usual attention, nominated Hon. D. T. Corbin. Gen. Ncagle rose and, in a neat speech, nominated the Hon. W. J. Whipper. Mr. Cain then spoke at length in com? plimentary terms of Mr. Wright, and nominated him. Messrs. Bosemon and Elliott made long and able speeches. The voto was then taken, resulting as follows: Wright 72, Whipper 57, Orr 3 Thompson I, McGowan 1. Whole num? ber of votes 134. Wright was therofore declared elected for the short term. Points of order, privilege, and every other kind of parliamentary quibblo wero then raised, and confusion was the "special order" for the rostof tho day. Knowing that nothing could be accomplished, the Speakor thon assumed the responsibility of dissolving the Joint Assembly. -4? ? Dobbs says ho has ono of tho most obedient boys in the world. All he has to do is to tell him to do as he pleases, and ho does it without murmuring. ? A negro explains tho apathy in cel? ebrating tho anniversary of the battle of New Orleans by the fact that "Butler'* bin dar sinoe Jaokaon's bin gone;'*