Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, June 21, 1912, Image 1
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established 18557 YORKVILLE, S. C., FRIDAY, JUNE 21, 1912. NO. 50.
^ PLEASE AT SUMTER.
Governor Defends His Administrative
Record.
* CORPORATE CAPITAL VS. THE PEOPLE.
Precinct Club Re-organizations Went
By Default, County Conventions
Framed Up, and State Convention
4k Dominated by Interests that Seek to
Control the State for their Own
Benefit.
Following Is the speech made by Governor
Blease in opening the guberna*
torial campaign at Sumter last Tuesday
and furnished to the newspapers
in typewritten form:
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen.
Fellow Citizens of South Carolina:
In obedience to the laws of the
Democratic party of South Carolina, I
appear before you today as a candidate
for re-election to the position of
ornvnmAP
Pour years ago, when I announced as
^ a candidate for the office of governor,
the newspapers raised a great howl
against me and said many very harsh
things. They criticised me very severely
for opposing the then^chlef executive,
using as their argument that
jp it had always been customary in this
state to give a governor two terms;
that it was a precedent which the people
had set and from which, for many,
many years, they had not deviated,
and that it was very wrong in me,
very undemocratic, very impudent and
in every other manner and form
against principles and policies that the
governor should be opposed for his
second term. Great changes have
been wrought; those same newspapers
since I have held the chief executive office,
have done everything within their I
% power to hamper me in my administration
and to Injure the state government
by striking me in the most malicious
manner; and, for some months
past, they have been clamoring for
candidates to oppose me in my second
race. If it was right, four years ago,
that the governor should have a second
term, and if it was precedent .then
that no change should be made, why is
it today that those same newspapers
should fight me so bitterly upon the
second term idea, and fight me so bit^
terly in behalf of those who are opposing
me for my second term? Does it
not show conclusively, to all fairminded
men, that it is not a fight of
Justice or principle with them, but
that it is a fight of prejudice and spite
against me, because the newspapers
and the corporations have not been
able to control me or dictate my policies
as governor?
Precedent Not Involved.
I am not asking for re-election be^
cause it is a precedent to give a man
a second term. This argument is used
only for the purpose of showing to
you the great change which has been
brought about and how they clamored
for another man's second term, on account
of this precedent, and abused
me for opposing him. Now, in so short
a time, they are praising another man
and fighting his cause against me for
my second term. Is it principle that
they are fighting for. or is it to control
and dictate the policies of the
, government? The position is up to
^ you, fellow citizens, whether you shall
have a governor, unhampered, working
in the interest of the people of the
state, which is in accordance with the
Democratic principle?, and which I
^ have followed, or whether you are to
have a governor who is brought out
by the newspapers and backed by the
corporations and moneyed Interests,
and who will be dictated to by them.
Look at your recent state convention;
your county clubs with fixed-up slates
forced down your throats, without
giving you the right to nominate from
the floors of the clubs the list of del%
egates; those delegations went to their
various county conventions, and again
a slate was fixed and certain delegations
were crammed down the throats
of the people without their having a
voice or a right to say who should
** control' or who should represent them.
What was the result? Who absolutely
dominated and controlled your state
convention? Lewis W. Parker, the
head of the big mill merger, which I
have been fighting for the relief of the
people and to save them from the
hands of this octopus. Sitting by his
side was his leading counsel and paid
attorney, H. J. Haynsworth. Lero.v
Springs, said to be worth three and a
half million dollars, head of large corporations
and owner of large corpor^
ate Interests. There was John Gary
Evans, the chief counsel and paid attorney
of the Western Union Telegraph
company for this state, and of
other corporations. Richard I. Manning,
president of a bank and large
stockholder in other corporations. Jos^
eph W. Barnwell, J. Edward McDonald,
M. L. Bonham. R. S. Whaley, J. L.
Glenn. F. H. Weston and other leading
attorneys for railroad corporations
and other corporate interests. H. D.
^ Calhoun, A. E. Padgett, R. F. Smith, J.
W. Ragsdale. bank presidents and
large owners of other corporate interests.
Also, one W. F. Stevenson, paid
attorney for corporations and railroads,
attorney and assistant in prosecuting
dispensary cases, for which he has received
handsome salaries, and other
corporation officers and attorneys too
numerous to mention here; look at
your own county delegation and see
how many corporation officers, directors.
stockholders and attorneys were
in attendance as delegates, and
answer if corporations controll d that
convention. Look at your delegation
to Baltimore; see how many of them
4 are officers, directors, stockholders and
attorneys of large corporations. Where
did the farmers, mill operatives, clerks,
laboring men?the real backbone of
this state?get representation? Then,
who controlled the conventions? Answer:
The corporations. Against who?
Answer: Cole L. Blease. Wrhy? Answer:
Because they have not been
able and can not control Blease and
QlCiaie Ilia puiicivs its kuvciiiui. mr
^ officers and the attorneys of your corporations
absolutely dominated and
controlled your state convention.
Now. gentlemen, I ask you. as men,
do you want a corporation ring-rule,
or do you want a man in the govern?
or's office who can not be controlled by
corporations and who will stand by
the interests of the people of the
state?
A Dominated Convention.
I call your attention to those conventions
because It shows you that
they were dominated by certain men
and in the Interest of certain men;
and who are these corporations today
supporting for governor, brought
out by the newspapers, and being supported
by the newspapers and by
those corporations heads and those
usurp the authority which belongs to
the people? Then I ask you the
question again?will you vote for a
corporation-newspaper-ring-rule candidate,
or will you cast your ballot for
a man who Is under no obligation
whatever to them, but is standing and
fighting for the interest of the people
of the state, and who has so fought
as representative, as senator and as
governor?
No man can truthfully say that he
was deceived. I was open and plain
in my campaign for this office, and
stated from every rostrum of this state
what by platform of principals were,
and have not done one thing which
I said I would not do, and have left
undone not a thing which I said I
would do, and have lived up to that
platform of principles which was laid
^ I nn?vir\olarn Koim of AA/1
uuwii an Lit a i Laiu^oigu, nave otwu
by those who stood by me; and, as
stated In my opening speech at Sumter,
my motto is. "Stick to the man
who sticks to Blease, whether it be in
private life or in public life or elsewhere."
That doctrine has been lived
up to both in office and out of office,
and I propose to continue to do so as
long as there Is life In my body, and
?%$>- >- .. / sSMT
GOVERNOR HIRAM W. JOHNSON.
CALIFORNIA.
have no apologies to make to any
man or set of men, or any excuses to
offer for anything which has been
done as governor, and .1 am not coming
to you today, with my hat In my
corporation lawyers? I submit to you
as a question of great Importance,
and ask you to answer it in your cool
and deliberate moments, by whom is
a man going to be controlled?by the
corporations and newspapers which
put him in office, or by the people,
who those corporations are fighting
? a onn rnl on/1 f f\
tiiin rnucavvi 1115 11/ ivnii v* ?..? %v
hand, offering excuses or making
apologies or begging you for your
votes.
Has Bten and la Governor.
I wanted to be governor of South
Carolina, and wanted to be governor
badly, and have been and am governor,
and in that have accomplished
the highest ambition of my life. If
reelected, will have no more honor
than that already bestowed, because
it is as much of an honor to be governor
of the state one term as it is
to be many years. Therefore, if not
reelected, I shall have no tears to
shed, for this fight is made for the
people of my state, against corporations
and newspapers. If the people
see fit to prefer to be ruled and controlled
by those interests Instead of
by themselves, I can assure you that
they will be the sufferers and not me,
for, whatever may be written, whether
it be with pen, indelible pencil, on
marble or on brass, It must be recorded
that I was elected by the people
to the position of governor of my
state, and no matter who writes it,
how bitter he may be against me, or
how friendly he may be towards me,
he can not fail to record that I was
governor of my state.
In my inaugural address to your
general assembly in 1911, certain policies
were laid down, and your general
assembly asked to take them up and
consider them very carefully.
In my annual message of 1912, again
those same matters were taken up, as
well as other matters; and now beg
leave to submit to you the most important
matters which you should
give consideration to; First, and most
important of all?education of your
children; taxes; government printing;
extravagance of your higher institutions
of learning; the careless issuing
of requisitions and rewards, which has
been followed by previous administrations,
the purchases for your state institutions;
the hunting clubs, which
are in the hands of foreigners and deprives
the citizens of our state of their
God given right and privilege; the negro
lodges, which do so much harm
in our country; appointment of special
judges to hold court, when regular
judges are disengaged; white persons
teaching negro children in schools of
the state: railroad fares which shouh'
be reduced to 2 cents per mile, as
advocated by me in my message to
your general assembly; the cotton mill
merger: the hoisery mill; biennial ses
sions of the general assembly; liberal
support of the Confederate veterans.
Your taxes are entirely too high,
which is caused by the extravagance
of your legislature, in making large,
excessive and useless appropriatfons.
Your higher institutions of learning
are receiving too much money, to the
detriment of the common schools.
These institutions should be run at a
less expenditure, in order that more
money may be given to the common
schools. Every dollar uselessly spent
in your higher institutions could be
well spent, and should be. In improving
the rural schools of the state.
Any one who will take the pains to
investigate will see that we are paying
entirely too much for government
printing, and that thousands of dollars
could be saved the state if this matter
was thoroughly sifted, as I have pleaded
with your legislature to do.
Some Needed Remedies.
The present law of issuing requisitions
and rewards is entirely wrong.
Whenever a fugitive from Justice is
returned to this state, If his services
go to the county chalngang of a county,
that county should pay the expense,
and not the state at large. If
he goes to the penitentiary, the state
receives the benefit of his work and
should pay all of the expense.
If the heads of your institutions of
learning will get together and make
some rule by which they could make
all of their purchases of supplies by
advertising for competitive bids, the
articles could be purchased much
cheaper and many thousands of dollars
saved to the state.
Northerners are buying large quantities
of our land and establishing
hunting and fishing preserves and prohibiting
the use of them by our citizens,
in violation of the statute laws
of our state, and are depriving our citizens
of thei? God-given right to hunt
and fish which should not be allowed.
The negro lodges are doing much
harm in our country. I have begged
your legislature to pass an act prohibiting
them. Some say this can not
be done, but it can be and very easily,
by simply stating that whenever any
peace officer desires to enter one of
these lodges either of the white or
colored people, that he should be allowed
to do so. The white fraternal
orders would not be Interfered with,
because all of the peace officers are
white men, and the negro lodges could
be properly regulated.
White people teaching negro schools
in our state are doing much harm,
and are putting Into the heads of the
young negroes the idea of social
equality, and creating an ambition
among them which can only be
squelched at the end of a rope or in
the electric chair. I asked your legislature
to pass an act prohibiting this,
but (hey paid no attention to it, and
the evil continues to exist.
You should have a flat rate of two
cents per mile on all railroads for
passenger travel. This was advocated
by me in my message to your legislature
In 1911 and 1912, but nothing
was done towards remedying the situation.
The railroads are getting
richer and richer every day, and it
would be no hardship upon them to
fide people for two cents per mile.
They are already riding the rich man,
who is able to purchase a thousandmile
book, for two cents per mile, so
why should they not also ride the poor
man, who has to take an occasional
trip, at the same rate?
I favor biennial sessions of the general
assembly, and think the last session
is the highest proof of its need.
I am in favor of liberally supporting
the old Confederate veterans.
The free school system of the state
should be built up so as to allow every
white child in South Carolina to receive
a good common school education.
I am absolutely opposed to compulsory
education, and the white people's
taxes being used to educate negroes.
Spoke to Legislature.
AH of these matters were called to
the attention of your general assembly,
and as the opportunity presents
itself at the various campaign meetings
will be taken up and discussed.
I can scarcely do more than mention
them here, because there are entirely
too many. However, there will be
published and placed in the hands of
as many of the people as posible my
veto messages; message upon the
cotton mill merger; message upon the
hosiery mill, within the walls of the
penitentiary; message relative to your
higher Institutions of learning, and
other papers which were presented, at
various times, to your general assembly.
We can not hope to place these
in the hands of every citizen, but
shall endeavor to place them In the
hands of enough men in each community
that they may be in a position
to fully inform those who arc
willing to know and want the truth.
JK1.V UUUK. Ul pmuuno 1ICU3 aiicuuj mc?..
broadcasted all over the state, and
speaks for Itself. It would be absolutely
impossible for me, In one
speech, to take up all of these various
subjects and discuss them; and, as
you know, the newspapers will not
publish my speeches, nor will they
give me a fair report; hence, my only
opportunity is to discuss such of these
matters as I can, from time to time,
and to have the others put in such
form that those who wish to see them
may have the oportunlty to do so;
and hoping that when my friends receive
them, after reading themselves,
they will pass them around that others
may have the opportunity.
Is a Poor Man.
Now, my fellow citizens, I am a poor
man; am not able to purchase the
governor's office, and if I was, would
not do so; for, If I can not be elected
governor without having a paid attorney
to represent me as a campaign
manager, and without hiring men to
run around over this state to work in
my behalf, and to use money for the
purpose of debauching the votes of my
state, I do not want It and would not
have it. I did not do this to be elected
and shall not do it to be reelected. I
am desirous of seeing what position
certain ministers of the gospel, and
certain other citizens of our state, who
denounce these things, will take when
they find that it is being done. Will
they help to keep it secret, and say
"anything to beat Blease," or will they
prove to be the high moralists that
they claim for themselves, and refuse
to be parties to the purchasing of
votes, the paying of hirelings and the
use of whisky and improper methods
to control our primary?
I have no large corporations behind
me. to contribute to any campaign
fund for me, and no corporation officeholders
or rich political friends to
contribute to a campaign fund to give
me success, hoping that they may receive
their reward later. Therefore
whatever votes I receive and whatever
work is done for me, must be done by
mv fHorwIu uhn nrn fho frlpnHs ftf
good government, and who are opposed
to the buying of votes and the
control of this state's government by
corporations and ring rule. Few newspapers
are friendly to me. I am not
able to go around and pay editors for
their support, or to hire In their papers
certain spaces in which my
friends or myself are allowed to write
anything that we please,even editorial
matters, and have it printed; hence,
CHARLES EVA
I am In the position that I can only
go to the people face to face, and
talk to them as man to man and
warn them of the dangers which
are ahead of them, and do all In
my power, In an honorable way, In
this campaign. If you And men
running around, taking special interest,
traveling from place to place, for
any man, ask him how much salary
he Is receiving and who is paying his
expenses. If you hear of them offering
people so much money to work for
a candidate, And out who is furnishing
the money. I am making no charges
against any man, but men are traveling
from place to place in this state
who are not able to do it individually,
and somebody is paying the money.
It is also known that men have beer
offered certain amounts of monty t(
go out and work in the Interest of ceY*
tain candidates. These statements are
plmto o> AuitTicuti 1'resa Association
SENATOR JOSEPH M DIXON.
made in order to call your attention to
what Is going on. No charges are
made against any specific candidate,
for I have not the proof that he is
doing these things, but have the proof
that it is being done.
Gentlemen, the matter is in your
hands, and whatever may be your decision
will be satisfactory to me. Do
that which you believe is for the best
interest of all the people of your state,
for I do not believe that the people of
this state can be bought nor coerced,
and want to insist upon all of my
friends going to the ballot box and
casting their ballots, and after they
have voted, stay there, or appoint
three or four good men, who will stay
there, and see that the votes are prop- ;
erly counted; for It has been openly
boasted that, "If we can not beat
Hlease, we propose to see that he is
counted out." I appeal to all of you (
who are against buying votes and who
are against sending hirelings around
over the state In an endeavor to put
this government in the hands of the
ring-rule and corporation interests, to
go to your ballot boxes, and see that
the interests of the people is pro- (
tected, and all I ask is a free ballot
anil (i fair aniinf anil virlll lia rnolnntpd
governor of South Carolina over all
of my opponents by a clear-cut majority.
This Is stated advisedly, because
I have traveled nearly all over
the state; have received letters from
good men from every section of the
state, and the only danger that has
yet been hinted at was the use of
money and fraud at the ballot boxes.
The Code of Laws.
Sections 3f>6 and 365, code of laws
of South Carolina. 1912, read as follows:
"Sec. 356. At or before every political
primary election held by any political
party, organization or association,
for the purj>ose of choosing candidates
for offlce, or the election of delegates
to conventions, in this state, any person
who shall, by threats or any other
form of intimidation, or by the payment,
delivery or promise of money,
or other article of value, procure or
offer, promise or endeavor to procure,
another to vote for or against any
particular candidate in such election,
or who shall, for such consideration,
offer to so vote, shall be guilty of a
misdemeanor."
"Sec. 365. Any manager at any
primary election in this state who
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shall be guilty of wilfully violating
any of the duties devolved upon such
position, shall bo guilty of a misde- .
meanor, and, upon conviction thereof,
shall be punished by a fine not to exceed
one hundred dollars, or Imprison- ,
ment to exceed six months; and
fraud or corruption In the management
of such election, shall be guilty
of a misdemeanor, and, upon convlc- .
tlon thereof, shall be fined In a sum
not to exceed five hundred dollars, or
imprisonment for a term not to exceed
twelve months or both, In the discretion
of the court."
Calls on Friends. (
And I call upon all of my friends to (
see that any person who attempts to (
buy votes In this primary, or who In- j
tlmldates voters by threats or other- ,
wise, be immediately prosecuted, and ,
If you need any assistance In the (
prosecution of the case, I promise you, |
as governor of this state, to furnish it, (
because I believe in a fair, square ,
election, and propose, so far as in my ,
power, to see that it is held for all t
of the offices of our state. You, my
fellow citizens, watcn these two things. t
We now have a majority; we have the t
battle won, and all that we have got to
do Is to see that we get a fair and
honest showing. I cin not do it all;
can only do my part, It Is up to you
to do yours. If the people are defeated
and the corporations and newspapers
and the old ring take charge of
this government, the people will be
the sufferers. The fault will not be
mine. Let the consequences be what
they may, the people of my state will
be forced to say, Cole L. Blease did
his part.
I thank you for your kind attention,
and. If re-elected, will promise you
to stand by the people and for the people,
for I am one of the people.
DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION HALL
e
Where the Party Drama Will b? Play e
erf Next Weak.
c
Baltimore, June 17.?The Democrat- ^
ic candidate for president of the United
States will be nominated in a huge
national guard armory situated In the
residence portion of Baltimore. When "
this city sent its representatives before
the Democratic national committee
to bring the national convention
here the possession of an ideal convention
hall was one of the strongest
advantages Baltimore had to ofTer.
Since that time, at the expense of
many thousand dollars the hall has
been made to answer every requirement
of the delegates who assemble
here on June 25 and the throngs that
gather to watch their deliberations.
The Democratic national convention
will meet In the Fifth regiment armory,
which occupies nearly a whole city
square in the Mount Royal district,
fronting on Hoffman street, and
bounded by Preston street in the rear.
At the two ends of the block are Park
and Linden avenues, both of wlilch
carry trolley lines connecting with
the business center. Two squares distant
is the main station of the Baltl
more ana umo rauroau, ana omy a in
tie further, barely five minutes walk, I
is the union station, where passengers |
arrive on the other railroads entering
the city. Close at hand, within easy
walking distance, is the city's largest v
hotel.
When the state spent {450,000 for
this drill hall to house Baltimore's fa- _
mous regiment, the "Dandy Fifth," big
conventions were in mind and the ^
building was situated and designed
with reference to affording such accommodatlon8.
Exterior embellish- ,
ment was a secondary consideration.
The Fifth regiment armory is surrounded
by massive walls of grey ^
granite, two stories high, from which
rise' twelve steel trusses that carry {
the arched roof to a height of eightyfive
feet. It is lighted by windows In
the side walls and by a skylight that
r
runs the whole length of the apex of
the roof. From the outside the appearance
of the structure Is not particularly
Impressive, probably because
the principal dimensions are lateral,
and too extensive for the eye to ap- .
predate unless the beholder could look p
down on the building from an elevatlon.
The armory extends 364 feet In
width on Hoffman and Preston streets d
and is 284 feet deep. The great drill h
hall Inside, where the convention will ^
assemble, Is 300x200 feet.
To adapt this building further to _
convention purposes the state appro
prlated $35,000. The greater part of
this sum has been spent to increase
the seating capacity by putting in
temporary balconies at the two ends
of the drill hall. Decorations, which
include the construction of a false celling
to improve the acoustic properties,
cost $7,000. Several thousand dollars
has been spent in the construction of
the speakers' platform, on seats and
on remodeling the military company
quarters- at the sides and ends of the
building for use as committee rooms.
As one enters the hall through the
main gateway on Hoffman street the
eye first is Impressed by the magnificent
distances and the seemingly endless
vistas of seats. Under the hands
of the decorators the place has lost
Its military, utilitarian look, transformed
by the more than 40,000 yards of
bunting that hides the roof beams,
drapes the walls and covers practically
every foot of the interior except the
windows and floor spaces. The background
is a soft effect of cream, gold
and white, which makes an effective
setting for the national colors displayed
in countless arrangements, and the
Insignia and colors of the various
states.
The seating arrangements here are
the result of long study on the architects'
part, aided by the practical experience
of men versed In the practical
problems of great conventions.
This hall will seat comfortably more
than 16,000 persons, and those In
charge of Its preparation believe they
have worked out their problem so that
every member of this great audience
can command a view of the speakers'
stand and understand what Is being
said. To bring this about the location
of the speakers' platform was the matter
of first importance.
In the Baltimore hall the speakers
will stand well out towards the middle
of the auditorium, directly opposite
the main central entrance, midway
between the ends of the hall and
about sixty feet; or more than one third
of the distance, from the rear wall of
the Interior. This rostrum, the heart
of the convention hall, Is not large
Bnough to permit much pacing about
on the orator's part. It measures
about fifteen long by ten feet deep. It
Is elevated six feet above the main
floor.
Back of the rostrum, two feet above
It and communicating by steps, Is another
platform of the same size for
the use of the secretaries of the contention.
Back of this are 600 seats
oanked at the rear to a height of
fourteen feet, which are reserved for
the officers of the national organization.
Grouped about the speakers'
olatform at both sides and in front,
ire 436 seats for the press. These c
:ommun!cate through passageways un- 1
ler the banked-up seats behind with I
he company rooms outside the drill |
lall which have been fitted up for the I
ise of the newspapers and press as-1 ^
lociations and telegraph and telephone I
jompanles. From these office*, with-1
n sound of the speaker's voloe and
>f the secretary as he announces the I ^
esults of each ballot, run wires that |
vlll carry the news of the convention I ^
o the world. a
In front of the platform separated I
>nly by the narrow row of press seats g
ind an aisle, are the places for thai
lelegates who come to Baltimore to I ^
egister the presidential choice of the I ^
>arty in the various states and terrl- I
ories of the Union. Although the I
lumber of votes these states and teritorles
may cast aggregates 1,094, the|
irchitects have provided seats for 1,200 {
lelegates, because some of the states, I ^
Maryland, among them, send to
imore twice as many delegates as I
hey have votes, each delegate belnar I ^
he custodian of half a vote. Back of |
he delegates sit an equal number of I
lternates, and these 2,400 seats oc-1
upy the center of the floor between ^
he platform and the entrance. These I
our blocks of seats will hold much of I ^
he life and motion of the convention. I ^
'he location of the representatives of I
ach state will be shown by an elevat- h
d sign. |c
For convenience in handling the I ^
rowds, the convention hall seats have I ^
,een divided Into seventy-six sections,
f which forty-nine are on the floor
.nd the rest in the balconies. The I ^
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ft A
^ 18
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ICY OR ROSE WATER. ACTING f?
CriAiRMAN OF YHE REPUBLIC- tl
AN NATIONAL COMMITTEE n
oor will seat 10,661 and the balconies
,408. Deducting the seats on the floor
eserved for officials, delegates and alernatee
and the press leaves 7,220 for
he public. These with the balconies
mke room for 11.628 seats for theacommodatlon
of Baltlmoreans and vistors
who are expected by the ten
housands from all parts of the counry.
The public seats on the main floor
ccupy the two ends of the hall and
un at right angles to the delegates'
eats so that when a speaker on the
ostrum is facing the delegates the
Teater part of the audience will g<*
^ t I rrW/v ??<oo 4 Kr* 1oA_
iur views 01 mm. mc sicai uoiwiles
that have been added temporariy
to the armory project from the
nds and overhang nearly half these
nd seats on the floor. These two
alconies are 200 feet long by 52 feet
eep.' At the front and back of the
all the narrow permanent balconies
ave been equipped with three rows
f seats that will accommodate be(Contlnued
on Page Four.)
PLATFORM OF JUDGE JONES.
Principles Upon Which Be Stands for
Preferment.
READ TD THE VOTERS AT SUMTER.
Believes in County Local OptionWants
Better Schools? Desires Commission
to Report on Advisability of
Adoption of Torrsns System?Wants
Employers' Liability and Workingmen's
Compensation 8tatute.
At the Sumter meeting last Tuesday,
Judge Jones, read the following
as the platform upon which he is asking
for preferment as to the governorship:
As a candidate for nomination as
governor I wish to state briefly certain
principles and measures which
[ advocate and shall more fully discuss
from time to time as the campaign
progresses and the occasion demands.
1. While the liquor question is
not deemed an issue in this cam
paign some wish me to declare my
position. I stand for county local
option with proper enforcement of the
law in accordance with the result
2. I favor just appropriations for
the effective maintenance of our
state institutions of learning, but the
Improvement and development of the
common schools, and especially the
rural schools of the state are matters
of gravest concern and shall have my
keen interest and hearty support.
3. The systematic construction and
maintenance of good roads should be
encouraged, not only as an economic
md efficient means for the improvement
of market facilities and the stimulation
of Industrial development, but
for the favorable effect upon the country
churches and schools In promoting
attendance, upon the enlargement of
free, rural delivery and in rendering
home life upon the farm more desirable.
4. I favor the appointment of a
commission to examine as to the desirability
of adopting some system of
and title registration like that known
is the Torrens system. Some movement
of this kind was begun some
:tme ago, but so far nothing has come
>f it. This system takes its name from
Robert Richard Torrens and was first
macted in Australia in 1868. The main
principles of this system have been
idopted in many countries?Australia,
Canada, England, Ireland, Germany,
n a number of states, suqh as Maasaihusetts,
Illinois, California, Montana,
Minnesota, Oregon and Colorado, and
las been Introduced in Hawaii and the
'hillpplnee by the United States govrnment.
Under this system the tile
is examined officially and confirm
iu uy a couri anu me ueruuvaic n ?
fuarantee 0f the title against the
vorld,
While the plan necessarily Involves
ome Initial expense, as reasonable
harge for the registration and for
he guarantee fund, it saves more in
ivoldlng the successive expenses of
xaminlng title every time the land is
old or mortgaged. Under the present
ystem many defects of title may exit
which an examination of the record
vould not disclose, such for example,
s a claim of dower, adverse possesion,
incapacity to convey, etc. The
Ian avoids the uncertainty, delay and
xpense of transferring titles. In sellng
the land or borrowing money upon
I the transaction may be effected with
(most the ease and simplicity of a
ransfer of stocks or bonds. Because
f the difficulty and uncertainty with
eference to land transactions under
he old system, real estate is least
vallable as an asset upon which to
alse money. The simpllcty, cheapless,.celerity
and safety with which
Etnds may be sold or mortgaged uner
the Torrens system ought to make
eal estate practically as available as
Igh class personalty and vastly In- ,
rease the ability of the land owner to
itillze his land as a ready basis of
redlt on the easiest terms.
5. I favor the enactment of an emloyers'
liability and workmen's comensatlon
statute along the principle
f the New Jersey statute adopted
ipiil 4, 1911, or the Massachusetts
tatute adopted July 28, 1911. This
>glslation Involves the abolition of the
ommon law defenses usually made In
uits for personal injuries, viz., (1)
hat the Injury was caused by the negigence
of a fellow servant; (2) that
he injured party contributed to the
ijury by his own negligence; (3)
hat the Injured party assumed the
Isks of the employment. Either of
hese defenses, if sustained, would de?at
a recovery under the common law.
'he above statutes abolished these |
efenses, except where the contrlbuiry
negligence was wilful, and pro- (
Ides a system of elective compensa- (
on In accordance with a schedule ;
ivlng amount of compensation for i
ach described injury, generally one- <
alf of the average weekly wages for j
specified time. I
I do not think such legislation Is ;
pposed to the state or Federal con- i
titution. From my experience on the I
ench In dealing with cases of per- I
>nal injuries to employees in dan- I
erous employment, such as rallrodas, <
ictorles, etc.. a conviction has grrown
lat modern industrial conditions (
lake it wise and humane to abolish I
le common law rules mentioned and '
Yorkvill#?8outh Congr*
i
substitute an elective system of fixed '
compensation for such injuries.
Such legislation would relieve the
injured employee, or his family, from
bearing all the loss which he sustained
in the course of his employment
and provide relief at a time when
most needed. It would avoid the delay,
expense and bitterness of a lawsuit.
It would tend to promote more
harmonious relations between the
employee and the employer. It would
be very helpful in causing a fairer and
closer study of the causes which produce
the injury and thereby tend to
bring about more effective safeguards,
a thing most desirable for all concerned.
The employer could calculate with
some certainty the extent of the loss
under a flxed schedule of compensation
and protect himself by Insurance.
6. Liberal pensions should be
awarded the Confederate soldiers as
recognition of their patriotic and heroic
services to the state.
7. The rights of our people must
be protected against unlawful combination
of capital and our anti-trust
laws enforced with vigor.
8. The right of every white Democratic
citisen of South Carolina to vote
in the primary should be sealously
protected. I am opposed to requiring
a registration certificate as a qualflloa
t(/\n in nnimam/ tV\r_
V.U klVU 1VI TUlllll IU VUV r V? eigners
should not be permitted to
participate in our prmlarles until they
become naturalised.
9. We live under a Democratic
government, and under our constitution
the functions of the legislative,
Judicial and executive departments
are separate and distinct, and
he who exercises the function of one
department should not Invade or usurp
the powers of another.
10. The pardoning power should be
exercised with great care and only
then after careful Investigation by the
board of pardons. The pardoning
power is a sacred trust and Its abuse
is a menace to the peace, order and
safety of the people.
1L The veto power of the governor
should not be exercised arbitrarily,
nor to obstruct legislation, but to
correct errors and prevent abuses and
thwart the enactment of laws clearly
against the welfare of the people.
12. The great office of governor
should be exercised for all the people
and not for a faction only.
13. The state's peace, progress and
prosperity are dependent on the enforcement
of law and order.
14. The people of this state are already
burdened with taxation and I
favor the reduction of taxes to the
minimum consistent with the efficient
administration of state and county
government
16. The great problem for the upcountry
is to conserve the moisture
in the soil to prevent erosion of the
land; and the great problem for the
low country is to drain the lands.
Both conditions require scientific
thought and action. A thorough system
of drainage by Individual cooperation
and Federal aid, would
reclaim thousands of the best lands
in the state and I am heartily In
favor of such a system.
Ira B. Jones.
THE GREAT EMPTY LAND.
Millions of Menless Acres of Landless
Men in Australia.
The tragedy of Australia was told
a day or two ago in an obscure paragraph
in the newspaper, says The
London Express. The paragraph oc
cupled precisely two ana a nair lines,
and it recorded the fact that the flnal
results of the Australian census show
that in ten years the population has
increased by 113,000.
To the casual reader the figures
convey little suggestion of significance.
Most persons have a vague Idea that
the people of the commonwealth number
something like four or five millions,
and the circumstance that, to
whatever, the total may have been,
the figures of the new census have
added 113,000, arouses but a languid
interest After all Australia is a long
distance away; people do not "run
over" to Melbourne or Sydney as they
"run over" to New York and Montreal.
A country which- can only be
reached by a Ave or six week journey,
and keeps us waiting the better part
of three months before It replies to
our letters, recedes so far from the
average view as practically to exist aS
something even less than a geographical
expression.
Let us, however, take into consideration
a few elementary facts, and
then superimpose upon them the lesson
of these flnal results of the census
which have been recorded In two
lines and a half of newspaper type.
Here in England we are overwhelmed
with the twin problems of overcrowding
and unemployment Out
there, in the great empty land, there
are very nearly three million square
miles?getting on for two thousand '
million acres?among a population
of less than four and a half million.
The country is as a big as the United
States (excluding Alaska,) or about
three-fourths of the area of Europe,
or twenty-flve times that of Great
Britain and Ireland; and its population
Is barely that of Ireland alone.
To that population there has been
added in ten years' Including children
and emigrants, an average of
lust a little over eleven thousand souls
a year! Here Is another aspect for
consideration. Not all the 1.903,731,
340 acres of the great island continent
we fit for cultivation; but allowing
for the area occupied by its cities, and
for the marsh ground where nothing
flourishes but spinlfez and scrub, there
Is room and to spare for all the ablebodied
unemployed of the rest of the
world; and up to the present time, in
round figures, only 12,000,000 acres
3ut of a thousand millions of possible
fertility are under any sort of cultivation.
BBPj '-'SgS
.
, v - w:
is Street From Liberty. '