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yQR ICVI l. a. grists sons, Pabii.h.r.,} % 4smitS Icicsgagcii: 4or 1M {promotion of <he {political, ?oeial, Agricultural and Commercial interests of th< {pcopl<. { established 18557 YORKVILLE, S. C., FRIDAY, JUNE 21, 1912. NO. 50. ^ PLEASE AT SUMTER. Governor Defends His Administrative Record. * CORPORATE CAPITAL VS. THE PEOPLE. Precinct Club Re-organizations Went By Default, County Conventions Framed Up, and State Convention 4k Dominated by Interests that Seek to Control the State for their Own Benefit. Following Is the speech made by Governor Blease in opening the guberna* torial campaign at Sumter last Tuesday and furnished to the newspapers in typewritten form: Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen. Fellow Citizens of South Carolina: In obedience to the laws of the Democratic party of South Carolina, I appear before you today as a candidate for re-election to the position of ornvnmAP Pour years ago, when I announced as ^ a candidate for the office of governor, the newspapers raised a great howl against me and said many very harsh things. They criticised me very severely for opposing the then^chlef executive, using as their argument that jp it had always been customary in this state to give a governor two terms; that it was a precedent which the people had set and from which, for many, many years, they had not deviated, and that it was very wrong in me, very undemocratic, very impudent and in every other manner and form against principles and policies that the governor should be opposed for his second term. Great changes have been wrought; those same newspapers since I have held the chief executive office, have done everything within their I % power to hamper me in my administration and to Injure the state government by striking me in the most malicious manner; and, for some months past, they have been clamoring for candidates to oppose me in my second race. If it was right, four years ago, that the governor should have a second term, and if it was precedent .then that no change should be made, why is it today that those same newspapers should fight me so bitterly upon the second term idea, and fight me so bit^ terly in behalf of those who are opposing me for my second term? Does it not show conclusively, to all fairminded men, that it is not a fight of Justice or principle with them, but that it is a fight of prejudice and spite against me, because the newspapers and the corporations have not been able to control me or dictate my policies as governor? Precedent Not Involved. I am not asking for re-election be^ cause it is a precedent to give a man a second term. This argument is used only for the purpose of showing to you the great change which has been brought about and how they clamored for another man's second term, on account of this precedent, and abused me for opposing him. Now, in so short a time, they are praising another man and fighting his cause against me for my second term. Is it principle that they are fighting for. or is it to control and dictate the policies of the , government? The position is up to ^ you, fellow citizens, whether you shall have a governor, unhampered, working in the interest of the people of the state, which is in accordance with the Democratic principle?, and which I ^ have followed, or whether you are to have a governor who is brought out by the newspapers and backed by the corporations and moneyed Interests, and who will be dictated to by them. Look at your recent state convention; your county clubs with fixed-up slates forced down your throats, without giving you the right to nominate from the floors of the clubs the list of del% egates; those delegations went to their various county conventions, and again a slate was fixed and certain delegations were crammed down the throats of the people without their having a voice or a right to say who should ** control' or who should represent them. What was the result? Who absolutely dominated and controlled your state convention? Lewis W. Parker, the head of the big mill merger, which I have been fighting for the relief of the people and to save them from the hands of this octopus. Sitting by his side was his leading counsel and paid attorney, H. J. Haynsworth. Lero.v Springs, said to be worth three and a half million dollars, head of large corporations and owner of large corpor^ ate Interests. There was John Gary Evans, the chief counsel and paid attorney of the Western Union Telegraph company for this state, and of other corporations. Richard I. Manning, president of a bank and large stockholder in other corporations. Jos^ eph W. Barnwell, J. Edward McDonald, M. L. Bonham. R. S. Whaley, J. L. Glenn. F. H. Weston and other leading attorneys for railroad corporations and other corporate interests. H. D. ^ Calhoun, A. E. Padgett, R. F. Smith, J. W. Ragsdale. bank presidents and large owners of other corporate interests. Also, one W. F. Stevenson, paid attorney for corporations and railroads, attorney and assistant in prosecuting dispensary cases, for which he has received handsome salaries, and other corporation officers and attorneys too numerous to mention here; look at your own county delegation and see how many corporation officers, directors. stockholders and attorneys were in attendance as delegates, and answer if corporations controll d that convention. Look at your delegation to Baltimore; see how many of them 4 are officers, directors, stockholders and attorneys of large corporations. Where did the farmers, mill operatives, clerks, laboring men?the real backbone of this state?get representation? Then, who controlled the conventions? Answer: The corporations. Against who? Answer: Cole L. Blease. Wrhy? Answer: Because they have not been able and can not control Blease and QlCiaie Ilia puiicivs its kuvciiiui. mr ^ officers and the attorneys of your corporations absolutely dominated and controlled your state convention. Now. gentlemen, I ask you. as men, do you want a corporation ring-rule, or do you want a man in the govern? or's office who can not be controlled by corporations and who will stand by the interests of the people of the state? A Dominated Convention. I call your attention to those conventions because It shows you that they were dominated by certain men and in the Interest of certain men; and who are these corporations today supporting for governor, brought out by the newspapers, and being supported by the newspapers and by those corporations heads and those usurp the authority which belongs to the people? Then I ask you the question again?will you vote for a corporation-newspaper-ring-rule candidate, or will you cast your ballot for a man who Is under no obligation whatever to them, but is standing and fighting for the interest of the people of the state, and who has so fought as representative, as senator and as governor? No man can truthfully say that he was deceived. I was open and plain in my campaign for this office, and stated from every rostrum of this state what by platform of principals were, and have not done one thing which I said I would not do, and have left undone not a thing which I said I would do, and have lived up to that platform of principles which was laid ^ I nn?vir\olarn Koim of AA/1 uuwii an Lit a i Laiu^oigu, nave otwu by those who stood by me; and, as stated In my opening speech at Sumter, my motto is. "Stick to the man who sticks to Blease, whether it be in private life or in public life or elsewhere." That doctrine has been lived up to both in office and out of office, and I propose to continue to do so as long as there Is life In my body, and ?%$>- >- .. / sSMT GOVERNOR HIRAM W. JOHNSON. CALIFORNIA. have no apologies to make to any man or set of men, or any excuses to offer for anything which has been done as governor, and .1 am not coming to you today, with my hat In my corporation lawyers? I submit to you as a question of great Importance, and ask you to answer it in your cool and deliberate moments, by whom is a man going to be controlled?by the corporations and newspapers which put him in office, or by the people, who those corporations are fighting ? a onn rnl on/1 f f\ tiiin rnucavvi 1115 11/ ivnii v* ?..? %v hand, offering excuses or making apologies or begging you for your votes. Has Bten and la Governor. I wanted to be governor of South Carolina, and wanted to be governor badly, and have been and am governor, and in that have accomplished the highest ambition of my life. If reelected, will have no more honor than that already bestowed, because it is as much of an honor to be governor of the state one term as it is to be many years. Therefore, if not reelected, I shall have no tears to shed, for this fight is made for the people of my state, against corporations and newspapers. If the people see fit to prefer to be ruled and controlled by those interests Instead of by themselves, I can assure you that they will be the sufferers and not me, for, whatever may be written, whether it be with pen, indelible pencil, on marble or on brass, It must be recorded that I was elected by the people to the position of governor of my state, and no matter who writes it, how bitter he may be against me, or how friendly he may be towards me, he can not fail to record that I was governor of my state. In my inaugural address to your general assembly in 1911, certain policies were laid down, and your general assembly asked to take them up and consider them very carefully. In my annual message of 1912, again those same matters were taken up, as well as other matters; and now beg leave to submit to you the most important matters which you should give consideration to; First, and most important of all?education of your children; taxes; government printing; extravagance of your higher institutions of learning; the careless issuing of requisitions and rewards, which has been followed by previous administrations, the purchases for your state institutions; the hunting clubs, which are in the hands of foreigners and deprives the citizens of our state of their God given right and privilege; the negro lodges, which do so much harm in our country; appointment of special judges to hold court, when regular judges are disengaged; white persons teaching negro children in schools of the state: railroad fares which shouh' be reduced to 2 cents per mile, as advocated by me in my message to your general assembly; the cotton mill merger: the hoisery mill; biennial ses sions of the general assembly; liberal support of the Confederate veterans. Your taxes are entirely too high, which is caused by the extravagance of your legislature, in making large, excessive and useless appropriatfons. Your higher institutions of learning are receiving too much money, to the detriment of the common schools. These institutions should be run at a less expenditure, in order that more money may be given to the common schools. Every dollar uselessly spent in your higher institutions could be well spent, and should be. In improving the rural schools of the state. Any one who will take the pains to investigate will see that we are paying entirely too much for government printing, and that thousands of dollars could be saved the state if this matter was thoroughly sifted, as I have pleaded with your legislature to do. Some Needed Remedies. The present law of issuing requisitions and rewards is entirely wrong. Whenever a fugitive from Justice is returned to this state, If his services go to the county chalngang of a county, that county should pay the expense, and not the state at large. If he goes to the penitentiary, the state receives the benefit of his work and should pay all of the expense. If the heads of your institutions of learning will get together and make some rule by which they could make all of their purchases of supplies by advertising for competitive bids, the articles could be purchased much cheaper and many thousands of dollars saved to the state. Northerners are buying large quantities of our land and establishing hunting and fishing preserves and prohibiting the use of them by our citizens, in violation of the statute laws of our state, and are depriving our citizens of thei? God-given right to hunt and fish which should not be allowed. The negro lodges are doing much harm in our country. I have begged your legislature to pass an act prohibiting them. Some say this can not be done, but it can be and very easily, by simply stating that whenever any peace officer desires to enter one of these lodges either of the white or colored people, that he should be allowed to do so. The white fraternal orders would not be Interfered with, because all of the peace officers are white men, and the negro lodges could be properly regulated. White people teaching negro schools in our state are doing much harm, and are putting Into the heads of the young negroes the idea of social equality, and creating an ambition among them which can only be squelched at the end of a rope or in the electric chair. I asked your legislature to pass an act prohibiting this, but (hey paid no attention to it, and the evil continues to exist. You should have a flat rate of two cents per mile on all railroads for passenger travel. This was advocated by me in my message to your legislature In 1911 and 1912, but nothing was done towards remedying the situation. The railroads are getting richer and richer every day, and it would be no hardship upon them to fide people for two cents per mile. They are already riding the rich man, who is able to purchase a thousandmile book, for two cents per mile, so why should they not also ride the poor man, who has to take an occasional trip, at the same rate? I favor biennial sessions of the general assembly, and think the last session is the highest proof of its need. I am in favor of liberally supporting the old Confederate veterans. The free school system of the state should be built up so as to allow every white child in South Carolina to receive a good common school education. I am absolutely opposed to compulsory education, and the white people's taxes being used to educate negroes. Spoke to Legislature. AH of these matters were called to the attention of your general assembly, and as the opportunity presents itself at the various campaign meetings will be taken up and discussed. I can scarcely do more than mention them here, because there are entirely too many. However, there will be published and placed in the hands of as many of the people as posible my veto messages; message upon the cotton mill merger; message upon the hosiery mill, within the walls of the penitentiary; message relative to your higher Institutions of learning, and other papers which were presented, at various times, to your general assembly. We can not hope to place these in the hands of every citizen, but shall endeavor to place them In the hands of enough men in each community that they may be in a position to fully inform those who arc willing to know and want the truth. JK1.V UUUK. Ul pmuuno 1ICU3 aiicuuj mc?.. broadcasted all over the state, and speaks for Itself. It would be absolutely impossible for me, In one speech, to take up all of these various subjects and discuss them; and, as you know, the newspapers will not publish my speeches, nor will they give me a fair report; hence, my only opportunity is to discuss such of these matters as I can, from time to time, and to have the others put in such form that those who wish to see them may have the oportunlty to do so; and hoping that when my friends receive them, after reading themselves, they will pass them around that others may have the opportunity. Is a Poor Man. Now, my fellow citizens, I am a poor man; am not able to purchase the governor's office, and if I was, would not do so; for, If I can not be elected governor without having a paid attorney to represent me as a campaign manager, and without hiring men to run around over this state to work in my behalf, and to use money for the purpose of debauching the votes of my state, I do not want It and would not have it. I did not do this to be elected and shall not do it to be reelected. I am desirous of seeing what position certain ministers of the gospel, and certain other citizens of our state, who denounce these things, will take when they find that it is being done. Will they help to keep it secret, and say "anything to beat Blease," or will they prove to be the high moralists that they claim for themselves, and refuse to be parties to the purchasing of votes, the paying of hirelings and the use of whisky and improper methods to control our primary? I have no large corporations behind me. to contribute to any campaign fund for me, and no corporation officeholders or rich political friends to contribute to a campaign fund to give me success, hoping that they may receive their reward later. Therefore whatever votes I receive and whatever work is done for me, must be done by mv fHorwIu uhn nrn fho frlpnHs ftf good government, and who are opposed to the buying of votes and the control of this state's government by corporations and ring rule. Few newspapers are friendly to me. I am not able to go around and pay editors for their support, or to hire In their papers certain spaces in which my friends or myself are allowed to write anything that we please,even editorial matters, and have it printed; hence, CHARLES EVA I am In the position that I can only go to the people face to face, and talk to them as man to man and warn them of the dangers which are ahead of them, and do all In my power, In an honorable way, In this campaign. If you And men running around, taking special interest, traveling from place to place, for any man, ask him how much salary he Is receiving and who is paying his expenses. If you hear of them offering people so much money to work for a candidate, And out who is furnishing the money. I am making no charges against any man, but men are traveling from place to place in this state who are not able to do it individually, and somebody is paying the money. It is also known that men have beer offered certain amounts of monty t( go out and work in the Interest of ceY* tain candidates. These statements are plmto o> AuitTicuti 1'resa Association SENATOR JOSEPH M DIXON. made in order to call your attention to what Is going on. No charges are made against any specific candidate, for I have not the proof that he is doing these things, but have the proof that it is being done. Gentlemen, the matter is in your hands, and whatever may be your decision will be satisfactory to me. Do that which you believe is for the best interest of all the people of your state, for I do not believe that the people of this state can be bought nor coerced, and want to insist upon all of my friends going to the ballot box and casting their ballots, and after they have voted, stay there, or appoint three or four good men, who will stay there, and see that the votes are prop- ; erly counted; for It has been openly boasted that, "If we can not beat Hlease, we propose to see that he is counted out." I appeal to all of you ( who are against buying votes and who are against sending hirelings around over the state In an endeavor to put this government in the hands of the ring-rule and corporation interests, to go to your ballot boxes, and see that the interests of the people is pro- ( tected, and all I ask is a free ballot anil (i fair aniinf anil virlll lia rnolnntpd governor of South Carolina over all of my opponents by a clear-cut majority. This Is stated advisedly, because I have traveled nearly all over the state; have received letters from good men from every section of the state, and the only danger that has yet been hinted at was the use of money and fraud at the ballot boxes. The Code of Laws. Sections 3f>6 and 365, code of laws of South Carolina. 1912, read as follows: "Sec. 356. At or before every political primary election held by any political party, organization or association, for the purj>ose of choosing candidates for offlce, or the election of delegates to conventions, in this state, any person who shall, by threats or any other form of intimidation, or by the payment, delivery or promise of money, or other article of value, procure or offer, promise or endeavor to procure, another to vote for or against any particular candidate in such election, or who shall, for such consideration, offer to so vote, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor." "Sec. 365. Any manager at any primary election in this state who sJ|^Q^^y |^k ' -V MHBj^wwP^ iftfri HF - ' ^0 i^Bm. K V/|i [^R'lSsiB NS HUGHES. ' shall be guilty of wilfully violating any of the duties devolved upon such position, shall bo guilty of a misde- . meanor, and, upon conviction thereof, shall be punished by a fine not to exceed one hundred dollars, or Imprison- , ment to exceed six months; and fraud or corruption In the management of such election, shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon convlc- . tlon thereof, shall be fined In a sum not to exceed five hundred dollars, or imprisonment for a term not to exceed twelve months or both, In the discretion of the court." Calls on Friends. ( And I call upon all of my friends to ( see that any person who attempts to ( buy votes In this primary, or who In- j tlmldates voters by threats or other- , wise, be immediately prosecuted, and , If you need any assistance In the ( prosecution of the case, I promise you, | as governor of this state, to furnish it, ( because I believe in a fair, square , election, and propose, so far as in my , power, to see that it is held for all t of the offices of our state. You, my fellow citizens, watcn these two things. t We now have a majority; we have the t battle won, and all that we have got to do Is to see that we get a fair and honest showing. I cin not do it all; can only do my part, It Is up to you to do yours. If the people are defeated and the corporations and newspapers and the old ring take charge of this government, the people will be the sufferers. The fault will not be mine. Let the consequences be what they may, the people of my state will be forced to say, Cole L. Blease did his part. I thank you for your kind attention, and. If re-elected, will promise you to stand by the people and for the people, for I am one of the people. DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION HALL e Where the Party Drama Will b? Play e erf Next Weak. c Baltimore, June 17.?The Democrat- ^ ic candidate for president of the United States will be nominated in a huge national guard armory situated In the residence portion of Baltimore. When " this city sent its representatives before the Democratic national committee to bring the national convention here the possession of an ideal convention hall was one of the strongest advantages Baltimore had to ofTer. Since that time, at the expense of many thousand dollars the hall has been made to answer every requirement of the delegates who assemble here on June 25 and the throngs that gather to watch their deliberations. The Democratic national convention will meet In the Fifth regiment armory, which occupies nearly a whole city square in the Mount Royal district, fronting on Hoffman street, and bounded by Preston street in the rear. At the two ends of the block are Park and Linden avenues, both of wlilch carry trolley lines connecting with the business center. Two squares distant is the main station of the Baltl more ana umo rauroau, ana omy a in tie further, barely five minutes walk, I is the union station, where passengers | arrive on the other railroads entering the city. Close at hand, within easy walking distance, is the city's largest v hotel. When the state spent {450,000 for this drill hall to house Baltimore's fa- _ mous regiment, the "Dandy Fifth," big conventions were in mind and the ^ building was situated and designed with reference to affording such accommodatlon8. Exterior embellish- , ment was a secondary consideration. The Fifth regiment armory is surrounded by massive walls of grey ^ granite, two stories high, from which rise' twelve steel trusses that carry { the arched roof to a height of eightyfive feet. It is lighted by windows In the side walls and by a skylight that r runs the whole length of the apex of the roof. From the outside the appearance of the structure Is not particularly Impressive, probably because the principal dimensions are lateral, and too extensive for the eye to ap- . predate unless the beholder could look p down on the building from an elevatlon. The armory extends 364 feet In width on Hoffman and Preston streets d and is 284 feet deep. The great drill h hall Inside, where the convention will ^ assemble, Is 300x200 feet. To adapt this building further to _ convention purposes the state appro prlated $35,000. The greater part of this sum has been spent to increase the seating capacity by putting in temporary balconies at the two ends of the drill hall. Decorations, which include the construction of a false celling to improve the acoustic properties, cost $7,000. Several thousand dollars has been spent in the construction of the speakers' platform, on seats and on remodeling the military company quarters- at the sides and ends of the building for use as committee rooms. As one enters the hall through the main gateway on Hoffman street the eye first is Impressed by the magnificent distances and the seemingly endless vistas of seats. Under the hands of the decorators the place has lost Its military, utilitarian look, transformed by the more than 40,000 yards of bunting that hides the roof beams, drapes the walls and covers practically every foot of the interior except the windows and floor spaces. The background is a soft effect of cream, gold and white, which makes an effective setting for the national colors displayed in countless arrangements, and the Insignia and colors of the various states. The seating arrangements here are the result of long study on the architects' part, aided by the practical experience of men versed In the practical problems of great conventions. This hall will seat comfortably more than 16,000 persons, and those In charge of Its preparation believe they have worked out their problem so that every member of this great audience can command a view of the speakers' stand and understand what Is being said. To bring this about the location of the speakers' platform was the matter of first importance. In the Baltimore hall the speakers will stand well out towards the middle of the auditorium, directly opposite the main central entrance, midway between the ends of the hall and about sixty feet; or more than one third of the distance, from the rear wall of the Interior. This rostrum, the heart of the convention hall, Is not large Bnough to permit much pacing about on the orator's part. It measures about fifteen long by ten feet deep. It Is elevated six feet above the main floor. Back of the rostrum, two feet above It and communicating by steps, Is another platform of the same size for the use of the secretaries of the contention. Back of this are 600 seats oanked at the rear to a height of fourteen feet, which are reserved for the officers of the national organization. Grouped about the speakers' olatform at both sides and in front, ire 436 seats for the press. These c :ommun!cate through passageways un- 1 ler the banked-up seats behind with I he company rooms outside the drill | lall which have been fitted up for the I ise of the newspapers and press as-1 ^ lociations and telegraph and telephone I jompanles. From these office*, with-1 n sound of the speaker's voloe and >f the secretary as he announces the I ^ esults of each ballot, run wires that | vlll carry the news of the convention I ^ o the world. a In front of the platform separated I >nly by the narrow row of press seats g ind an aisle, are the places for thai lelegates who come to Baltimore to I ^ egister the presidential choice of the I ^ >arty in the various states and terrl- I ories of the Union. Although the I lumber of votes these states and teritorles may cast aggregates 1,094, the| irchitects have provided seats for 1,200 { lelegates, because some of the states, I ^ Maryland, among them, send to imore twice as many delegates as I hey have votes, each delegate belnar I ^ he custodian of half a vote. Back of | he delegates sit an equal number of I lternates, and these 2,400 seats oc-1 upy the center of the floor between ^ he platform and the entrance. These I our blocks of seats will hold much of I ^ he life and motion of the convention. I ^ 'he location of the representatives of I ach state will be shown by an elevat- h d sign. |c For convenience in handling the I ^ rowds, the convention hall seats have I ^ ,een divided Into seventy-six sections, f which forty-nine are on the floor .nd the rest in the balconies. The I ^ ? o ft A ^ 18 k \U c Hn I ti I' WF T m d 111 Iv |^^k g Iei h I a o st b Si g ICY OR ROSE WATER. ACTING f? CriAiRMAN OF YHE REPUBLIC- tl AN NATIONAL COMMITTEE n oor will seat 10,661 and the balconies ,408. Deducting the seats on the floor eserved for officials, delegates and alernatee and the press leaves 7,220 for he public. These with the balconies mke room for 11.628 seats for theacommodatlon of Baltlmoreans and vistors who are expected by the ten housands from all parts of the counry. The public seats on the main floor ccupy the two ends of the hall and un at right angles to the delegates' eats so that when a speaker on the ostrum is facing the delegates the Teater part of the audience will g<* ^ t I rrW/v ??<oo 4 Kr* 1oA_ iur views 01 mm. mc sicai uoiwiles that have been added temporariy to the armory project from the nds and overhang nearly half these nd seats on the floor. These two alconies are 200 feet long by 52 feet eep.' At the front and back of the all the narrow permanent balconies ave been equipped with three rows f seats that will accommodate be(Contlnued on Page Four.) PLATFORM OF JUDGE JONES. Principles Upon Which Be Stands for Preferment. READ TD THE VOTERS AT SUMTER. Believes in County Local OptionWants Better Schools? Desires Commission to Report on Advisability of Adoption of Torrsns System?Wants Employers' Liability and Workingmen's Compensation 8tatute. At the Sumter meeting last Tuesday, Judge Jones, read the following as the platform upon which he is asking for preferment as to the governorship: As a candidate for nomination as governor I wish to state briefly certain principles and measures which [ advocate and shall more fully discuss from time to time as the campaign progresses and the occasion demands. 1. While the liquor question is not deemed an issue in this cam paign some wish me to declare my position. I stand for county local option with proper enforcement of the law in accordance with the result 2. I favor just appropriations for the effective maintenance of our state institutions of learning, but the Improvement and development of the common schools, and especially the rural schools of the state are matters of gravest concern and shall have my keen interest and hearty support. 3. The systematic construction and maintenance of good roads should be encouraged, not only as an economic md efficient means for the improvement of market facilities and the stimulation of Industrial development, but for the favorable effect upon the country churches and schools In promoting attendance, upon the enlargement of free, rural delivery and in rendering home life upon the farm more desirable. 4. I favor the appointment of a commission to examine as to the desirability of adopting some system of and title registration like that known is the Torrens system. Some movement of this kind was begun some :tme ago, but so far nothing has come >f it. This system takes its name from Robert Richard Torrens and was first macted in Australia in 1868. The main principles of this system have been idopted in many countries?Australia, Canada, England, Ireland, Germany, n a number of states, suqh as Maasaihusetts, Illinois, California, Montana, Minnesota, Oregon and Colorado, and las been Introduced in Hawaii and the 'hillpplnee by the United States govrnment. Under this system the tile is examined officially and confirm iu uy a couri anu me ueruuvaic n ? fuarantee 0f the title against the vorld, While the plan necessarily Involves ome Initial expense, as reasonable harge for the registration and for he guarantee fund, it saves more in ivoldlng the successive expenses of xaminlng title every time the land is old or mortgaged. Under the present ystem many defects of title may exit which an examination of the record vould not disclose, such for example, s a claim of dower, adverse possesion, incapacity to convey, etc. The Ian avoids the uncertainty, delay and xpense of transferring titles. In sellng the land or borrowing money upon I the transaction may be effected with (most the ease and simplicity of a ransfer of stocks or bonds. Because f the difficulty and uncertainty with eference to land transactions under he old system, real estate is least vallable as an asset upon which to alse money. The simpllcty, cheapless,.celerity and safety with which Etnds may be sold or mortgaged uner the Torrens system ought to make eal estate practically as available as Igh class personalty and vastly In- , rease the ability of the land owner to itillze his land as a ready basis of redlt on the easiest terms. 5. I favor the enactment of an emloyers' liability and workmen's comensatlon statute along the principle f the New Jersey statute adopted ipiil 4, 1911, or the Massachusetts tatute adopted July 28, 1911. This >glslation Involves the abolition of the ommon law defenses usually made In uits for personal injuries, viz., (1) hat the Injury was caused by the negigence of a fellow servant; (2) that he injured party contributed to the ijury by his own negligence; (3) hat the Injured party assumed the Isks of the employment. Either of hese defenses, if sustained, would de?at a recovery under the common law. 'he above statutes abolished these | efenses, except where the contrlbuiry negligence was wilful, and pro- ( Ides a system of elective compensa- ( on In accordance with a schedule ; ivlng amount of compensation for i ach described injury, generally one- < alf of the average weekly wages for j specified time. I I do not think such legislation Is ; pposed to the state or Federal con- i titution. From my experience on the I ench In dealing with cases of per- I >nal injuries to employees in dan- I erous employment, such as rallrodas, < ictorles, etc.. a conviction has grrown lat modern industrial conditions ( lake it wise and humane to abolish I le common law rules mentioned and ' Yorkvill#?8outh Congr* i substitute an elective system of fixed ' compensation for such injuries. Such legislation would relieve the injured employee, or his family, from bearing all the loss which he sustained in the course of his employment and provide relief at a time when most needed. It would avoid the delay, expense and bitterness of a lawsuit. It would tend to promote more harmonious relations between the employee and the employer. It would be very helpful in causing a fairer and closer study of the causes which produce the injury and thereby tend to bring about more effective safeguards, a thing most desirable for all concerned. The employer could calculate with some certainty the extent of the loss under a flxed schedule of compensation and protect himself by Insurance. 6. Liberal pensions should be awarded the Confederate soldiers as recognition of their patriotic and heroic services to the state. 7. The rights of our people must be protected against unlawful combination of capital and our anti-trust laws enforced with vigor. 8. The right of every white Democratic citisen of South Carolina to vote in the primary should be sealously protected. I am opposed to requiring a registration certificate as a qualflloa t(/\n in nnimam/ tV\r_ V.U klVU 1VI TUlllll IU VUV r V? eigners should not be permitted to participate in our prmlarles until they become naturalised. 9. We live under a Democratic government, and under our constitution the functions of the legislative, Judicial and executive departments are separate and distinct, and he who exercises the function of one department should not Invade or usurp the powers of another. 10. The pardoning power should be exercised with great care and only then after careful Investigation by the board of pardons. The pardoning power is a sacred trust and Its abuse is a menace to the peace, order and safety of the people. 1L The veto power of the governor should not be exercised arbitrarily, nor to obstruct legislation, but to correct errors and prevent abuses and thwart the enactment of laws clearly against the welfare of the people. 12. The great office of governor should be exercised for all the people and not for a faction only. 13. The state's peace, progress and prosperity are dependent on the enforcement of law and order. 14. The people of this state are already burdened with taxation and I favor the reduction of taxes to the minimum consistent with the efficient administration of state and county government 16. The great problem for the upcountry is to conserve the moisture in the soil to prevent erosion of the land; and the great problem for the low country is to drain the lands. Both conditions require scientific thought and action. A thorough system of drainage by Individual cooperation and Federal aid, would reclaim thousands of the best lands in the state and I am heartily In favor of such a system. Ira B. Jones. THE GREAT EMPTY LAND. Millions of Menless Acres of Landless Men in Australia. The tragedy of Australia was told a day or two ago in an obscure paragraph in the newspaper, says The London Express. The paragraph oc cupled precisely two ana a nair lines, and it recorded the fact that the flnal results of the Australian census show that in ten years the population has increased by 113,000. To the casual reader the figures convey little suggestion of significance. Most persons have a vague Idea that the people of the commonwealth number something like four or five millions, and the circumstance that, to whatever, the total may have been, the figures of the new census have added 113,000, arouses but a languid interest After all Australia is a long distance away; people do not "run over" to Melbourne or Sydney as they "run over" to New York and Montreal. A country which- can only be reached by a Ave or six week journey, and keeps us waiting the better part of three months before It replies to our letters, recedes so far from the average view as practically to exist aS something even less than a geographical expression. Let us, however, take into consideration a few elementary facts, and then superimpose upon them the lesson of these flnal results of the census which have been recorded In two lines and a half of newspaper type. Here in England we are overwhelmed with the twin problems of overcrowding and unemployment Out there, in the great empty land, there are very nearly three million square miles?getting on for two thousand ' million acres?among a population of less than four and a half million. The country is as a big as the United States (excluding Alaska,) or about three-fourths of the area of Europe, or twenty-flve times that of Great Britain and Ireland; and its population Is barely that of Ireland alone. To that population there has been added in ten years' Including children and emigrants, an average of lust a little over eleven thousand souls a year! Here Is another aspect for consideration. Not all the 1.903,731, 340 acres of the great island continent we fit for cultivation; but allowing for the area occupied by its cities, and for the marsh ground where nothing flourishes but spinlfez and scrub, there Is room and to spare for all the ablebodied unemployed of the rest of the world; and up to the present time, in round figures, only 12,000,000 acres 3ut of a thousand millions of possible fertility are under any sort of cultivation. BBPj '-'SgS . , v - w: is Street From Liberty. '