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lewis iwr. gkist, proprietor; | J|n Inbtpcnbent Jamiln ftetospaper: Jfor tjje Ijromotion of i|e political, Social, ^gricnltnral anil Commercial Interests of tjje Sontj). | TERMS?$3.00 A YEAR, IN ADVANCE. VOL. 23. YORKYILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, DECEMBER 6. 1877. NO. 49. ' i? ??????????????? ' Jtffairs at the Capital | THE GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repre-; sentatives. In discharging the duty of addressing the General Assembly, imposed on me by the constitution, it seems emiuently appropriate that 1 should begin by congratulating its members upon the auspicious circumstances under which they reassemble. The past year has been a memorable one. Twelve months ago we witnessed a condition of things which threatened the existence of republican institutions under our ancient system of constitutional government. The whole country was couvulsed by a uational political contest, that every patriot dreaded, as its fear-' ful result, civil war. Amid the throes and , the perils of .this convulsion, the government of which you constitute a part, was placed j inspower by the people of the State. Encompassed by dangers as novel as they were startling, we looked in vain to history for the light to guide us which experience aloue can give. The representatives of the people, chosen as their rulers, were called on to fulfill as high dunes ana to assume as grave ruHpuusiiniiuco I as have ever been imposed on men. No hu-! r man wisdom could have brought us safely [ through the danger that beset us on all sides, I and we should reverently give thanks to Him who alone has wrought this great deliverance. Our State is rehabilitated; peace prevails throughout her borders ; the laws are impartially enforced and fully respected; good will betweeu all classes is rapidly obliterating the animosities of the past; health blesses our people, and the labors of our husbandmen have been crowned with abundant harvests. We surely have cause for profound gratitude for the blessings which have been lavishly bestowed on us; but while it becomes us to acknowledge these gratefully, we should bear in mind that their continuance depends on the condition of our proving worthy of them. The first step in this direction is for us to observe, in perfect good faith, the pledges made j during the canvass which resulted in our sue-! cess. Upon this point, I feel well assured that the conservative and thoughtful people of the State afie thoroughly united, and that their representatives will be found in full accord with them. With impartial justice in the administration of the laws, with the recognition of the perfect equality of all citizens r-- under these laws, with the assurance of prok tection to all in their rights of person and ' property, and with just, liberal and wholesome legislation, we may look with assured confidence, to an era of peace and proBperi ? Ann Stofo Thin <>nnan m mfttion. SO ar %jt 1u vui ubwbv? Aiaiu vvmww deotly desired by every patriot, id to be brought about mainly by the labors of the General Assembly, and I rely confidently on the wisdom, the discretion and the patriotism which will direct aud shape the ensuing legislation. Grave questions of public policy, upon which will depend, in a large measure, the future destiuy of the State, will demand your attention, and will receive, I am sure, your most earnest consideration. First in importance, is the financial condition of the State, for uutil this is satisfactorily settled, all hopes of returning prosperity will prove delusive. The credit of the State must be restored to, and maintained at, its ancient high character before we can make good our promises of rejr. ? n-nnnJ tn lul/o tha nrnilH lUTUi, UI" UttU CAptVt U?l VV WUOV vuv |*? v?-w. position she once held, and to which it should be our highest duty aud our noblest ambition to restore her. This object can, I feel convinced, be accomplished by this General Assembly, without imposing upon our irapover *_ ished people au onerous burden. As a com9^ mission was appointed by the Legislature at its last session to consider this subject, it would be premature, if not indelicate, in me to make aoy specific recommendations in advance of their report, and I venture now ouly to express the hope that under no circumstances will repudiation, direct or indirect, be countenanced. Repudiation would bring inevitable disaster and would entail indelible disgrace. The public debt can surely be so abjusted that, while the welfare of the j State is carfully guarded, the rights of the creditors shall not be violated or impaired. The very fact that a State can exercise powers in questions of this nature against which no remedy exists, should make its legislature doubly careful of the interests of Creditors whose sole protection is the honor of their debtors. An ardent desire to see the credit of the State maintained and her faith untarnished, is my sole reason for presenting these views ; and with the hope that they will meet the approval of the Legislature and of the patriotic people of the State, I leave this vital matter to you, who are the proper custodiaus of the welfare and the honor of this commonwealth. In connection with the public debt, T rnolra a oiumroof inn far vnnr nnn. 1 VCUilll C iv luaav a wwggwwivu ?v? j ??. vvw sideration. Unless some provision is made to meet the obligations of the State wheu they - fall due, we shall be subjected to great embarrassment, and perhaps loss, as the State will be forced to issue new bonds in order to take in the outstanding ones. This system of borrowing to pay our debts will hamper our people and may impair the credit of our State. There are grave objections to a sinking fund, the strougest of which is, that it may be diverted, uuder emergencies, from its legitimate purpose. To guard against this contingency, and at the same sime to provide for the gradual payment of the public debt, 1 advise that a special annual tax of one half mill be levied, | the proceeds of which shall be placed in the ! hands of the Treasurer of the State, who j shall be directed to buy in the hoods of the ; State, annually, to the extent of the fund 80 raised. It will be readily seen how profitable to the State such a plan would be while the bonds are below par. The proceeds of such a tax as has been indicated could, at the present time, retire bonds to the amount of j $100,000, realizing to the State a profit of J twenty five to thirty per cent. The public debt could be gradually but surely reduced, while the burthen ofpayiug it in this manner would fall lightly on the taxpayers I mere*! ly suggest 8Utj}i a system, leaving its practica- i bility and its details to the wisdom of the i , _ General Assembly, Jr Another subject of vital consequence to I our material prosperity, to which I beg to call your attention, is that of the free schools. j The Superintendent of Education, in his an-1 uual report, gives not only the result ofl bis labors during the past year, but makes! (inrtrtoohnna umrthv nf vmir orravn nnnaidfira- I ou65VB J j ? ; , tion. Owing.. to circumstances with which ! you are familiar, the facilities for the education of our people have not been, as yet, what' we desired and expected them to be. We ; must uot PTrget that amongfthe pledges made, | there is none to which we are more solemnly j committed than that of placing within the i reach of all classes a means of education. I earnestly invoke your favorable action on j this subject, and I trust that you will be able to mature some system wfiich, while benefit-! ting the scholars, will secure prompt payment1 to the teachers. Many of these latter, after [ discharging their duties faithfully, now hold i claims against the State, which should at | once be paid. I recommend the ratification ! of the constitutional amendment, regarding fT the tax to support free schools, adopted by : the voters at the last election. From the ! funds which will thus be provided, together with those arising from the poll tax, our schools can be put ou a footing of usefulness. The late professors of the University were k not paid io full wliea the institution vras closed, and I suggest that provision be made to pay the claims held by them. My attention has beeu called to the fact that there are also portions of the salaries of Professors Reynolds, Rivers and the late Dr. LaBorde, of the old faculty, still Unpaid, and it appears to me eminently proper that whatever amounts may be due to these gentlemen, or their representatives, should be paid. These claims cau be examined by a committee appointed by the Legislature, and a report embracing the facts can be submitted to that body for its 6nal action. The daughters of Professor LaBorde request me to transmit to the General Assembly a memorial on this subject, and I take great pleasure in doing so, commending it to your favorable consideration. The action of the General Assembly at the last session, contemplated the reopening of the university as a school for the white youth of fitotn ond fVio ootnhiishmpnf. of ft similar institution for the black. This plan strikes me as wise and well-considered, and I recommend that such measures be taken at the present session as may be necessary for its successful inauguration. It will, of course, be impossible to put these universities or colleges in complete working order at once, but such legislation to that end can now be had as will lay a secure foundation for them. They can gradually be built up until they are able to offer to the youth of the State every educational advantage to be found elsewhere. In no mode can the funds contributed by the people of the State be more judiciously, more wisely or more profitably expended, than by giving to their children cheap and ample means of acquiring knowledge. Ignorance is the faithful parent of crime, and if we hope to suppress the latter we must first eradicate the former. The reports of the officers of the penal and charitable institutions will give you all necessary information as to the condition and wants of these institutions. Though they have been managed well during rv.iot naar- iltirjor flio n? mil mQf W n PPfl 9I1T. lilC paob j tot | uuuv/t tiuv v>t vv?m?v???mwww rounding them, and at a material reduction in expense, many chaugesare necessary to bring them up to the. proper standard. Improvements in them are called for and are justified even in an economical point of view, for if these institutions are put upon a proper footing, they can be made self-supporting to a great extent, if not in full. This is more particularly the case with the penitentiary, and it is very desirable that the convict labor should be utilized, instead of being, as it now is, a burthen on the honest people of the State. The superintendent has recently visited many of the penal institutions in the country, and he has thus acquired much valuable information, which has been laid before the directors. I suggest that there should be five instead of three directors of the penitentiary, to be elected by the Legislature. In my opinion, the same mode should be adopted as to the Regents of the Lunatic Asylum, and I respectfully recommend the change proposed in the manner of filling these re ponsible positions, as I think that whenever officers of the State institutions are to be chosen, the selection of f them should be io the hands of the General | Assembly and not of the Executive. The reports of the various officeu of the State government will give full information as to all matters pertaining to the different departments, and these reports will receive, as they merit, your careful consideration, I am sure. The exhibit made is eminently satisfactory, as it shows that substantial progress has been made in the march of retrenchment and reform. The taxes levied at your last session have been very generally paid, though payment fell due at a time not only unusual, but unpropilious. In view of this fact, and the ad - - - .1 1? ditionai one cnai id many casts me piueeeuo of tbe crops had been expended before the call for taxes was issued, I recommend that you extend such measures of relief to delinquent tax payers, as in your discretion may seem proper. Besides these tax payers, (whose poverty has prevented the payment of the taxes of; the last .fiscal year,) there are many in the State who are in arrears for several years past. In many instances, the lauds of these parties have been forfeited and they are thus deprived of their only means of livelihood. If you could adopt such measures as would secure the payment of last year's taxes in the cases of these1 unfortunate citizens, relieviug them of past indebtedness on account of taxes, and restoring the forfeited lands, it would be an act not ouly of humanity, but, I think, of wisdom. A new spirit of hope would be infused ' into our people, and they would devote themselves to the task of repairing their shattered fortunes with renewed zeal and energy; In doing this, they would necessarily increase the wealth of the State and promote its prosperity. Some of oar citizens have paid taxes to officials who claimed authority to collect under the late administration, and, though that claim was illegal, many of our colorod population, through ignorance and credulity, have been made the victims of it. These cases appeal stronirlv to our sympathies, and in the exer ov V I - t , cise of a liberal and magnanimous policy, the General Assembly could well provide that all who have so paid taxes, shall be entitled to credit for such payments. Action of this sort would show that we prefer to be goverued in matters of this character by the rules of equity, rather than by the technicalities of the law. Among the reforms which I regard as important, is the abrogation of the system, which has obtained here to a certain extent, of special legislation. Great abuses occasionally spring from this mode of legislation, and it adds materially to the legislative expenses. Most of the States have experienced the ill effects of it, and in many of them it is prohibited by constitutional enactments. 4-11 legislation should be, as far as possible, gem eral iu its character, placing all persons and all interests on an equal footing. Associate Justice Wright, of the Supreme bench, has tendered his resignation, to take effect on the first of December next, ami I have accepted it. A vacancy has occurred also amoug the Circuit J udges, by the resigua-! tion ofL. C. Northrop, Judge of the Seventh ! Circuit, The various committees, appointed'hy the; General Assembly during its last session, while discharging their responsible and ar ! duous duties, found that no appropriation had ; been made to defray their expenses, and I ! took the responsibility of advancing to them, from my contingent fund, such sums as were necessary to enable them to prosecute their labors. This outlay will explain why tbo amount charged against this fuud, in the ; Comptroller General's report, is so large. To avoid the recurrence of such a condition of things, I advise that there should hereafter j ho tun ortriHucrpnt funds?one a State fund, i WW vww to meet any demands for which no specific ap- ; propriation has been made, bat which have I been authorized by the Legislature ; and the other contingent fund proper of the Gover- I nor. Should this suggestion be adopted, ' #5,000 would bp amply suffjcieut for the lat I ter. Permit me, gentlemen of the General As- j sembly, in closing this communication, to ex- i press the heart-felt hope that your delibera-! tions may be marked by harmony and wisdom ; that your acts may redound to your own i honor and to the lasting welfare of our State, and that you may live to see her crowned with all the blessings which can be bestowed by a merciful God on a free, enlightened, prosperous and happy commonwealth. Wade Hampton, Governor. ' I "HONEST" JOHN PATTERSON. Report of the Investigating Committee. The following 19 the full text of the report of the special joint-investigating committee, in relation to the bribery of members of the legislature by John J. Patterson, to secure liia alor>fjrin tr? the iTnited States Senate. The report was submitted on Wednesday of last week: To the Honorable the Senate and the House of Representatives: The undersigned, who were appointed a Joint Investigating Committee, under a concurrent resolution of the General Assembly, j adopted June 8, 1877, and by the said resolution were instructed to investigate concerning any improper or illegal use of the "public funds or credit of the State," and concerning any illegal disposal of property by the j Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, and to cause legal proceedings to be instituted in the premises, and also to "investigate the election ! of Hon. J. J. Patterson to the Senate of the United States on the 10th of December, 1872, and to ascertain whether the same was procured by corruption and bribery," respectfully ! report: That shortly after the close of the special session, the committee was organized and proceeded to the work assigned to it, and has been in session up to the present time. After several weeks spent in the investigation of books and papers in the Treasury, and the examination of persons who had been connected with the administration of the State Erovernment in its various departments during O ? the past nine years, it became manifest to every member of the committee, and to the Attorney-General, who had cordially assisted with his valuable advice, that it was necessary to secure for the State the testimony of certain witnesses who had been themselves implicated in the transactions they would be called upon to explain, in order to obtain evidence, oral and documentary, sufficiently conclusive to justify the institution of legal proceedings, in behalf of the State, with a reasonable prospect of successful result. Feeling that it was unworthy of the dignity of the State, that any person, however heinous the offense charged, should be called to answer on strong suspicion merely, without such proof as would warrant conviction before an impartial court of justice, and would compel the acquiesence of public opinion all over the land, the course was adopted of receiving such an amount of testimony as would leave no room for reasonable doubt of guilt before subjecting any one to accusation or arrest. In order to accomplish this end, it was neces sary 10 gram immunity lu suuu persons no were able to furnish testimony of sufficient value to the State, to justify the clemency bestowed. It is gratifying to be able to state, that in every instance where such a course has been adopted, the members of the committee have been uuanimous in their opinion of its expediency, and in their recommendation to the Attorney-General to grant the immunity usual to State's witnesses, and that the Attorney-General, in the discharge of his prerogative iu the premises, has in every instance deemed it proper to adopt such recommendations of the committee, and in cases of special importance, has materially aided the committee, in advance of their conclusions, with his experience and judicious counsels. In these iustauces restitution has heeu required whenever the State had a proper claim maintainable in the courts, to the extent of the probable recovery by the State, had proceedings been promptly instituted and vigorously prosecuted. The result has beeu that a large amount has been realized for the State already, without the atteudant expenses of litigation. The grand iury of the county of Richland, fairly representative of every hue of political sentiment in the community, have presented bills of indictment in every case submitted to them on the testimony obtained by the committee, with two exceptions; and the petit juries, in every case so far tried, have returned verdicts against the parties accused, and the juries in every instance have been composed of citizeus at least one-half of whom were of the same race or political party as the prisoner convicted by their verdict. In addition, the committee has in its possession a great deal of valuable testimony, and hopes to accomplish still more substantial re? T . i ^ ; 1 A suite. ID toe present incomplete amie ui tins testimony, and in view.of the reserve necessary to be maintained concerning matters already in litigation or likely to become the subject of proceedings, criminal or civil, or both, the committee being satisfied that important interests of the State would be seriously imperilled by giving publicity, at this time, to the evidence which has been accumulated, earnestly recommend that the same be withheld from publication until the reason for secrecy shall have ceased to exist. In explanation of the time consumed by the committee in its investigation, it appears sufficient to state that all the vouchers in the State Treasury had to be and were examined ; and that at the outset it was a tedious process to break through the walls of silence which screened the frauds which had been perpetrated, and that f;be field, once opened, grew broader at every step, covering a periof} of nine years of the State's history, and embracing all important operations of the gov blUIUCHi., Iu addition to this, various members of the committee were charged with other important duties, aud were consequently unable to devote themselves exclusively to the prosecution of this work. The committee desires further to call the attention of the General Assembly to another disadvantage under \yf}ich jts labors jtave beep thus far proseputed. Iu the concurrent resolution, the powers of the committee are but imperfectly defined, and no appropriation was made at the last session to meet the necessary expenses. The witnesses, whom it was important to examine, were scattered all over the State, and [n some instances were beyond the limits of the State, and most of them, on being summoned to attend, expressed a willingness to do so, but pleaded the want of meaus of travel, and of subsistence during the attendance before the committee. In order to meet this emergency, the various railroad companies in the Slate were requested to transport the witnesses of the committee over their respective roads, the members of the committee pledging themselves individually aud officially to urge the speedy payment of the charges for this service, These accounts will he submitted, properly vouched, and the early aud favor-able consideration of them by the General Assembly is hereby earnestly recommended. To meet other expenses which could not await this session, his Excellency the Governor, in order that the committee might carry ou their labors, assisted from his contingent, fund to the amount of $3,500. A full statement of the expenses already incurred, and an estimate of the amount uecessary to parpplete the work assigned to the committee, will be furnished, and the necessary appropriation ia hereby recommended. Jn regard to the election of John J. Pattersou to the Senato of the United States, the Committee, having been instructed "to ascertain whether the same was procured by corruption and bribery," and having, in this matter, received no instruction from the General Assembly to institute legal proceedings, deem it a duty to submit the testimony which accompanies this report. The following is a statement of the facts ascertained by the cora.mittee: There were three prominent candidates for the United States Senate iu the winter of 1872. Hon. R. B. Elliott, then member of Congress from the Third District; Hon. R. K. Scott, who had just vacated the gubernatorial office; and Col. John J. Patterson, a prominent member of the Greenville Railroad syndicate, and President of the Blue Ridge Railroad. Eli liott claimed the office as the most prominent | representative of the colored people of the I State; Scott, because of his alleged services to the dominant political party and its leaders ; while Patterson, skillful and experienced ' as a financier of the lobby, and stimulated by the recollection of past victories upon that distinguished field, threw his money, without stint, into the contest, gathered about him a select body of veteran canvassers, under the able generalship of H. G. Worthington, the "active friend" and "right band'man," opened a house of free entertainmeut, aptly styled "Patterson's Headquarters," over a prominent bar room near the oapitol, and proceeded to try the logic of patronage and presents and promises upon the qgembers. For this the j season was opportune. ' There had been a very I exciting and spirited campaign between the "Regulars" and the "Bolters" in the general election of 1872, in which the victorious candidates came out of the struggle with exhausted means. Many legislatbrs came fresh from the corn fields and log cabins of the rural districts, clad in the homely garb of labor, but, uufortuuately, yearning to exchange the raiment of houest poverty for "fine clothes," such as decked the persons of their predecessors, returning from previous sessions of the General Assembly. The new code of public elhics spontaneously generated appropriate soil at the State capitol, during the carnival of corruption which had reigned supreme during the four years then passed, had been promulgated in every section, and its maxims had become the catechism of politics, easily mastered by willing learners. Such was the occasion, such its opportunities, and Patterson, with his ready cash, was master of the situation. Charleston had two rival Republican delegations, seeking from the State canvassers certificates of election to the Senate and House. Each faction felt sure of two votes on the Returning Board, and Cardozo, then Secretary of Styte, had the casting vote. A written agreement was entered into between Patterson and the Charleston delegation, headed by Senator W. R. Jervey, that Patterson would secure the certificate of election for the Jervey delegation, and that the delegation, when * * - t\ ., tt_ ; seated, would support raitersoa ior me uni-1 ted States Senate. The result, however accomplished, was that the Jervey delegation received certificates, obtained their seats, and, in the Senatorial election, unanimously voted for John J. Patterson. It also appears from the testimony, that various members of this delegation received from Patterson and Worthiugton pecuniary favors during and after the canvass, in consideration of their support of the former. In regard to the foregoing, Senators W. R. Jervey and S. E. Gaillard, and Representatives J. C. Ferguson, Joseph J. Grant, W. A. Grant, John Vanderpool, R. W. Turner and N. T. Soencer. all testifv that they were par ties to the agreement above stated, with others of the delegation. Representative R. B. Arison testifies that Patterson promised to give him 8300 for his vote, and after the election paid him 860, through F. S. Jacobs. Repre sentative W. A. Grant testifies that he went with others, after the election, to obtain money from Patterson, and was paid 850 by Jacobs on Patterson's account. Representative N. T. Speucer testified to having received, on account, through Senators Gaillard and Jervey, 8225. Representative C. F. North testifies that he attended a caucus, at which Patterson told the members, if they would vote for him, he would make them a present. Senator Gaillard testifies that he paid N, T. Spencer about 8200, and had a disagreement with Patterson ml /Ja concerning iw reiiuuuioeiLnruL, ? aucusuu ucelaring that "the d?d election had coat him mure than it was worth." In the conduct of the Senatorial canvass, it was necessary to have a convenient place for the customary caucuses of members. The house of Colonel Minort, a memher from Richland, was selected for the purpose, and Patterson agreed with Minort to pay him $2,500 for his support aud for the use of his house for caucuses. Minort so testifies, aud also that Patterson paid him $2,200, aud promised to pay the balance. Wm. L. Leggett, of Marlboro, was employed by Patterson to exert his influence among the members. He testifies that Patterson tried to get him tQ use money to obtain votes, offering to furniih him with money at the rate of about $300 a vote, aud on his declining to use the money, Patterson offered him $500 for his influence, paying him $150 in advance. That he exerted himself in Patterson's favor, espeI cially among the Marlboro and Darlington members, urging them to see Patterson, and informing them that they could make arrangements with Patterson at the rate of 8300 a vote That he consulted with Worthington frequently, who spoke of Patterson's willingness to pay. That he and Bolivar I. Hayes, another friend of Patterson's, tried to secure the vote of Eben Hayes, a member from Marion. That the Marlboro representatives were ! in favor of Scott, but after frequent talks j with \VorthingtoD, changed their expressed ! intention, and yoted for Patterson. That on i the day of election, Senator Maxwell, ofj Marlboro, voted on the first ballot for Scott, and some one saw him before another ballot, when Maxwell voted for Patterson, making up a majority of Senators. That wheu Leggett, after the election, went to Patterson for a settlement, Patterson stated that it was not M ? /t\ . . 1 I ante to pay tneo ^rauerson naving oeen i charged with bribery) and tfiat Patteraop ahpsed {.he member, saying some of them had got their money from hira already, and were demanding more. Eben Hayes, member from Marion, who voted for Scott, testifies that Mr. Leggett told hira that he could get $300 for voting for Patterson, and also of an interview with Patterson himself, in which Patterson draws an exceedingly nice distinction between buying a man's vote, and doing a favor for a poor and needy man who would pupport him. Senator H. J. Maxwell, of Marlboro, who nominated Scott in the Senate, and voted for him on the first ballot, in which Patterson lacked one vote of a majority of the Senate, testifies that he had previously been offered j 81,500 for his vote by Patterson himself, qnd ' by Worthington: and that on the day of electioq, between the first and second ballots, Worthington offered him 82,0Q0. to change | from Scott to Patterson on the second ballot, i That with some hesitation he voted for Patterson. That he afterwards went, by request, { to Patterson's house, where he met Patterson and Worthington, and after a short conversation, Patterson left the room and Worthington handed him a package containing $1,000. Bolivar I. Hayes, of Lexington, was another active agent of Patterson's iq his canvass. ! He testified that he induced ,T. W. Lowroan, i a member from Lexington, to visit Pattereau ' at his headquarters, and when Lowroan came j out he asked Lawman how muoh he got, to J which Lowpian replied, "I am satisfied," atid I !%-?? T?An?.A?.flntnti?a W T/"\n CJQ ||f A ilfPn itliat 4.yc|/i v^cumnTu n uuuvo) w? after the election, complained to him that Patterson had failed to pay him as he had J promised. That in his conversations with I Worthington and others, who were working for Patterson, it was curreutly reported that Patterson had a great deal of money with him to use in his election. That when he took members of the Legislature to see Patterson, j he believed thai they were to be j>aid for their ' votes. The testimony of E. S. J. Hayes, the brother of John K. Hayes, the son of Bolivar ! 1. Hayes, leads the committee to the conclu- j ' sion that Bolivar I. Hayes, but for his char- * j acteristic reserve, could have given still fur| ther relevant information. W. B. Jones, a 1 ; member from Aiken, testifies that Worthington offered him a present of 8500, if he would I vote for Patterson, and that he was after- J wards assured by Patterson himself that what J Worthington promised he would perform. But that after the election they said nothing ' to him, nor he to them, about pay. Sallis Randall, of Aiken, testifies that he was acom: mittee clerk at the time of Patterson's elec-, tion, and that he heard Worthington make j Representative W. B.Jones an offer of either $300 or $500, to vote for Patterson. John Wooley, of Edgefield, "advocated the election of Patterson, and did all he could for him." He testifies that, on Worthington's authority, he told Representative Augustus Sirakins, and j David Graham, another J&iigeheici raemDer, j that they would get money from Worthing- ; ! ton, if they would vote for Pa tereon, naming to Simkins and Graham $500 aa the amount, j and that Worthington told him if those mem-i hers voted for Patterson, the money would be ' in the bank for them. Augustus Simkins,' member from Edgefield, testifies that Wooley made the aforesaid proposition to Representative David Graham and himself at the same time. David Graham, member from Edgefield, testifies that Wooley offered to Augustus Simkins $500, and to himself, he thinks, 8700. That Worthington told him that any arrangement made with John Wooley would be carried out. John A. Barker, member from Edgefield, testifies that in an interview with Patterson at his headquarters, Patterson stated that there was a certain amount of money?$75,000, if necessary?to be spent in his election, and offered him $1,000 for his vote and $2,000 if he would carry two others of his delegation ; the money to be paid at the bank as soon as the vote was cast. That Worthington assured him that Patterson 14 * ' * -1 -1 4-1 J I wouia stand 10 nis promises; ann aisu iuiu him that if Patterson was elected, Worthington would get an appointment under the government. Senator Lawrence Cain, of Edgefield, testifies that on the morning of the election, in the Senate chamber, Worthington offered him $1,500 if he would vote for Pattereon. Paris Simkins, member from Edgefield, testifies that Patterson offered him $1,000 for his vote, saying that he wanted the Edgefield delegation because of the effect it would have, since it was Elliott's stronghold. It is proper to add that all the members from Edgefield were strong supporters of Elliott, and declined the proffered inducements. A. L. Singleton, then an ex-member from Sumter, testifies that he was employed by Worthington and W. H. Gardner to electioneer for Patterson, by sending the members to Worthington, who was "to take care of them," which he understood meant to pay them for their votes. That he sent Representative Hough, of Kershaw, to Worthington, and that Hough, on his return, told him he was all right. That he also sent Representative R. D. Gaither, of Kershaw, Clem Wilson and Rntlop Snoopa nf SilmtAP That affflr thft election, at Patterson's headquarters, Patterson was in one room, Worthington in another paying members, and Warren Minton was door-keeper, and none but members were admitted to the pay room. J. C. Wilson, member from Sumter, testifies that Patterson told him Elliott couldn't be elected ; Scott was offering $100 for votes, and that he (Patterson) was giving $200, and offered him that amount for his vote. That, being an Elliott man, he made no promise to Patterson, but on the vote, finding that Patterson had a majority before he voted, he went with the winning side. That afterwards he applied to Patterson for pay, who declined, because Wilson had not promised beforehand to vote for him. onroooiit ofi vo Rn t lor Snpn ra nfSlimfpr I tifies that he voted for Patterson because under obligations for an appointment. That he sent members to Patterson telling them that Patterson "would take care of them," and by that he meant for them to understand that Patterson would pay them. R. 8. Tarleton, member from Colleton, testifies that Worthington told him that if he would vote for Patterson, he would get something. That he voted for Patterson, and received, in ap envelope, $75 and was told to go to Patterson's house. That he went accordingly with Abram Dannerly, of Orangeburg, and afterwards applied to Worthington at the custom house, but failed to receive any more. Abram Dannerly, member from Orangeburg, testifies that Patterson promised to give him some money if he voted for him, and paid him $50 at the bank. That .Patterson said be baa tfou.uuu or $60,000 to spend on his election. That, subsequently, Patterson fixed the amount for his vote aud influence at $400. That Worthington, on the morning of the election, told him that he would see that he, Dannerly, got the $400. That, after the election, Worthington handed him $25, at which he was quite indignant. That he called, with Representative Robert Tarleton, of Colleton, at Patterson's house to get the balance due, but that Patterson, after offering them liquor and cigars, said be was busy, and would see them again. W. H. Frazier, member from Colleton, testifies that after the election he heard i from Joseph Crews, of Laqrens, that Repre- 1 septative fjolmes, of Colleton, had been paid for all the delegation, and that Senator Smalls, of Beaufort, had received $800 for the Beaufort delegation. That be was told that another man was paid in his name. Geo. Bolivar, of Orangeburg, testifies to a casual conversation with Worthington, in which he i told Worthington that the Oraqgeburg dele-^ gation was badly split up, and that some would VQte fpr Jllliotti wheu Worthington replied that a negro could not be elected, and that the United States Senate did not want a negro, and that Patterson would pay as much i as any one else would. John Dix, member i from Orangeburg, who voted for Elliott, tes- < tifies that Warren Minton told him that Pat- i terson wanted to see bira, and that there 1 would be a chance to make something. Hen- : xy Riley, member from Urangeburg, who vo- i ted for Patterson, testifies to a loan of $25 1 from WorthiDgton at Patterson's headquar- I ter's, which was not returned. J. F. Meyers, i who voted for Scott, testifies that Worthing- < ton told him Patterson had some money for I the boys that would vo.t$ for him ; that he I saw Patterson, by invitation, iu Patterson's ' private room, when Patterson stated that he had euchered Scott and others in some rail- i road transactions, and that they were trying ! to make him spend his money, which he was ! ready todo; that Patterson offered him $500 ! for his vote and influence, and tbe control of < the Orangeburg post office to such of the 1 Orangeburg delegation as would be Patter- 1 son men. Prince Rivers, member from Aiken, i who voted for Scott, testifies that Patterson i offered tq do right by him if he would vote i for him, and that, alter the election, he was at 1 Patterson's headquarters drinking champagne I and saw the members going in, one after an- < other, to Patterson's private room, to get their pay, aud heard complaints from some that they got less than others, and that Scott and Elliott men, in surprising numbers, had nhnnoraf? tn Patterson in the Iflst. t.went.v.fniir ?-"fc> ?? -? J - -_ hours preceding the election. Senator VV. B. Nash, of Richland, who was strongly opposed to Patterson, testifies that Gen. J. B. Dennis, asked him if $5,000 would change kjivi from Elliott to Patterson : tfc.p.t Wortnington told him that "ojd fiat, would tate care of his friend8 jj1' that about a year after the election, when an eflfort was made to provide in the funding bill for the JJlue ftidge Scrip at par, Patterson, in advocating the. measure, told hira that he (Patterson) was disinterested, as he had disposed of his scrip, and had used the money to pay for his election to the United States Senate; that it had cost him $40,000 to be elected and had broke hira pretty much, and bad compelled him to raise money by mortgage on his property. John T. Gilmore, member from Richland, testifies that Patterson, meeting hira shabbily attired, in Columbia, just BeFore'the session of the legislature, presented him with a suit of clothes, and, in a private room, after a caucus, Patterson and Worthington agreed to give him $350 for his support; and that,after the eleotion, having been invited to call on Patterson, he found Patterson and Worthington together; that Worthington handed him an envelope, which' he examined after coming away, and found $100. That he expressed dissatisfaction, on accountof the small amount received, to several persons. Everidge Cain, member from Abbeville, testifies that he was indebted to Scott for a loan of $175, and in an interview with Patterson and Worthington at Fine's, Patterson promised him to lift the note, if he would support him, to which he agreed, and that the agreement was carried out on both sides. Joseph D. Boston, member from Newberry, testifies that he voted for Elliott in the fall of 1872. Patterson lent him $50. The day before the election of United States Senator, Patterson offered him the $50 lent, and $300 more, for his vote, saying he would beat Elliott if it cost him $60,000, and that he had procured a sufficient number of votes at from $200 to $300 to do it. Boston voted for Elliott. That on the day after the election, Patterson demanded the $50, and that Boston paid it to Worthington. Nelson Davies, member from York, testified that Patterson promised him $500 for his vote, provided the rest of the York deleJi J MAn4 AAA Tkaf oftof. gablUll U1U UUt UUOb bUU UiUtU. 11JOV UibViwards, at a caucus, be promised Patterson to vote for him. That after the election, at Patterson's house, Patterson paid him $300, and at the Convention, when Chamberlain was nominated for Governor, Patterson paid him 8100 more, on the same account. B. H. Nerland, member from Barnwell, testifies that Patterson promised him $500 for his support, and that after the election, he called twice at Patterson's house for the money, and on the second visit was referred by Patterson to VVorthington, who paid bim $300, and that Patterson promised to pay the remainder. A. K. Levy, member from Charleston, testified that he went with Representative Norland twice to Patterson's house after the money promised by Patterson to Nerland. Nerland, the second time, came out with a roll of money, and invited Levy to take oysters with him. R. M. Smith, member from Spartanburg, testifies that he had an interview with Patterson -? L" 1 !- ' ?..M tUt at uis ueauijuai lcis, yt Lieu x aitciouu oaiu bunt he would be elected if it cost him thousands dollars. That afterward, on the street, Patterson offered him $300 for every vote he would get for Patterson. Smith voted for S. T. Poinier. S. S. Bridges, member from Newberry, testifies that he borrowed $50 from Worthington, and that on the morning of the electien, Worthington offered him the money borrowed, and laid an envelope, said to contain money, on his desk, offering it to him, in addition, if he would vote for Patterson. Bridges voted for Elliott. After the election, Worthington demanded payment of the $50 lent, and received it. Charles Simons, member from Chester, testifies that Representative Prince Young, of Chester, told him that be, Young, was to get $500 for voting for Patterson, and that each voter was to get the same amount. That Worthington told him that if he voted for Patterson, he would lose nothing by it. That, having voted for Patterson, he shortly afterward- received, through Young, $40, aud subsequently an evelope with $100 more, which Young told him was obtained from Worthington, and was all that bad been received for him. Young is dead. James Young, member from Laurens, who voted for Elliott, testifies that Worthington offered him 8300 to vote for Patterson, saying that was what he was paying for votes. That many of Patterson's supporters twitted him, telling him he would be left out in the cold. Gloster Holland, member from Aiken, who voted for Elliott, testifies that Warren Minton told him if he would vote for Patterson he would get $300, and that Worthington would pay himas soon as the election was over. Senator G. D. Hayne, of Aiken, who voted for Elliott, testifies that Patterson offered him $1,000 for his vote and influence, and Worthington, who was present, tried to persuade him also, saying he would elect Patterson anyhow, as he had the money to do it with. W, W. Ramsay, member from Sumter, testifies that Patterson offered him $150 for his vote, and then raised his offer to $200. Ramsay voted for Elliott. Isaac Miller, member from Fairfield, testifies that a colored man who was in Patterson's interest, made him an oflfer of money if he would vote for Patterson. He voted for El- i liott. F. Anderson, a venerable Representa- ( tive from Kershaw, testifies that he was a i member of the church, and had been trying to lead a consistent Christian life for many i years. That he was not intimate nor on terms j of confidence with the members generally, be- i cause he could not sanction their habits of dis- i sipation. That, beiug known as a professed | Christian, he was never offered any money for his vote, by any one, so far as he can reraem ber, except on one occasion, when, having told Mr. Patterson that he expected to vote for him for the United States Senate, Patterson told him if he did so he would give him 8100. That Patterson did not bring him the money, nor would he have asked Patterson for it "if he had been starving in the same room with Patterson." B. A. Thompson, member from Marion, testifies that he voted for Patterson, in consideration of a promise from Worthing- 1 ton to give him 8400 for his vote, That he applied to Worthingtoq afterwards for the money promised, and also to Minton, who was doorkeeper at Patterson's headquarters, but never received any part of the amount. D. C. Wolfe, member from Lancaster, who voted for Patterson, testifies that Patterson said to ^ him a few rtava hpfnrp t.hp filprtinn. that, fnr 1 his support and influenoe, Patterson would < Lake care of him and his friends, and that, < after tho election, Patterson handed him an 1 envelope containing $250. Levi Lee, mem- 1 ber from Fairfield, who voted for Elliott, tes- ' tifies that Worthington offered him $350 if he 1 would vote for Patterson. Senator J. D. * VYarley, of Clarendon, testifies that Worth- 1 ington offered him $400 if he would vote for Patterson, which he declined. He voted for Elliott. Ishara Greenwood, member from < Newberry, testifies that Scott was his first < shoice, but that he voted for Patterson. That < he was not promised anything, but received < from Warren Miuton a small amouut of 1 money as a loan, which he never repaid, and i that afterwards he loaned Minton $5. That i it was generally understood among the mem- 1 bers that Patterson was paying for votes and i buying his way to the United States Senate. < J. A. Smith, member from Darliugton, testi- 1 fies that he voted for Patterson ; was neither ! promised nor paid, and received nothing for < his vote. Samuel J. Keith, member from 1 Darlington, testifies that Patterson offered him ' S300 for his vote, and paid him $200 at his f house, and that ius colleague, S. A. Smith, went with him to Patterson's house, and told him, the next day, that he had been paid by i Patterson. That another colleague, Richard < H. Hines, had told him that Patterson had i paid him $200, and had not paid what he had ; promised. John Boston, member from Dar- i lington, who voted for Elliott, testifies that no ofjfer was made to hiiQ to vote for Patterson. : The following testify that they voted for Patterson without pay or promises of pay, viz.: Thomas Prenly, James F. Peterson and Fortune Giles, members from Williamsburg; Benjamin R. Middleton, member from Barnwell, and Jacob Allman, member from Marlboro. It is proper to state that this portion of the evidence appropriately closes with the testimony of Gen. H. C. Worthington, who "was an active friend of Patterson in his election," and who testifies that he "never heard Mr. Patterson speak of using money to secure his election," and that he has "no knowledge or information that money was used to secure bis election, save that he heard rumors of that kind on the streets, and that he kept open a bouse for the entertainment of Mr. Patterson's friends." Concerning this, it is enough to state that sixty witnesses, resident in various parts of the State, and examined at dif ferent times, have furnished the committee with the information which Gen. Worthington testifies he does not possess. Mr. Patterson did not hesitate to attempt more perilous adventures. Elliott, as we have seen, was his most formidable opponent To Gen. John B. Dennis was entrusted the delicate mission of an offer from Patterson to Elliott himself. Gen. Dennis testifies that Patterson authorized him to offer Elliott $15,000 to withdraw from the contest; and he testified further, that warrants having been issued for Patterson's arrest for bribery, the Governor, in friendship for Patterson, removed the Jury Commissioner of the county of Richland and appointed him (Dennis) in his stead, for the purpose of ensuring the drawing of jurymen who were friendly to Patterson, in the event of his trial in the courts of the county, so as to secure his safety, and that the jury lists were made up accordingly. Hon. R. B. Elliott testifies that he expressed his indignation to General Dennis at having heard of an attempt by Patterson to purchase a mortgage on his residence, and that Dennis remarked that he had been requested to see Elliott on a similar matter, but had declined to act That on the next day Elliott, Dennis and Major Delaney were together, and Elliott urged Den nis to inform him about the matter alluded to the day before. That Dennis then stated that Patterson had said that if Elliott would get out of the race, Patterson would pay him $10,000, and, in addition, pay certain debts of Elliott's. That he felt great indignation, and was only restrained from seeing Patterson in reference to the matter, by Gen. Dennis and Mr. Deianey. Major Martin E. Delaney, then a member of the Republican State Executive Committee, of which General E. B. Elliott was chairman, testifies that he was present at the interview when the offer of Patterson was communicated to Elliott by Gen. J. B. Dennis, and that Elliott "became very angry and swore about it," and that he had to interpose to quiet Elliott. Ex-Governor F. J. Moses testifies that Patterson, who expected to be indicted in the State Conrt for having obtained his Senatorial position by bribery and corruption, requested the appointment of some friend as Jury Commissioner. That he accordingly appointed John B. Dennis as such Jury Commissioner, with a request that Dennis would protect Patterson as far as he could do so legally. In conclusion, the undersigned respectfully report that the election of Hon. J. J. Patterson to the Senate of the United States on December 10,1872, was procured by corruption on<1 kriKcrv Thou vnnU fnvthor Mmarlr ( UU i A MVJ TVVSVIJLV* AUkVUV* VAUV**** tbat the Legislature of 1872-73 was largely composed of new members, and tbat they were most solemnly pledged to a correction of past abuses, and to the inauguration of real reforms. Some of the members who may have been unfit for the discharge of the important duties of legislation by reason of ignorance, yet came to Columbia with a desire, in an bumble way, to do what was right. John J. Patterson enjoys the unenviable distinction of having been the first to place before tbem the poisoned chalice of temptation, and to corrupt them with its enticing draughts. Need we wonder that they were intoxicated and fell ? Then followed a wild saturnalia of public plunder, the record of which furnishes nothing,which is at all pleasant to investigate or to perpetuate in history. But it is due to the cause of good government,-that the story of the crimes and disasters of the past few years should be written in the journals of our courts of justice, in order that it may be a warning to all servants.. of the people of all political parties of the present and of the fu ture, not to prove recreant to bigb or bumble trusts of the republic. Let it also expose tbe dangers menacinga government resting on any other foundations than those of education and good morals. And let this be done not in a temper of vengeance, nor to gratify any morbid sentiment which would gloat over the sufferings of the; jCuriminal overtaken by the sad consequences of his crime, but in the spirit 01 the patriot and the statesman, the spirit 01 the law as expressed by the old Boman jurist and orator, " Ut poena ad paueoe, metus ad omnea peveniat," and as we learn it in the forcible words of the great expositor of the English common law, as to the end or final cause of human punishment: "This is not by way of atonement or expiation for the crime committed, for that must be left to the just determination of the Supreme Being, but as a precaution against future offenses of the same kind." All of whioh is respectfully submitted. John R. Cochran, Chairman, H. A. Meetze, Committee on the part of Senate. Gerhard Muller, J. C. Speppard, S. Dibble, Committer on the part of the House. Trifles.?There are many little things in the household, attention to which is indispensable to health and happiness. The kind of ?ir which circulates in a house may seem a small matter, for we cannot see the air, and sot many people know anything about it; yet f we do not provide a regular supply of pure lir within our houses, we shall inevitably suffer for our neglect. A few specks of dirt nav seem neither here nor there, and a closed loor or window appear to make little difference; bat it may make the difference of a ife destroyed by fever; and, therefore, the ittle dirt and little bad air are very serious natters, and ought, to be removed accordingy. The whole of the household regulations ire, taken by themselves, trifles?but trifles lending to an important result. # I A Profitable Business.?A correspondent of the New Orleans Pines says: rhe General Government has about put a stop to lepredations on the public lands, but this )nly trebles the force now cutting from State ands. To show you bow profitable the business of getting logs from State lands is, I'll nstanoe one man who was only engaged in it for eleven months, and during that short period, he was enabled to get married five different times. The last spouse, however, proved 10 be less thrifty than the other four, and the fellow had to swap her off to a neighbor for a iouble-barrel shot gun. I am acquainted with a dozen men who were present at all the weddings, and can testify to the trade for the shot-gun," l&~ An exchange tells us that "a man once & lawyer in Genoa is trying to gain an honest living by selling peanuts at ten cents a a pint in Cleavland, Ohio." If half the lawyers in this country who cannot make a living by their profession were to follow that mans example, the peanut businese would be fearfully overdone.