The Anderson intelligencer. (Anderson Court House, S.C.) 1860-1914, February 10, 1870, Image 1
An Independent Family Journal?Devoted to Politics, Literature and General Intelligence.
HOTT & CO., Proprietors.
ANDERSON, S. C. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1870.
VOLUME 5.-NO. 33:
IMPORTANT HISTORICAL DOCUMENT.
The annexed letter from Hon. Jeremiah
S. Black, a prominent member of Mr.
Boohaiian's Cabinet, throws a great deal
ot light upon certain transactions occur
ring about the close ot that administra
tratipn.^^AS a valuable contribution to
the history of those eventful days, be?
sides showing the political position of the
4ate Secretary Stanton at that critical pe?
riod, this letter will be found exceedingly
interesting:
Wo the Editor of the N. Y. Herald :
Since the death of Mr. Stanton some
newspaper writers have revived the scan?
dalous accounts which began to be propa
fated, I think in 1862, concerning his con
uct while a member of Mr. Buchanan's
Cabinet. It is asserted that he came into
that Administration with views entirely
opposed to those-of the President and'the
men who were to be his colleagues, all ot
whom, except Messrs. flolt and Dix, were
in favor of the Southern Confederacy, and
ready to sacrifice the Union; that sup?
ported by these two he bullied the rest;
that he terrified tho President by threats
of resignat'on into measures which other?
wise, would not have been thought of;
that'he urged immediate war upon the se?
ceding States,, to crush out the rebellion ;
that thottgh defeated-mthis by the treason
?of his associates, he carried with a high
hand other points of sound policy; that
by these hardy displays of hostility to the
. Administration which trusted him he pro?
moted the-interests and won the gratitude
of its enemies.
This is the substance expressed in my
own plain JEnglish ol many statements
coming from various sources,-extensively
circulated and so generally believed that
5f not soon contradicted they are likely to
be received as authentic, history. They
are not only false, but they must be-inju
rious to Stanton's reputation ; and they
are grossly unjust to others, dead as well
as living.
I' am not the special 'defender of Mr,
Stanton, and I certainly would not assail
him- Before he fell away from the Demo
cratic faith our friendship was intimate
and close. There was no separation after
ward except the separation which is inevi
table between two persons who difler wide
ly on public subjects believed by both to
be vitally important.- Our correspondence
of last summer and autumn (began by
himself) shows that I was able to forgive
him my particular .share oi the injury he
had douo to the liberties of the country,
and he had my sincere good wishes fot- his
tuture health and welfare. His political
attitude to the Buchanan Administration
previous to his appointment as Attorney
General is wholly misunderstood or else
wilfully misrepresented. lie was fully
with us at every stage of the Kansas
question, aud no man felt a more loathing
contempt than he did for the knavery of
the abolitionists iu refusing to vote upon
the Lecompton Constitution,---, when uoth
ing but a vote was needed to expel slavery
from tho new State, aud thus terminate
tho dispute by deciding it in the way
which they themselves pretended to wish.
He wholly denied Mr. Douglas's notions,
aud blamed him severely for the unrea?
sonable and mischievous schism which he
had created in the party. The Know
Nothingism of Bell and Everett found no
favor in his eyes. Iu the canvass of 18G0
he regarded .the salvation of the country
as hanging upoa the foriorju hope of Breck
inridge's election. We knew the Aboli
tionists to be the avowed enemies of the
Constitution and the Union, aud we
thought the Republicans would necessari?
ly be corrupted by their alliance with
them. As we saw the march of these
combined forces upon the capital, we felt
that the constitutional liberties ot the
country were in as much peril as Home
was when the Gauls were pouring over the
broken defences of the city. Whether we
were right or wrong is not the question
now. It is enough to say that Mr. Stau
ton shared these apprehensions fully. He
more than shared them; to some extent
he inspired them, for he knew Mr. Lincoln
personally, and the account he gave of
him was anything but favorable.
The 5th of November came, and Mr.
Lincoln was legally chosen President by
the electoral machinery of the Constitu?
tion, though the majority of the popular
vote was against him by more than a mil?
lion. The question was now to be tested
by actual experiment whether a party
which existed only in one section, and
which was organized on the sole principle
of hostility to the rights, interests, and
feelings of the other, could or would ad?
minister tho Federal Government in a
richteous spirit of justice, or whether the
predictions of all our great statesmen for
thirty years must be verified that the Ab?
olitionists, when they got into power,
would disregard their sworn duty to the
Constitution, break down the judicial au?
thority, and claim obedience to their own
mere will as a "higher law" than the law
of the land. The danger was greatly ag?
gravated by the criminal misconduct of
large bodies in the South, and particularly
in South Carolina, where preparations
were openly made for resistance. What
was the Federal Executive to do under
these circumstances? Make war? lie
had neither authority nor means to do
that, and Congress would not give him 1
the one or the other. Should he com pro-:
mise the dispute ? lie could offer no
terms and make no pledges which would
not be repudiated by the new Adminis?
tration. Could he mediate between the
parties ? Both would refuse his umpirage,
for both were as hostile to him as they
were to one anoth< r. Nevertheless, he
was bound to do thera the best service he
could in spite of their teeth; and that
service consisted in preserving the peace
of the nation. It was his special and I
most imperative duty not to embroil the
incoming Administration by a civil war
which his successor might be unwilling to
approve or prosecute. It was undoubted?
ly right to leave the President elect and
his advisers in a situation where they
could take their choice between compro?
mising and fighting. In fact, Mr. Lincoln
was in favor of the former, if his inaugu?
ral be any sign of his sentiments.
The mind of no man was more deeply
imbued with these opinions than Mr. Stan
ton's. The idea never entered his head
(certainly never passed his lips) that the
President ought to make war upon States,
or put the whole people out of the protec?
tion of the laws, and expose them all to
indiscriminate slaughter as public enemies
because some individual among them had
done or threatened to do what was incon?
sistent with their obligations to the United
States. He knew very well that no such
thing was either legally or physically pos?
sible. Gen. Scott had reported officially
that five companies constituted the whole
available force which could be sent to the
South for any pnrjwse, offensive or defen?
sive. It is impossible that Mr. Stanton
would have undertaken to conquer the
South with half a regiment. He was
thoroughly convinced that a war at that
time, of that kind and under those circum?
stances, would not only "tire the Southern
heart," but give to the secessionists the
sympathy of all the world, and ultimately
insure their success, while it could not
help but cripple, disgrace and ruin the
cause of the Union. Nor did he feel
pleasure in the anticipation of any civil
war between the two sections of his coun?
try. From the standpoint which he then
occupied hO said that war was disunion ;
it was blood, conflagration, terror and
tears, public debt and general corruption
of morals, all ending at best, not in the
union of the Stales, but in the subjugation
of some to the despotic will of the others. 1
He was apt to take a sombre view of
things, and he looked at the dark side of
this subject. The glory, profit and plun?
der, the political distinction and pride of
power which brighten it now, were not
iucluded in prospective survey.
On the 20th of November I answered'
the President's questions concerning his
legal powers and duties, holding that the
ordinances of secession were mere nulli?
ties; that the seceding States were and
would be as much in the Union as ever ;
that the Federal Executive was bound
theie as well as elsewhere to execute the
laws, to hoid the public property, and to
collect the revenue ; that if the means
and machinery furnished by law Tor these
purposes were inadequate he could not
adopt others and usurp powers which had
not been delegated; that neither the ex?
ecutive nor legislative departments had
authority under the constitution to make
war upon a State; that the military pow?
er might be used, if necessary, in aiding
the judicial authorities to execute the laws
in collecting the revenues, in defending or
retaking the public property, but noc in
aets of indiscriminate hostility against all
the people of a State. This is the "opin?
ion" which has since been so often, so
much, and'so well abused^ denounced and
villified. Mr. Stanton did not stultify
himself by denying the plain, obvious and
simple truths which it expressed. The
paper was shown him before it went to
the President, and after a slight altera?
tion, suggested by himself, he not only
approved but applauded it enthusiastical
It disappointed the President. He had
hastily taken it for granted that Congress
might make secession a cause for war; and
in the draft ot his message, already pre?
pared, he had submitted the question of
war or peace to their decision. But the
advice of the law department, supported
by a powerful argument from Gen. Cass,
convinced him of his error, and that part
of the message was rewritten. The sub?
stance of the message so modified received
Mr. Stanton's hearty endorsement in eve
thing that regarded secession and the
treatment it ought to receive.
Soon after this General Cass retired. I
was requested to take the State Depart?
ment, and Mr. Stanton was appoiuted At?
torney General upon my declaring that I
was unwilling to leave the care of certain
causes pending in the Supreme Court to
any hands but his. This appointment
alone, without any other proof, ought to
satisfy any reasoning mind that all I have
said of Mr. Stanton's sentiments must be
true. No man in his sober senses can be?
lieve that I would have urged, or that Mr.
Buchanan would have made, the appoint?
ment if we had not both known with per?
fect certainty that he agreed with us en?
tirely on those fundamental doctrines of
constitutional law to which we were com?
mitted. The faintest suspicion of the con?
trary would have put the Attorney Gene?
ral's office as far beyond his reach as the
throne of France. We took him for what
he professed to be?a true friend of the
Union, n devout believer in the Constitu?
tion, a faithful man, who would not violate
his oath Of office by wilful disobedience to
the laws. I am still convinced that he did
not deceive us. If he abandoned those
principles in 1862 the change, however
sudden and unaccountable, is not satisfac?
tory evidence that he was an iuiposter and
hypocrite in 1800.
He did not find Mr. Holt and General
Dix contending alone (or contending at
all) against the President and the rest of
the Administration. Mr. Holt on the Jid
of March, 18G1, appended to his letter of
resignation a strong expression of his grat?
itude for the "firm and generous support"
which Mr. Buchanan had constantly ex?
tended to him, and pays a warm tribute to
the "enlightened statesmanship and un?
sullied patriotism" of the outgoing Presi
'deut. General Dix was not there at all
when Mr. Stanton came in. He was ap?
pointed a month afterward, when there
was no disagreement in the Cabinet. He 1
took up bis residence at the President's,
house as a member of his family, and re?
mained there during the whole time of his
service as head of the Treasury Depart?
ment. He performed his duties faithfully,
firmly, and in a way which met with uni?
versal approbation. I do not recollect
that he had one word of serious contro?
versy either with the President or any?
body else. If, therefore, Mr. Stanton was
at any time engaged in dragooning the
President and hectoring his colleagues he
could not have had Mr. Holt and General
Dix for his backers.
There were disputes and serious differ?
ences of opinion in the Cabinet during the
period of Mr. Stanton's service, but his
share in them has not been truly stated.
I am not writing the history of those
times, and therefore I say nothing of what
others did or forebore to do, exueptsofar
as may be necessary to show Mr. Stanton's
acts and omissions in their true light.
Before the election it was determined
that the forts in Charleston harbor should
be strengthened so as to make them im?
pregnable. The order was given, but the
execution of it was unaccountably put off.
When General Cass ascertained that the
delay was acquiesced in by the President
be resigned. Two weeks afterwards Ma?
jor Anderson, commanding Fort Moultrie,
apprehending an attack, threw his garri?
son into Fort Sumter. Simultaneously
came certain commissioners from South
Carolina demanding the surrender of the
latter fort to the State. The character of
the answer that should be given to the
commissioners, and the question whether
Fort Sumter should be furnished with men
and provisions, were discussed for three
days, each day running far into the night.
On the one side it was insisted that the
surrender of the fortress was so utterly in?
compatible with our plainest duty that the
demand itself was a gross insult. To leave
"it in a condition which would enable rebel?
lious citizens to take it if they pleased
was still worse, for that would be merely
another mode of making the surrender,
and a worse one, because it would be
fraudulent and deceptive. Maj. Anderson
should, therefore, be immediately so rein?
forced that "his castle's strength would
laugh a siege to scorn," and then no attack
would be made. This last, instead of be?
ing dangerous, was the only measure that
gave us a chance of safety ; it would not
bring on hostilities, but avert them, and if
war must come at all events, the posses?
sion of Fort Sumter, which commanded
the forts, the harbor, and the city, would
he of incalculable value to the Govern?
ment of the Union.
To this there was absolutely no answer
except what consisted in saying that the
fort could not be relieved without difficulty
and danger of successful opposition ; that
South Carolina would take it as an affront,
and that it was tantamount to a threat of
coercion. The replication was easily made.
There \ras no danger of even an attempt at
resistance to aship of war; the statements
made of the hostile power were mere brag;
if South Carolina took offence at our prep?
aration for the safety of our own men aud
our own properly she must already be in
a temper to make reconciliation impossi?
ble ; and as to coercion, let her take care
not to coerce us, and she would be safe
enough.
At length the President produced his
decision in the form of an answer to the
commissioners. While it was far from sat?
isfactory to the Southern members, it filled
us with consternation and grief.
Then came the desperate struggle of one
alone to do what all had failed to effect.
It was painful in the extreme, but unex?
pectedly short and decisive. The Presi?
dent gave up his first ground?yielded the
points on which he had seemed most te?
nacious. The answer to South Carolina
was essentially changed, and it was agreed
that Fort Sumter should have men and
provisions.
During these discussions Mr. Stanton
was always true., but the part he took was
by no means a leading one. He said many
times that he wa* oniy there that I might
have two votes instead of oue. On no oc
casjpn was there the slightest conflict be?
tween him and me. He exhibited none of
the coarseness which some of his latter
friends have attributed to him. lie never
spoke without the greatest respect for his
colleagues and the profoundest deference
to the President, lie said no word to the
President about resigning. Il? told me
that he would resign if 1 did; but when
certain concessions were made to my wiah
eR he expressed himself perfectly satisfied,
lie did not furnish one atom of the influ?
ence which brought the President round on
the answer to Sauth Carolina. Nor did
he ever propose or carry any measure of
his own, directly or iwdirectly, relating to
the secession troubles. He uniformly pro?
fessed to he as anxious tor the preserva?
tion of the public peace as any man there.
It would be a wrong to tho memory of
Mr. Stanton not to add that, so far as I
knew, he never gave countenance or en?
couragement to those fabulous stories of
his behavior.
Jeremiah S. Black.
? The following is the way one of our
South Carolina Senators, making out a
Quarterly Return, directs his clerk when
asked how to spell Post Office :
Post Office clerk asks Postmaster B :
"How you spell Post Office"
Answor?"Big P mit a little o st?Post,
big O mit a little f, cooplo of times ice?
Post Office. By tam?sign to papers and
6ond um off."
? A celebrated English physician, com?
ing into the bed-room of a patient a few
minutes after he had expired, porceived
somethingglittoring through tho clenched
fingors of ono hand ; ho gently opened
thorn, took out tho guinea, and put it into
his pocket, observing, "That was certainly
intended for me." '
Congressional Proceedings.
Washington, February 1.
The Election Committee finally voted
to oust Green and seat Van Wyck. The
House is discussing Barker vs. Tucker
from Virginia.
In the Senate, Saulsbury presented" a
petit'on to restore the government to the
white race. The Mississippi bill-was re?
ferred to the Judiciary Committee which
invokes delay.
In the Senate, Ramsey presented and
advocated a resolution, which was adopt?
ed, looking to the mediation of the Uni?
ted States for a settlement of the diffcul
ties between Canada and the people of
Winnepeg Territory. . .
Senators Lewis and Johnson, of Virgin?
ia, were assigned positions on standing
committees.
Anthony introduced a bill to discontin?
ue the publication of books by the Gen?
eral Government for popular distribu?
tion, and to dispense with newspaper pub?
lication of laws, except those of general
value.
A joint resolution was introduced, by
Conkling, to the effect that the State of
Mississippi was entitled to representation
in Congress.
An amendment, by Saulsbury, to re?
peal the ten per cent, tax upon State
bank issue, imposed in 1864, was voted
down.
In tho House, Booker, from Virginia,
was seated, after a sharp contest. The
tariff bill was reported. Schenek ex?
plained that the bill was merely amenda?
tory of the former bill. It converts ad
valorem into specific duties, whenever
possible; also enlarges the free list, main?
ly on raw material coming to manufac?
turers. Tho committee endeavored to
keep in mind revenue, protection and con?
sumption.
Brooks, opposing tho bill,#aid tho re?
ductions in the bill had been ingeniously
made upon mere revenue articles, such as
tea, coffee, sugar, brandy, 6pices, liquors,
&c, thus reducing the revenue, in order
to have an excuse lor raising the duty
on iron, steel, jute, carpeting, and even
on old tape. But what was not done in
the bill was far more censurable than
what was done. The objectionable duties
stood upon coal, salt, lead, lumber, hides,
<fcc.
Finally after much discussion, the bill
was ordered to be printed, and made the
special order for Tuesday, the 15th.
The House considered appropriations
to adjournment.
In a case from Missouri, involving lia?
bilities fur the seizure of property by of?
ficers, the Supremo Court holds that a
St:itc ma}- enact retro-active laws, when
not inhibited by its established constitu?
tion, and not in violation of tho provis?
ions of the Federal Constitution in rela?
tion to ex post facto legislation*
Was-hinoton, February 2.
It is stated that Sherman telegraphs
Teny, by order of the President, that the
senatorial election of Bill find Miller is
regarded legitimate here. The effect of
this order forbids tho Legislature electing
other Senators. Georgia affairs aro bav?
ins serious consideration in high execu
?Vi
tivo and leading senatorial quarters, but
nothing is absolutely known. Tho prin?
cipal persons decline authenticating ru?
mors or authorizing an}7 publication.
In tne Senate, a bill was reported for
an Associate Judge with Watson, of Tox
as. Tho Reconstruction Committee will
not consider Mississippi matters until
Butler returns, though the bill which was
before the Senate may pass at any mo
mont.
In the House, a report was presented
from the Committee on Foreign Affairs
with reference to the imprisonment of
American citizens in Great Britain for
political offences, closing' with a resolu?
tion that the President communicate in?
formation concerning the subject. The
committee express sympathy with the
subject. Speeches were mado on both
sides of tho resolution, which wont over
because of the expiration of the morning
hour. A resolution was adopted instruct?
ing the Committee on Foreign Affairs to
inquire why Cuba was not recognized as
a belligerent. The Sonate bill appropria?
ting 830,000 for tho poor of tho District
of Columbia, allowing $10,000 worth of
condemned army clothing to bo distribu?
ted, elicited considerable discussion?Lo?
gan arguing that it was not proper to ap?
propriate money for use, perhaps, of elec?
tion purposes. IIo said if fashionable
people of Wusl 'ngton would devote the
money spent for receptions and orna?
ments, to charitable purposes, there
would bo no need to call upon Congress
to aid tho poor. Knott asserted that the
[ effect of the bill would be to draw negroes
J hero from other Stales who would out?
vote resident citizens. An amendment
I by Logan, for tho issuing of rations by
tho War Department, was adopted. Ad?
journed, without disposing of the bill.
A bill was passod, providing for tho is?
sue of 845,000,000 of additional national
bank circulation of* bunking nssocititions,
to be organizod in States having less than
thoir proportion, under tho present ap?
portionment of 300,000,000. A new ap
portionmont of this additional amount to
bo mado as soon as practicable, based up?
on tho census of 1870. Section 2 pro?
vides for the retirement monthly of an
amount of tho throe per cent, certificates
equivalent to the issue of circulating notes.
Section 3 authorizes any bank in a State
having an oxcess of circulation to removo
to a State having less than its proportion,
with a view to tho equalization of the
currency throughout tho country. The
remaining sections provide for the* estab?
lishment of banks upon a gold basis ; tho
Comptroller of tho Currency to issuo to
them circulating notes not exceeding in
amount eighty per cent, of tho par value
of United States bonds deposited by them
in the Treasury. The banks are to keep
I on hand in coin twenty-five per cent, of
their outstanding circulation. Provision
is also made for the-withdrawal of 20,000,
000 of tho present national circulation
from States in excess of their proportion,
after the 45,000,000 now authorized
shall be exhausted. The bill passed?39
to 23.
Trumbull reported, with amendments,
a bill to secure to all persons the equal
protection of the laws; extending the pro?
visions of the civil rights bill to the Chi?
nese.
Howe addressed the Senate upon the
bill to repeal tho neutrality Act of 1818.
which prevents Americans from enlisting
in or fitting out vessels for the service of
a foreign government with which the
United States is at peaco.
The President has approved the bill ex?
tending tho port of New Orleans.
Ames' election excites unfavorable com?
ment at army headquarters. Ames must
resign from the army.
The Senate Foreign Relations Commit?
tee will report against raising the China
legation to a first class mission. It is sta?
ted that Anthony's bill, restricting the
printing of public documents, will save
81,500,000.
The census is to be taken under the
regulations of 1850?the time for the
new regulations by Congress having ex?
pired. Statistics will be collected by the
Marshals, with such changes regarding
negroes as the changed circumstances ren
dor imperative.
Washington, February 3.
Ames is before the Reconstruction Com?
mittee today, regarding Mississippi re?
construction. His statements are to the
effect that tl^e admission of Mississippi
would probably result in Yerger's dis?
charge. Answering a question whether,
if tho State were admitted, she would re?
main loyal, he replied, in effect, yes; for
several years at least, as in addition to
carrying out the military provisions of
the reconstruction Acts, he had selected
civil officers who would protect the rights
of all tho people, regardless of race and
color. Finally, with Butler in the chair,
the committee adopted tho Virginia bill
forMississippi, merely changing the names
when necessary, and adding the clause
that conscientious people might affirm in?
stead of swear.
The Judiciary Committee of the Senate,
not having official papers from Mississip?
pi, took no action ; and will havo a special
meeting on tho arrival of documents.
In the.House, the Jfow York cigar
makers presented a petition for a dollar a
pound and fifty per cent, dd valorem on
imported cigars; representing that few
cigars were made here from imported to?
bacco, and many workmen are unemploy?
ed. A bill containing thirty sections Was
reported by tie Committee on Territories,
against polygamy in Utah. The Commit?
tee on Public Lands reported a bill, aiding
a railroad from Mobile to the Western
boundary of Louisiana. The tax bill was
mado tho special order for tho 1st of
March. The Mississippi bill, as reported
at noon, passed, alter a long discussion.
The Banking and Currency Committee
examined the telegraphers through whose
hands Boutwell's order to sell 840,000,
000 of gold passed; also Mr. Boutwell's
messenger and his private secretary. So
far, no leak is found between Boutwell
and Butterfield. The telegraphers who
handled the despatches at New York have
been sent for.
The Secretary of tho Treasury, in a
communication to the House, called atten?
tion to the necessity of immediate notion
regarding estimates for repairing the cus?
tom houses at Mobile and Savannah.
General Terry has been ordered to
Washington, on important business; af?
ter attending to which, he will return to
Georgia.
An agent of Frascr, Trenholm & Co.,
late agents of the Confederacy, is here,
endeavoring to induce the Government
to accept 880,000 in promissory notes,
and dismiss all suits here and in Eng?
land.
In executive session, the Senate voted
again adversely to Hoai for the Supreme
Bench?33 to 24.
In the Senate, a bill was introduced, re?
organizing marine hospitals and providing
for sick sailors. Abbott offered a resolu?
tion, setting forth that violations of the
public peneo aro of frequent occurrence
in various Southern States; and that the
protection of lifo and property by the
General Government are tho right of ev?
ery citizen, and instructing the Judiciary
Committee to enquire what is the power
of tho General Government in tho prem?
ises; also to inquire into the constitution?
ality and expediency of establishing a
national polico, for Che bettor enforcement
of tho law, which was adopted. Ferry
offered a resolution, asking for informa?
tion regarding the late postmaster at Au?
gusta, Ga., Foster Blodgett, and his claim
for salary while suspended. A bill allow?
ing the Secretary of tho Navy to transfer
appropriations from one bureau to anoth
er. wasamended. forbidding commandants
of navy yards paying higher wages than
is customary in the locality, was consider?
ed, and tho bill laid over. Carpenter spoke
in favor of a bill repealing tho neutrality
law of 1818.
? An Eastern youth was ambitiously
displaying a small pistol before a brawny
miner at the West, whose belt was weight?
ed with two heavy six-shooters, when tho
miner asked what he had thero. "Why,"
replied the young man from the East,
"that is a pistol." "Wal," said the rough,
"if yon should shoot mo with that, and
I should find it out, Pd lick you like
fun."
?? I'Dr. - wants to know if you'll
pleaso pay this bill now." Old gentleman
looks at tho items and replies: "Tell Dr.
-I'll pay him for his medicine and re?
turn his visits."
Progress of Centralization and Despotism.
Step by step, says the Baltimore Ga?
zette, the Radicals'continue their policy of
centralization. Their design is to ride
rough s.:od over the Constitution, and to
make the will of Congress the supreme
law of the land. They aro bent on re*
ductng the Federal Judiciary and the Fed?
eral Executive to the condition of subor?
dinate departments of the Government,
and under cover of law, and by means of
the machinery of law, are gradually but
surely changing our form of government
as it was established by the founders of
the Republic. They hold in their hands,
at this day, the purse and the sword. In
ten of the Southern States they dictate
who shall vore and who shall bo deprived
of the elective franchise. By putting a
false interpretation upon the right of Con?
gress to judge of the qualifications of mem?
bers, they have expelled men who were
legally elected to the Senate and to the
House of Representatives, and have in?
stalled their own creatures' in the seats
I thus summarily vacated. To swell their
?majorities in the Senate they have erected
into States Territories which contain but
a few thousands of permanent population,
and huve thus crushed out the opposition
of tho larger States where the Democra?
cy are in the ascendancy.
All the barriers which protected the in?
dependence of the States from Federal
encroachments are being thrown down
and levelled with the ground. Even the
equality of the States as members of a
common Union is no longer respected.
The work of reconstruction is still to go
on in tho States south of the Potomac.
Themost solemn pledges given by the
Radicals have been violated time after
time with impunity. No sooner bad u
Southern State accepted the conditions
exacted of her than fresh conditions were
imposed. Georgia was thrust out of the
Union after her members had been ad?
mitted to scats in the House of Repre?
sentative^. Virginia is only to be admit?
ted on terms which are derogatory to hor
dignity as a State, and to the manhood
of her people. No Southern State, unless
it be thoroughly and submissively Radi?
cal, can hope to be represented in Con?
gress.
There is talk, even now, of putting Ten?
nessee once more under military rule, and
of Radical interposition in the affairs of
Maryland, Kentucky and Delaware. Into
tho new amendments to the Constitution
amendments which were carried in tho
Southern States by a system of terrorism,
and in many of the Northern and Western
States by trickery and fraud?they have
incorporated a clause which gives to Con*
gresrt the power to enforce them by what
is sarcastically called "appropriate legis?
lation." Under color of this authority
they can and will, before long, interfere
with the electoral vote in all of the States,
their purpose being to take from the lat
tor tho right of regulating the suffrage
within their limits. Nor is thisall. The
legislation of the States is to be super?
vised by Congress; tho functions of State
Governors arc to be reduced below those
of pro-Consuls in the Roman times; and,
under tho plea of the power of Congress
to regulate commerce, tho right of emir
ncnt domain, which has alwuj's apper?
tained to the States, is to be contcmptu
ousl}* disregarded, and the will of Con
gross is to set aside tho will of the people
of a State, even in matters of local con?
cern.
-??-?
Election of Associate Justice.?The
Columbia correspondent of the Daily He*
\pitblican gives the following account of
the election of Associato Justice on Tues?
day of last week:
This has, without exception, been the
most lively and exciting day of the ses?
sion since the recess. It was generally
known this morning that the two Houses
were to meet in Joint Assembly, to elect
an Associate Justice to the Supreme
Bench. Both parties held their caucuses
last evening, and both felt equally confi?
dent this morning. The triendsot Wright
said but little, and seomed to bo working
in the dark. Whipper's advocates, how?
ever, were loud in asserting the certainty
of his election. Toward tho hour of tho
mooting of the Joint Assembly the Whip
per party seemed to lack courage, and
gave up the battle. The wholo election
depended on a more breath. No one
could tell five minutes previous to the
election who was to be the successful man.
At one o'clock tho Senate proceeded to
the hall ot tho Representatives and took
seats amid much bustle and confusion.
Mr. DeLargo, after a characteristic
speech, which was listened to with more
than usual attention, nominated Hon. D.
T. Corbin.
Gen. Ncagle rose and, in a neat speech,
nominated the Hon. W. J. Whipper.
Mr. Cain then spoke at length in com?
plimentary terms of Mr. Wright, and
nominated him.
Messrs. Bosemon and Elliott made long
and able speeches.
The voto was then taken, resulting as
follows: Wright 72, Whipper 57, Orr 3
Thompson I, McGowan 1. Whole num?
ber of votes 134.
Wright was therofore declared elected
for the short term.
Points of order, privilege, and every
other kind of parliamentary quibblo wero
then raised, and confusion was the "special
order" for the rostof tho day. Knowing
that nothing could be accomplished, the
Speakor thon assumed the responsibility
of dissolving the Joint Assembly.
-4?
? Dobbs says ho has ono of tho most
obedient boys in the world. All he has
to do is to tell him to do as he pleases,
and ho does it without murmuring.
? A negro explains tho apathy in cel?
ebrating tho anniversary of the battle of
New Orleans by the fact that "Butler'*
bin dar sinoe Jaokaon's bin gone;'*