Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, December 06, 1877, Image 1
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VOL. 23. YORKYILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, DECEMBER 6. 1877. NO. 49.
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' Jtffairs at the Capital |
THE GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE.
Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Repre-;
sentatives.
In discharging the duty of addressing the
General Assembly, imposed on me by the constitution,
it seems emiuently appropriate that
1 should begin by congratulating its members
upon the auspicious circumstances under
which they reassemble.
The past year has been a memorable one.
Twelve months ago we witnessed a condition
of things which threatened the existence of
republican institutions under our ancient system
of constitutional government. The whole
country was couvulsed by a uational political
contest, that every patriot dreaded, as its fear-'
ful result, civil war. Amid the throes and ,
the perils of .this convulsion, the government
of which you constitute a part, was placed j
inspower by the people of the State. Encompassed
by dangers as novel as they were startling,
we looked in vain to history for the light
to guide us which experience aloue can give.
The representatives of the people, chosen as
their rulers, were called on to fulfill as high
dunes ana to assume as grave ruHpuusiiniiuco I
as have ever been imposed on men. No hu-!
r man wisdom could have brought us safely
[ through the danger that beset us on all sides,
I and we should reverently give thanks to Him
who alone has wrought this great deliverance.
Our State is rehabilitated; peace prevails
throughout her borders ; the laws are impartially
enforced and fully respected; good will
betweeu all classes is rapidly obliterating the
animosities of the past; health blesses our
people, and the labors of our husbandmen
have been crowned with abundant harvests.
We surely have cause for profound gratitude
for the blessings which have been lavishly bestowed
on us; but while it becomes us to acknowledge
these gratefully, we should bear
in mind that their continuance depends on the
condition of our proving worthy of them.
The first step in this direction is for us to observe,
in perfect good faith, the pledges made j
during the canvass which resulted in our sue-!
cess. Upon this point, I feel well assured
that the conservative and thoughtful people
of the State afie thoroughly united, and that
their representatives will be found in full
accord with them. With impartial justice in
the administration of the laws, with the recognition
of the perfect equality of all citizens
r-- under these laws, with the assurance of prok
tection to all in their rights of person and
' property, and with just, liberal and wholesome
legislation, we may look with assured
confidence, to an era of peace and proBperi
? Ann Stofo Thin <>nnan m mfttion. SO ar
%jt 1u vui ubwbv? Aiaiu vvmww
deotly desired by every patriot, id to be
brought about mainly by the labors of the
General Assembly, and I rely confidently on
the wisdom, the discretion and the patriotism
which will direct aud shape the ensuing legislation.
Grave questions of public policy,
upon which will depend, in a large measure,
the future destiuy of the State, will demand
your attention, and will receive, I am sure,
your most earnest consideration.
First in importance, is the financial condition
of the State, for uutil this is satisfactorily
settled, all hopes of returning prosperity will
prove delusive.
The credit of the State must be restored to,
and maintained at, its ancient high character
before we can make good our promises of rejr.
? n-nnnJ tn lul/o tha nrnilH
lUTUi, UI" UttU CAptVt U?l VV WUOV vuv |*? v?-w.
position she once held, and to which it should
be our highest duty aud our noblest ambition
to restore her. This object can, I feel convinced,
be accomplished by this General Assembly,
without imposing upon our irapover *_
ished people au onerous burden. As a com9^
mission was appointed by the Legislature at
its last session to consider this subject, it
would be premature, if not indelicate, in me
to make aoy specific recommendations in advance
of their report, and I venture now
ouly to express the hope that under no circumstances
will repudiation, direct or indirect,
be countenanced. Repudiation would bring
inevitable disaster and would entail indelible
disgrace. The public debt can surely be
so abjusted that, while the welfare of the j
State is carfully guarded, the rights of the
creditors shall not be violated or impaired.
The very fact that a State can exercise powers
in questions of this nature against which
no remedy exists, should make its legislature
doubly careful of the interests of Creditors
whose sole protection is the honor of their
debtors. An ardent desire to see the credit
of the State maintained and her faith untarnished,
is my sole reason for presenting these
views ; and with the hope that they will meet
the approval of the Legislature and of the
patriotic people of the State, I leave this vital
matter to you, who are the proper custodiaus
of the welfare and the honor of this commonwealth.
In connection with the public debt,
T rnolra a oiumroof inn far vnnr nnn.
1 VCUilll C iv luaav a wwggwwivu ?v? j ??. vvw
sideration. Unless some provision is made to
meet the obligations of the State wheu they
- fall due, we shall be subjected to great embarrassment,
and perhaps loss, as the State will
be forced to issue new bonds in order to take
in the outstanding ones. This system of borrowing
to pay our debts will hamper our people
and may impair the credit of our State.
There are grave objections to a sinking fund,
the strougest of which is, that it may be diverted,
uuder emergencies, from its legitimate
purpose. To guard against this contingency,
and at the same sime to provide for the gradual
payment of the public debt, 1 advise that
a special annual tax of one half mill be levied, |
the proceeds of which shall be placed in the !
hands of the Treasurer of the State, who j
shall be directed to buy in the hoods of the ;
State, annually, to the extent of the fund 80
raised. It will be readily seen how profitable
to the State such a plan would be while
the bonds are below par. The proceeds of
such a tax as has been indicated could, at the
present time, retire bonds to the amount of j
$100,000, realizing to the State a profit of J
twenty five to thirty per cent. The public
debt could be gradually but surely reduced,
while the burthen ofpayiug it in this manner
would fall lightly on the taxpayers I mere*!
ly suggest 8Utj}i a system, leaving its practica- i
bility and its details to the wisdom of the i
, _ General Assembly,
Jr Another subject of vital consequence to I
our material prosperity, to which I beg to
call your attention, is that of the free schools. j
The Superintendent of Education, in his an-1
uual report, gives not only the result ofl
bis labors during the past year, but makes!
(inrtrtoohnna umrthv nf vmir orravn nnnaidfira- I
ou65VB J j ? ; ,
tion. Owing.. to circumstances with which !
you are familiar, the facilities for the education
of our people have not been, as yet, what'
we desired and expected them to be. We ;
must uot PTrget that amongfthe pledges made, |
there is none to which we are more solemnly j
committed than that of placing within the i
reach of all classes a means of education. I
earnestly invoke your favorable action on j
this subject, and I trust that you will be able
to mature some system wfiich, while benefit-!
ting the scholars, will secure prompt payment1
to the teachers. Many of these latter, after [
discharging their duties faithfully, now hold i
claims against the State, which should at |
once be paid. I recommend the ratification !
of the constitutional amendment, regarding
fT the tax to support free schools, adopted by :
the voters at the last election. From the !
funds which will thus be provided, together
with those arising from the poll tax, our
schools can be put ou a footing of usefulness.
The late professors of the University were
k
not paid io full wliea the institution vras
closed, and I suggest that provision be made
to pay the claims held by them. My attention
has beeu called to the fact that there are
also portions of the salaries of Professors Reynolds,
Rivers and the late Dr. LaBorde, of
the old faculty, still Unpaid, and it appears to
me eminently proper that whatever amounts
may be due to these gentlemen, or their representatives,
should be paid. These claims cau
be examined by a committee appointed by
the Legislature, and a report embracing the
facts can be submitted to that body for its
6nal action. The daughters of Professor LaBorde
request me to transmit to the General
Assembly a memorial on this subject, and I
take great pleasure in doing so, commending
it to your favorable consideration.
The action of the General Assembly at the
last session, contemplated the reopening of the
university as a school for the white youth of
fitotn ond fVio ootnhiishmpnf. of ft similar
institution for the black. This plan strikes
me as wise and well-considered, and I recommend
that such measures be taken at the
present session as may be necessary for its
successful inauguration. It will, of course,
be impossible to put these universities or colleges
in complete working order at once, but
such legislation to that end can now be had
as will lay a secure foundation for them.
They can gradually be built up until they are
able to offer to the youth of the State every
educational advantage to be found elsewhere.
In no mode can the funds contributed by the
people of the State be more judiciously, more
wisely or more profitably expended, than by
giving to their children cheap and ample
means of acquiring knowledge.
Ignorance is the faithful parent of crime,
and if we hope to suppress the latter we must
first eradicate the former. The reports of the
officers of the penal and charitable institutions
will give you all necessary information as to
the condition and wants of these institutions.
Though they have been managed well during
rv.iot naar- iltirjor flio n? mil mQf W n PPfl 9I1T.
lilC paob j tot | uuuv/t tiuv v>t vv?m?v???mwww
rounding them, and at a material reduction in
expense, many chaugesare necessary to bring
them up to the. proper standard. Improvements
in them are called for and are justified
even in an economical point of view, for if
these institutions are put upon a proper footing,
they can be made self-supporting to a
great extent, if not in full. This is more particularly
the case with the penitentiary, and
it is very desirable that the convict labor
should be utilized, instead of being, as it now
is, a burthen on the honest people of the State.
The superintendent has recently visited many
of the penal institutions in the country, and
he has thus acquired much valuable information,
which has been laid before the directors.
I suggest that there should be five instead of
three directors of the penitentiary, to be elected
by the Legislature. In my opinion, the
same mode should be adopted as to the Regents
of the Lunatic Asylum, and I respectfully
recommend the change proposed in the
manner of filling these re ponsible positions,
as I think that whenever officers of the State
institutions are to be chosen, the selection of f
them should be io the hands of the General |
Assembly and not of the Executive.
The reports of the various officeu of the
State government will give full information
as to all matters pertaining to the different
departments, and these reports will receive,
as they merit, your careful consideration, I am
sure. The exhibit made is eminently satisfactory,
as it shows that substantial progress has
been made in the march of retrenchment and
reform.
The taxes levied at your last session have
been very generally paid, though payment
fell due at a time not only unusual, but unpropilious.
In view of this fact, and the ad
- - - .1 1?
ditionai one cnai id many casts me piueeeuo
of tbe crops had been expended before the
call for taxes was issued, I recommend that
you extend such measures of relief to delinquent
tax payers, as in your discretion may
seem proper. Besides these tax payers,
(whose poverty has prevented the payment of
the taxes of; the last .fiscal year,) there are
many in the State who are in arrears for several
years past. In many instances, the lauds
of these parties have been forfeited and they
are thus deprived of their only means of livelihood.
If you could adopt such measures
as would secure the payment of last year's
taxes in the cases of these1 unfortunate citizens,
relieviug them of past indebtedness on
account of taxes, and restoring the forfeited
lands, it would be an act not ouly of humanity,
but, I think, of wisdom. A new spirit of
hope would be infused ' into our people, and
they would devote themselves to the task of
repairing their shattered fortunes with renewed
zeal and energy; In doing this, they
would necessarily increase the wealth of the
State and promote its prosperity. Some of
oar citizens have paid taxes to officials who
claimed authority to collect under the late
administration, and, though that claim was
illegal, many of our colorod population,
through ignorance and credulity, have been
made the victims of it. These cases appeal
stronirlv to our sympathies, and in the exer
ov V I - t ,
cise of a liberal and magnanimous policy, the
General Assembly could well provide that
all who have so paid taxes, shall be entitled
to credit for such payments. Action of this
sort would show that we prefer to be goverued
in matters of this character by the rules of
equity, rather than by the technicalities of
the law.
Among the reforms which I regard as important,
is the abrogation of the system, which
has obtained here to a certain extent, of
special legislation. Great abuses occasionally
spring from this mode of legislation, and
it adds materially to the legislative expenses.
Most of the States have experienced the ill
effects of it, and in many of them it is prohibited
by constitutional enactments. 4-11
legislation should be, as far as possible, gem
eral iu its character, placing all persons and
all interests on an equal footing.
Associate Justice Wright, of the Supreme
bench, has tendered his resignation, to take
effect on the first of December next, ami I
have accepted it. A vacancy has occurred
also amoug the Circuit J udges, by the resigua-!
tion ofL. C. Northrop, Judge of the Seventh !
Circuit,
The various committees, appointed'hy the;
General Assembly during its last session,
while discharging their responsible and ar !
duous duties, found that no appropriation had ;
been made to defray their expenses, and I !
took the responsibility of advancing to them,
from my contingent fund, such sums as were
necessary to enable them to prosecute their
labors. This outlay will explain why tbo
amount charged against this fuud, in the ;
Comptroller General's report, is so large. To
avoid the recurrence of such a condition of
things, I advise that there should hereafter j
ho tun ortriHucrpnt funds?one a State fund, i
WW vww
to meet any demands for which no specific ap- ;
propriation has been made, bat which have I
been authorized by the Legislature ; and the
other contingent fund proper of the Gover- I
nor. Should this suggestion be adopted, '
#5,000 would bp amply suffjcieut for the lat I
ter.
Permit me, gentlemen of the General As- j
sembly, in closing this communication, to ex- i
press the heart-felt hope that your delibera-!
tions may be marked by harmony and wisdom
; that your acts may redound to your own i
honor and to the lasting welfare of our State,
and that you may live to see her crowned
with all the blessings which can be bestowed
by a merciful God on a free, enlightened,
prosperous and happy commonwealth.
Wade Hampton, Governor. '
I "HONEST" JOHN PATTERSON.
Report of the Investigating Committee.
The following 19 the full text of the report
of the special joint-investigating committee,
in relation to the bribery of members of the
legislature by John J. Patterson, to secure
liia alor>fjrin tr? the iTnited States Senate. The
report was submitted on Wednesday of last
week:
To the Honorable the Senate and the House of
Representatives:
The undersigned, who were appointed a
Joint Investigating Committee, under a concurrent
resolution of the General Assembly,
j adopted June 8, 1877, and by the said resolution
were instructed to investigate concerning
any improper or illegal use of the "public
funds or credit of the State," and concerning
any illegal disposal of property by the
j Commissioners of the Sinking Fund, and to
cause legal proceedings to be instituted in the
premises, and also to "investigate the election
! of Hon. J. J. Patterson to the Senate of the
United States on the 10th of December, 1872,
and to ascertain whether the same was procured
by corruption and bribery," respectfully
! report:
That shortly after the close of the special
session, the committee was organized and proceeded
to the work assigned to it, and has
been in session up to the present time.
After several weeks spent in the investigation
of books and papers in the Treasury, and
the examination of persons who had been connected
with the administration of the State
Erovernment in its various departments during
O ?
the past nine years, it became manifest to every
member of the committee, and to the Attorney-General,
who had cordially assisted
with his valuable advice, that it was necessary
to secure for the State the testimony of certain
witnesses who had been themselves implicated
in the transactions they would be called
upon to explain, in order to obtain evidence,
oral and documentary, sufficiently conclusive
to justify the institution of legal proceedings,
in behalf of the State, with a reasonable prospect
of successful result.
Feeling that it was unworthy of the dignity
of the State, that any person, however heinous
the offense charged, should be called to
answer on strong suspicion merely, without
such proof as would warrant conviction before
an impartial court of justice, and would compel
the acquiesence of public opinion all over
the land, the course was adopted of receiving
such an amount of testimony as would leave
no room for reasonable doubt of guilt before
subjecting any one to accusation or arrest.
In order to accomplish this end, it was neces
sary 10 gram immunity lu suuu persons no
were able to furnish testimony of sufficient
value to the State, to justify the clemency bestowed.
It is gratifying to be able to state,
that in every instance where such a course
has been adopted, the members of the committee
have been uuanimous in their opinion of
its expediency, and in their recommendation
to the Attorney-General to grant the immunity
usual to State's witnesses, and that the Attorney-General,
in the discharge of his prerogative
iu the premises, has in every instance
deemed it proper to adopt such recommendations
of the committee, and in cases of special
importance, has materially aided the committee,
in advance of their conclusions, with his
experience and judicious counsels. In these
iustauces restitution has heeu required whenever
the State had a proper claim maintainable
in the courts, to the extent of the probable
recovery by the State, had proceedings been
promptly instituted and vigorously prosecuted.
The result has beeu that a large amount
has been realized for the State already, without
the atteudant expenses of litigation. The
grand iury of the county of Richland, fairly
representative of every hue of political sentiment
in the community, have presented bills
of indictment in every case submitted to them
on the testimony obtained by the committee,
with two exceptions; and the petit juries, in
every case so far tried, have returned verdicts
against the parties accused, and the juries in
every instance have been composed of citizeus
at least one-half of whom were of the same
race or political party as the prisoner convicted
by their verdict.
In addition, the committee has in its possession
a great deal of valuable testimony, and
hopes to accomplish still more substantial re?
T . i ^ ; 1 A
suite. ID toe present incomplete amie ui tins
testimony, and in view.of the reserve necessary
to be maintained concerning matters already
in litigation or likely to become the subject
of proceedings, criminal or civil, or both,
the committee being satisfied that important
interests of the State would be seriously imperilled
by giving publicity, at this time, to
the evidence which has been accumulated, earnestly
recommend that the same be withheld
from publication until the reason for secrecy
shall have ceased to exist.
In explanation of the time consumed
by the committee in its investigation, it appears
sufficient to state that all the vouchers
in the State Treasury had to be and were examined
; and that at the outset it was a tedious
process to break through the walls of silence
which screened the frauds which had been
perpetrated, and that f;be field, once opened,
grew broader at every step, covering a periof}
of nine years of the State's history, and embracing
all important operations of the gov
blUIUCHi.,
Iu addition to this, various members of the
committee were charged with other important
duties, aud were consequently unable to devote
themselves exclusively to the prosecution
of this work.
The committee desires further to call the
attention of the General Assembly to another
disadvantage under \yf}ich jts labors jtave beep
thus far proseputed. Iu the concurrent resolution,
the powers of the committee are but
imperfectly defined, and no appropriation was
made at the last session to meet the necessary
expenses.
The witnesses, whom it was important to examine,
were scattered all over the State, and
[n some instances were beyond the limits of
the State, and most of them, on being summoned
to attend, expressed a willingness to
do so, but pleaded the want of meaus of travel,
and of subsistence during the attendance before
the committee. In order to meet this
emergency, the various railroad companies in
the Slate were requested to transport the witnesses
of the committee over their respective
roads, the members of the committee pledging
themselves individually aud officially to urge
the speedy payment of the charges for this
service, These accounts will he submitted,
properly vouched, and the early aud favor-able
consideration of them by the General Assembly
is hereby earnestly recommended.
To meet other expenses which could not
await this session, his Excellency the Governor,
in order that the committee might carry
ou their labors, assisted from his contingent,
fund to the amount of $3,500. A full statement
of the expenses already incurred, and
an estimate of the amount uecessary to parpplete
the work assigned to the committee, will
be furnished, and the necessary appropriation
ia hereby recommended.
Jn regard to the election of John J. Pattersou
to the Senato of the United States, the
Committee, having been instructed "to ascertain
whether the same was procured by corruption
and bribery," and having, in this matter,
received no instruction from the General
Assembly to institute legal proceedings, deem
it a duty to submit the testimony which accompanies
this report. The following is a
statement of the facts ascertained by the cora.mittee:
There were three prominent candidates for
the United States Senate iu the winter of 1872.
Hon. R. B. Elliott, then member of Congress
from the Third District; Hon. R. K. Scott,
who had just vacated the gubernatorial office;
and Col. John J. Patterson, a prominent member
of the Greenville Railroad syndicate, and
President of the Blue Ridge Railroad. Eli
liott claimed the office as the most prominent
| representative of the colored people of the
I State; Scott, because of his alleged services
to the dominant political party and its leaders
; while Patterson, skillful and experienced
' as a financier of the lobby, and stimulated by
the recollection of past victories upon that
distinguished field, threw his money, without
stint, into the contest, gathered about him a
select body of veteran canvassers, under the
able generalship of H. G. Worthington, the
"active friend" and "right band'man," opened
a house of free entertainmeut, aptly styled
"Patterson's Headquarters," over a prominent
bar room near the oapitol, and proceeded to
try the logic of patronage and presents and
promises upon the qgembers. For this the
j season was opportune. ' There had been a very
I exciting and spirited campaign between the
"Regulars" and the "Bolters" in the general
election of 1872, in which the victorious candidates
came out of the struggle with exhausted
means. Many legislatbrs came fresh from
the corn fields and log cabins of the rural districts,
clad in the homely garb of labor, but,
uufortuuately, yearning to exchange the raiment
of houest poverty for "fine clothes,"
such as decked the persons of their predecessors,
returning from previous sessions of the
General Assembly. The new code of public
elhics spontaneously generated appropriate
soil at the State capitol, during the carnival
of corruption which had reigned supreme during
the four years then passed, had been promulgated
in every section, and its maxims had
become the catechism of politics, easily mastered
by willing learners. Such was the occasion,
such its opportunities, and Patterson,
with his ready cash, was master of the situation.
Charleston had two rival Republican
delegations, seeking from the State canvassers
certificates of election to the Senate and House.
Each faction felt sure of two votes on the Returning
Board, and Cardozo, then Secretary
of Styte, had the casting vote. A written
agreement was entered into between Patterson
and the Charleston delegation, headed by Senator
W. R. Jervey, that Patterson would secure
the certificate of election for the Jervey
delegation, and that the delegation, when
* * - t\ ., tt_ ;
seated, would support raitersoa ior me uni-1
ted States Senate. The result, however accomplished,
was that the Jervey delegation
received certificates, obtained their seats, and,
in the Senatorial election, unanimously voted
for John J. Patterson. It also appears from
the testimony, that various members of this
delegation received from Patterson and Worthiugton
pecuniary favors during and after
the canvass, in consideration of their support
of the former.
In regard to the foregoing, Senators W. R.
Jervey and S. E. Gaillard, and Representatives
J. C. Ferguson, Joseph J. Grant, W. A.
Grant, John Vanderpool, R. W. Turner and
N. T. Soencer. all testifv that they were par
ties to the agreement above stated, with others
of the delegation. Representative R. B.
Arison testifies that Patterson promised to give
him 8300 for his vote, and after the election
paid him 860, through F. S. Jacobs. Repre
sentative W. A. Grant testifies that he went
with others, after the election, to obtain money
from Patterson, and was paid 850 by Jacobs
on Patterson's account. Representative N. T.
Speucer testified to having received, on account,
through Senators Gaillard and Jervey,
8225. Representative C. F. North testifies
that he attended a caucus, at which Patterson
told the members, if they would vote for him,
he would make them a present. Senator Gaillard
testifies that he paid N, T. Spencer about
8200, and had a disagreement with Patterson
ml /Ja
concerning iw reiiuuuioeiLnruL, ? aucusuu ucelaring
that "the d?d election had coat him
mure than it was worth." In the conduct of
the Senatorial canvass, it was necessary to
have a convenient place for the customary
caucuses of members. The house of Colonel
Minort, a memher from Richland, was selected
for the purpose, and Patterson agreed with
Minort to pay him $2,500 for his support aud
for the use of his house for caucuses. Minort
so testifies, aud also that Patterson paid him
$2,200, aud promised to pay the balance.
Wm. L. Leggett, of Marlboro, was employed
by Patterson to exert his influence among the
members. He testifies that Patterson tried to
get him tQ use money to obtain votes, offering
to furniih him with money at the rate of about
$300 a vote, aud on his declining to use the
money, Patterson offered him $500 for his influence,
paying him $150 in advance. That
he exerted himself in Patterson's favor, espeI
cially among the Marlboro and Darlington
members, urging them to see Patterson, and
informing them that they could make arrangements
with Patterson at the rate of 8300
a vote That he consulted with Worthington
frequently, who spoke of Patterson's willingness
to pay. That he and Bolivar I. Hayes,
another friend of Patterson's, tried to secure
the vote of Eben Hayes, a member from Marion.
That the Marlboro representatives were !
in favor of Scott, but after frequent talks j
with \VorthingtoD, changed their expressed !
intention, and yoted for Patterson. That on i
the day of election, Senator Maxwell, ofj
Marlboro, voted on the first ballot for Scott,
and some one saw him before another ballot,
when Maxwell voted for Patterson, making
up a majority of Senators. That wheu Leggett,
after the election, went to Patterson for
a settlement, Patterson stated that it was not
M ? /t\ . . 1 I
ante to pay tneo ^rauerson naving oeen i
charged with bribery) and tfiat Patteraop
ahpsed {.he member, saying some of them had
got their money from hira already, and were
demanding more. Eben Hayes, member from
Marion, who voted for Scott, testifies that Mr.
Leggett told hira that he could get $300 for
voting for Patterson, and also of an interview
with Patterson himself, in which Patterson
draws an exceedingly nice distinction between
buying a man's vote, and doing a favor for a
poor and needy man who would pupport him.
Senator H. J. Maxwell, of Marlboro, who
nominated Scott in the Senate, and voted for
him on the first ballot, in which Patterson
lacked one vote of a majority of the Senate,
testifies that he had previously been offered j
81,500 for his vote by Patterson himself, qnd '
by Worthington: and that on the day of
electioq, between the first and second ballots,
Worthington offered him 82,0Q0. to change
| from Scott to Patterson on the second ballot,
i That with some hesitation he voted for Patterson.
That he afterwards went, by request, {
to Patterson's house, where he met Patterson
and Worthington, and after a short conversation,
Patterson left the room and Worthington
handed him a package containing $1,000.
Bolivar I. Hayes, of Lexington, was another
active agent of Patterson's iq his canvass.
! He testified that he induced ,T. W. Lowroan,
i a member from Lexington, to visit Pattereau
' at his headquarters, and when Lowroan came
j out he asked Lawman how muoh he got, to
J which Lowpian replied, "I am satisfied," atid
I !%-?? T?An?.A?.flntnti?a W T/"\n CJQ ||f A ilfPn
itliat 4.yc|/i v^cumnTu n uuuvo) w?
after the election, complained to him that
Patterson had failed to pay him as he had
J promised. That in his conversations with
I Worthington and others, who were working
for Patterson, it was curreutly reported that
Patterson had a great deal of money with him
to use in his election. That when he took
members of the Legislature to see Patterson, j
he believed thai they were to be j>aid for their '
votes. The testimony of E. S. J. Hayes, the
brother of John K. Hayes, the son of Bolivar !
1. Hayes, leads the committee to the conclu- j
' sion that Bolivar I. Hayes, but for his char- *
j acteristic reserve, could have given still fur|
ther relevant information. W. B. Jones, a 1
; member from Aiken, testifies that Worthington
offered him a present of 8500, if he would
I vote for Patterson, and that he was after- J
wards assured by Patterson himself that what
J Worthington promised he would perform.
But that after the election they said nothing
' to him, nor he to them, about pay. Sallis
Randall, of Aiken, testifies that he was acom:
mittee clerk at the time of Patterson's elec-,
tion, and that he heard Worthington make
j Representative W. B.Jones an offer of either
$300 or $500, to vote for Patterson. John
Wooley, of Edgefield, "advocated the election
of Patterson, and did all he could for him."
He testifies that, on Worthington's authority,
he told Representative Augustus Sirakins, and
j David Graham, another J&iigeheici raemDer, j
that they would get money from Worthing- ;
! ton, if they would vote for Pa tereon, naming
to Simkins and Graham $500 aa the amount, j
and that Worthington told him if those mem-i
hers voted for Patterson, the money would be '
in the bank for them. Augustus Simkins,'
member from Edgefield, testifies that Wooley
made the aforesaid proposition to Representative
David Graham and himself at the same
time. David Graham, member from Edgefield,
testifies that Wooley offered to Augustus
Simkins $500, and to himself, he thinks,
8700. That Worthington told him that any
arrangement made with John Wooley would
be carried out. John A. Barker, member
from Edgefield, testifies that in an interview
with Patterson at his headquarters, Patterson
stated that there was a certain amount of
money?$75,000, if necessary?to be spent in
his election, and offered him $1,000 for his
vote and $2,000 if he would carry two others
of his delegation ; the money to be paid at the
bank as soon as the vote was cast. That
Worthington assured him that Patterson
14 * ' * -1 -1 4-1 J I
wouia stand 10 nis promises; ann aisu iuiu
him that if Patterson was elected, Worthington
would get an appointment under the government.
Senator Lawrence Cain, of Edgefield,
testifies that on the morning of the election,
in the Senate chamber, Worthington offered
him $1,500 if he would vote for Pattereon.
Paris Simkins, member from Edgefield,
testifies that Patterson offered him $1,000 for
his vote, saying that he wanted the Edgefield
delegation because of the effect it would have,
since it was Elliott's stronghold. It is proper
to add that all the members from Edgefield
were strong supporters of Elliott, and
declined the proffered inducements. A. L.
Singleton, then an ex-member from Sumter,
testifies that he was employed by Worthington
and W. H. Gardner to electioneer for
Patterson, by sending the members to Worthington,
who was "to take care of them," which
he understood meant to pay them for their
votes. That he sent Representative Hough,
of Kershaw, to Worthington, and that
Hough, on his return, told him he was all
right. That he also sent Representative R.
D. Gaither, of Kershaw, Clem Wilson and
Rntlop Snoopa nf SilmtAP That affflr thft
election, at Patterson's headquarters, Patterson
was in one room, Worthington in another
paying members, and Warren Minton was
door-keeper, and none but members were admitted
to the pay room. J. C. Wilson, member
from Sumter, testifies that Patterson told
him Elliott couldn't be elected ; Scott was offering
$100 for votes, and that he (Patterson)
was giving $200, and offered him that amount
for his vote. That, being an Elliott man, he
made no promise to Patterson, but on the
vote, finding that Patterson had a majority
before he voted, he went with the winning
side. That afterwards he applied to Patterson
for pay, who declined, because Wilson
had not promised beforehand to vote for him.
onroooiit ofi vo Rn t lor Snpn ra nfSlimfpr I
tifies that he voted for Patterson because under
obligations for an appointment. That he
sent members to Patterson telling them that
Patterson "would take care of them," and by
that he meant for them to understand that
Patterson would pay them. R. 8. Tarleton,
member from Colleton, testifies that Worthington
told him that if he would vote for Patterson,
he would get something. That he
voted for Patterson, and received, in ap envelope,
$75 and was told to go to Patterson's
house. That he went accordingly with Abram
Dannerly, of Orangeburg, and afterwards applied
to Worthington at the custom house,
but failed to receive any more. Abram Dannerly,
member from Orangeburg, testifies that
Patterson promised to give him some money
if he voted for him, and paid him $50 at the
bank. That .Patterson said be baa tfou.uuu
or $60,000 to spend on his election. That,
subsequently, Patterson fixed the amount for
his vote aud influence at $400. That Worthington,
on the morning of the election, told
him that he would see that he, Dannerly, got
the $400. That, after the election, Worthington
handed him $25, at which he was quite
indignant. That he called, with Representative
Robert Tarleton, of Colleton, at Patterson's
house to get the balance due, but that
Patterson, after offering them liquor and cigars,
said be was busy, and would see them
again. W. H. Frazier, member from Colleton,
testifies that after the election he heard i
from Joseph Crews, of Laqrens, that Repre- 1
septative fjolmes, of Colleton, had been
paid for all the delegation, and that Senator
Smalls, of Beaufort, had received $800 for
the Beaufort delegation. That be was told
that another man was paid in his name. Geo.
Bolivar, of Orangeburg, testifies to a casual
conversation with Worthington, in which he i
told Worthington that the Oraqgeburg dele-^
gation was badly split up, and that some
would VQte fpr Jllliotti wheu Worthington
replied that a negro could not be elected, and
that the United States Senate did not want a
negro, and that Patterson would pay as much i
as any one else would. John Dix, member i
from Orangeburg, who voted for Elliott, tes- <
tifies that Warren Minton told him that Pat- i
terson wanted to see bira, and that there 1
would be a chance to make something. Hen- :
xy Riley, member from Urangeburg, who vo- i
ted for Patterson, testifies to a loan of $25 1
from WorthiDgton at Patterson's headquar- I
ter's, which was not returned. J. F. Meyers, i
who voted for Scott, testifies that Worthing- <
ton told him Patterson had some money for I
the boys that would vo.t$ for him ; that he I
saw Patterson, by invitation, iu Patterson's '
private room, when Patterson stated that he
had euchered Scott and others in some rail- i
road transactions, and that they were trying !
to make him spend his money, which he was !
ready todo; that Patterson offered him $500 !
for his vote and influence, and tbe control of <
the Orangeburg post office to such of the 1
Orangeburg delegation as would be Patter- 1
son men. Prince Rivers, member from Aiken, i
who voted for Scott, testifies that Patterson i
offered tq do right by him if he would vote i
for him, and that, alter the election, he was at 1
Patterson's headquarters drinking champagne I
and saw the members going in, one after an- <
other, to Patterson's private room, to get their
pay, aud heard complaints from some that
they got less than others, and that Scott and
Elliott men, in surprising numbers, had
nhnnoraf? tn Patterson in the Iflst. t.went.v.fniir
?-"fc> ?? -? J - -_
hours preceding the election. Senator VV. B.
Nash, of Richland, who was strongly opposed
to Patterson, testifies that Gen. J. B. Dennis,
asked him if $5,000 would change kjivi from
Elliott to Patterson : tfc.p.t Wortnington told
him that "ojd fiat, would tate care of his
friend8 jj1' that about a year after the election,
when an eflfort was made to provide in the
funding bill for the JJlue ftidge Scrip at par,
Patterson, in advocating the. measure, told
hira that he (Patterson) was disinterested, as
he had disposed of his scrip, and had used
the money to pay for his election to the United
States Senate; that it had cost him $40,000
to be elected and had broke hira pretty
much, and bad compelled him to raise money
by mortgage on his property. John T. Gilmore,
member from Richland, testifies that
Patterson, meeting hira shabbily attired, in
Columbia, just BeFore'the session of the legislature,
presented him with a suit of clothes,
and, in a private room, after a caucus, Patterson
and Worthington agreed to give him
$350 for his support; and that,after the eleotion,
having been invited to call on Patterson,
he found Patterson and Worthington
together; that Worthington handed him an
envelope, which' he examined after coming
away, and found $100. That he expressed
dissatisfaction, on accountof the small amount
received, to several persons. Everidge Cain,
member from Abbeville, testifies that he was
indebted to Scott for a loan of $175, and in
an interview with Patterson and Worthington
at Fine's, Patterson promised him to lift
the note, if he would support him, to which
he agreed, and that the agreement was carried
out on both sides. Joseph D. Boston,
member from Newberry, testifies that he voted
for Elliott in the fall of 1872. Patterson
lent him $50. The day before the election
of United States Senator, Patterson offered
him the $50 lent, and $300 more, for his vote,
saying he would beat Elliott if it cost him
$60,000, and that he had procured a sufficient
number of votes at from $200 to $300 to do
it. Boston voted for Elliott. That on the
day after the election, Patterson demanded
the $50, and that Boston paid it to Worthington.
Nelson Davies, member from York, testified
that Patterson promised him $500 for
his vote, provided the rest of the York deleJi
J MAn4 AAA Tkaf oftof.
gablUll U1U UUt UUOb bUU UiUtU. 11JOV UibViwards,
at a caucus, be promised Patterson to
vote for him. That after the election, at Patterson's
house, Patterson paid him $300, and
at the Convention, when Chamberlain was
nominated for Governor, Patterson paid him
8100 more, on the same account. B. H. Nerland,
member from Barnwell, testifies that
Patterson promised him $500 for his support,
and that after the election, he called twice at
Patterson's house for the money, and on the
second visit was referred by Patterson to
VVorthington, who paid bim $300, and that
Patterson promised to pay the remainder. A.
K. Levy, member from Charleston, testified
that he went with Representative Norland
twice to Patterson's house after the money
promised by Patterson to Nerland. Nerland,
the second time, came out with a roll of money,
and invited Levy to take oysters with him.
R. M. Smith, member from Spartanburg, testifies
that he had an interview with Patterson
-? L" 1 !- ' ?..M tUt
at uis ueauijuai lcis, yt Lieu x aitciouu oaiu bunt
he would be elected if it cost him thousands
dollars. That afterward, on the street,
Patterson offered him $300 for every vote he
would get for Patterson. Smith voted for S.
T. Poinier. S. S. Bridges, member from Newberry,
testifies that he borrowed $50 from
Worthington, and that on the morning of the
electien, Worthington offered him the money
borrowed, and laid an envelope, said to contain
money, on his desk, offering it to him, in
addition, if he would vote for Patterson.
Bridges voted for Elliott. After the election,
Worthington demanded payment of the $50
lent, and received it. Charles Simons, member
from Chester, testifies that Representative
Prince Young, of Chester, told him that be,
Young, was to get $500 for voting for Patterson,
and that each voter was to get the
same amount. That Worthington told him
that if he voted for Patterson, he would lose
nothing by it. That, having voted for Patterson,
he shortly afterward- received, through
Young, $40, aud subsequently an evelope with
$100 more, which Young told him was obtained
from Worthington, and was all that bad
been received for him. Young is dead. James
Young, member from Laurens, who voted for
Elliott, testifies that Worthington offered him
8300 to vote for Patterson, saying that was
what he was paying for votes. That many of
Patterson's supporters twitted him, telling
him he would be left out in the cold. Gloster
Holland, member from Aiken, who voted for
Elliott, testifies that Warren Minton told him
if he would vote for Patterson he would get
$300, and that Worthington would pay himas
soon as the election was over. Senator G.
D. Hayne, of Aiken, who voted for Elliott,
testifies that Patterson offered him $1,000 for
his vote and influence, and Worthington, who
was present, tried to persuade him also, saying
he would elect Patterson anyhow, as he had
the money to do it with. W, W. Ramsay,
member from Sumter, testifies that Patterson
offered him $150 for his vote, and then raised
his offer to $200. Ramsay voted for Elliott.
Isaac Miller, member from Fairfield, testifies
that a colored man who was in Patterson's interest,
made him an oflfer of money if he
would vote for Patterson. He voted for El- i
liott. F. Anderson, a venerable Representa- (
tive from Kershaw, testifies that he was a i
member of the church, and had been trying
to lead a consistent Christian life for many i
years. That he was not intimate nor on terms j
of confidence with the members generally, be- i
cause he could not sanction their habits of dis- i
sipation. That, beiug known as a professed |
Christian, he was never offered any money for
his vote, by any one, so far as he can reraem
ber, except on one occasion, when, having told
Mr. Patterson that he expected to vote for
him for the United States Senate, Patterson
told him if he did so he would give him 8100.
That Patterson did not bring him the money,
nor would he have asked Patterson for it "if
he had been starving in the same room with
Patterson." B. A. Thompson, member from
Marion, testifies that he voted for Patterson,
in consideration of a promise from Worthing- 1
ton to give him 8400 for his vote, That he
applied to Worthingtoq afterwards for the
money promised, and also to Minton, who was
doorkeeper at Patterson's headquarters, but
never received any part of the amount. D.
C. Wolfe, member from Lancaster, who voted
for Patterson, testifies that Patterson said to ^
him a few rtava hpfnrp t.hp filprtinn. that, fnr 1
his support and influenoe, Patterson would <
Lake care of him and his friends, and that, <
after tho election, Patterson handed him an 1
envelope containing $250. Levi Lee, mem- 1
ber from Fairfield, who voted for Elliott, tes- '
tifies that Worthington offered him $350 if he 1
would vote for Patterson. Senator J. D. *
VYarley, of Clarendon, testifies that Worth- 1
ington offered him $400 if he would vote for
Patterson, which he declined. He voted for
Elliott. Ishara Greenwood, member from <
Newberry, testifies that Scott was his first <
shoice, but that he voted for Patterson. That <
he was not promised anything, but received <
from Warren Miuton a small amouut of 1
money as a loan, which he never repaid, and i
that afterwards he loaned Minton $5. That i
it was generally understood among the mem- 1
bers that Patterson was paying for votes and i
buying his way to the United States Senate. <
J. A. Smith, member from Darliugton, testi- 1
fies that he voted for Patterson ; was neither !
promised nor paid, and received nothing for <
his vote. Samuel J. Keith, member from 1
Darlington, testifies that Patterson offered him '
S300 for his vote, and paid him $200 at his f
house, and that ius colleague, S. A. Smith,
went with him to Patterson's house, and told
him, the next day, that he had been paid by i
Patterson. That another colleague, Richard <
H. Hines, had told him that Patterson had i
paid him $200, and had not paid what he had ;
promised. John Boston, member from Dar- i
lington, who voted for Elliott, testifies that no
ofjfer was made to hiiQ to vote for Patterson. :
The following testify that they voted for Patterson
without pay or promises of pay, viz.:
Thomas Prenly, James F. Peterson and Fortune
Giles, members from Williamsburg;
Benjamin R. Middleton, member from Barnwell,
and Jacob Allman, member from Marlboro.
It is proper to state that this portion
of the evidence appropriately closes with the
testimony of Gen. H. C. Worthington, who
"was an active friend of Patterson in his election,"
and who testifies that he "never heard
Mr. Patterson speak of using money to secure
his election," and that he has "no knowledge
or information that money was used to secure
bis election, save that he heard rumors of
that kind on the streets, and that he kept open
a bouse for the entertainment of Mr. Patterson's
friends." Concerning this, it is enough
to state that sixty witnesses, resident in various
parts of the State, and examined at dif
ferent times, have furnished the committee
with the information which Gen. Worthington
testifies he does not possess. Mr. Patterson
did not hesitate to attempt more perilous
adventures. Elliott, as we have seen, was his
most formidable opponent To Gen. John B.
Dennis was entrusted the delicate mission of
an offer from Patterson to Elliott himself.
Gen. Dennis testifies that Patterson authorized
him to offer Elliott $15,000 to withdraw
from the contest; and he testified further,
that warrants having been issued for Patterson's
arrest for bribery, the Governor, in
friendship for Patterson, removed the Jury
Commissioner of the county of Richland and
appointed him (Dennis) in his stead, for the
purpose of ensuring the drawing of jurymen
who were friendly to Patterson, in the event
of his trial in the courts of the county, so as
to secure his safety, and that the jury lists
were made up accordingly. Hon. R. B. Elliott
testifies that he expressed his indignation
to General Dennis at having heard of an attempt
by Patterson to purchase a mortgage
on his residence, and that Dennis remarked
that he had been requested to see Elliott on a
similar matter, but had declined to act That
on the next day Elliott, Dennis and Major
Delaney were together, and Elliott urged Den
nis to inform him about the matter alluded to
the day before. That Dennis then stated that
Patterson had said that if Elliott would get
out of the race, Patterson would pay him
$10,000, and, in addition, pay certain debts of
Elliott's. That he felt great indignation, and
was only restrained from seeing Patterson in
reference to the matter, by Gen. Dennis and
Mr. Deianey. Major Martin E. Delaney,
then a member of the Republican State Executive
Committee, of which General E. B. Elliott
was chairman, testifies that he was present
at the interview when the offer of Patterson
was communicated to Elliott by Gen. J.
B. Dennis, and that Elliott "became very angry
and swore about it," and that he had to
interpose to quiet Elliott. Ex-Governor F.
J. Moses testifies that Patterson, who expected
to be indicted in the State Conrt for having
obtained his Senatorial position by bribery
and corruption, requested the appointment
of some friend as Jury Commissioner. That
he accordingly appointed John B. Dennis as
such Jury Commissioner, with a request that
Dennis would protect Patterson as far as he
could do so legally.
In conclusion, the undersigned respectfully
report that the election of Hon. J. J. Patterson
to the Senate of the United States on December
10,1872, was procured by corruption
on<1 kriKcrv Thou vnnU fnvthor Mmarlr
( UU i A MVJ TVVSVIJLV* AUkVUV* VAUV****
tbat the Legislature of 1872-73 was largely
composed of new members, and tbat they were
most solemnly pledged to a correction of past
abuses, and to the inauguration of real reforms.
Some of the members who may have
been unfit for the discharge of the important
duties of legislation by reason of ignorance,
yet came to Columbia with a desire, in an
bumble way, to do what was right. John J.
Patterson enjoys the unenviable distinction
of having been the first to place before tbem
the poisoned chalice of temptation, and to corrupt
them with its enticing draughts. Need
we wonder that they were intoxicated and
fell ? Then followed a wild saturnalia of public
plunder, the record of which furnishes
nothing,which is at all pleasant to investigate
or to perpetuate in history. But it is due to
the cause of good government,-that the story
of the crimes and disasters of the past few
years should be written in the journals of our
courts of justice, in order that it may be a
warning to all servants.. of the people of all
political parties of the present and of the fu
ture, not to prove recreant to bigb or bumble
trusts of the republic. Let it also expose tbe
dangers menacinga government resting on any
other foundations than those of education and
good morals. And let this be done not in a
temper of vengeance, nor to gratify any morbid
sentiment which would gloat over the sufferings
of the; jCuriminal overtaken by the sad
consequences of his crime, but in the spirit 01
the patriot and the statesman, the spirit 01
the law as expressed by the old Boman jurist
and orator, " Ut poena ad paueoe, metus ad
omnea peveniat," and as we learn it in the forcible
words of the great expositor of the English
common law, as to the end or final cause
of human punishment: "This is not by way of
atonement or expiation for the crime committed,
for that must be left to the just determination
of the Supreme Being, but as a precaution
against future offenses of the same kind."
All of whioh is respectfully submitted.
John R. Cochran, Chairman,
H. A. Meetze,
Committee on the part of Senate.
Gerhard Muller,
J. C. Speppard,
S. Dibble,
Committer on the part of the House.
Trifles.?There are many little things in
the household, attention to which is indispensable
to health and happiness. The kind of
?ir which circulates in a house may seem a
small matter, for we cannot see the air, and
sot many people know anything about it; yet
f we do not provide a regular supply of pure
lir within our houses, we shall inevitably suffer
for our neglect. A few specks of dirt
nav seem neither here nor there, and a closed
loor or window appear to make little difference;
bat it may make the difference of a
ife destroyed by fever; and, therefore, the
ittle dirt and little bad air are very serious
natters, and ought, to be removed accordingy.
The whole of the household regulations
ire, taken by themselves, trifles?but trifles
lending to an important result.
# I
A Profitable Business.?A correspondent
of the New Orleans Pines says: rhe
General Government has about put a stop to
lepredations on the public lands, but this
)nly trebles the force now cutting from State
ands. To show you bow profitable the business
of getting logs from State lands is, I'll
nstanoe one man who was only engaged in it
for eleven months, and during that short period,
he was enabled to get married five different
times. The last spouse, however, proved
10 be less thrifty than the other four, and the
fellow had to swap her off to a neighbor for a
iouble-barrel shot gun. I am acquainted
with a dozen men who were present at all the
weddings, and can testify to the trade for the
shot-gun,"
l&~ An exchange tells us that "a man once
& lawyer in Genoa is trying to gain an honest
living by selling peanuts at ten cents a
a pint in Cleavland, Ohio." If half the lawyers
in this country who cannot make a living
by their profession were to follow that
mans example, the peanut businese would be
fearfully overdone.