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- ..m v .s.^ *ST st , . ? "- V . - ** - . *3f ? 5 . JF-iOTPr- . ^ '' "' W ' * * ?' v ' .*><*'* . - -.-' - .' v* JfiLa ' A ^ . -? ^ ^ - -???- " ' "_ ~ """~ -?-- ^ : -^. "~~ ~~~ ^ ^ 1 ~ | ~ ^ ^ pj ^ p~ -y^- | ... sS\MIm^6n }Proprietora. An Independent Journal: For the Promotion of the Political, Social, Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the South. |iewism.qeist,pubiwier. "VOL; 3. " YOEKVILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1856. ^O. 37. * , ??? ?? - i ??? ?? ? ?M?M?? iiwaa? ii ?mmi<Sd Select Jjuetrj); 'HE DOES WELL "WIIO DOES HIS BEST." BY DA VIP R. ARXEU.. Let us not too much demand Of n fellow-creature's life, Let us rather bear a hand To assist him in the strife! We may have had the power to win ' Just what God forbiddetli him. Let us not too harshly speak Of a fcllow-creaturesfall, Let us rather help the weak To escape pollution's thrall: Some Temptation we despise * May have won his heart and eyes. Let us not too rashly judge Of a fellow-creature's Faith, Let us rather waive the grudge And attend him whnt he saitli; He may have some doubt to tell That with us did never dwell. Let us always bear in mind ^ What from uiau to man is due, v How we need that human kind Should forgive and love us too; * And afford a helping band, When we've fallen where they stand. We are not of equal mould, We have different lots to bear; Some have heritage of gold, Some have toil, and want, aud care; We should not our brother blame, Till our lives are made the same. It is harshness to require Of our fellow-creature man That he do what we desire, If he do the best he canThough he gather little store, v,. We ourselves can do no more. Let tide, then, our judgment be , . Of our brothers here below, While so much we cannot see, "v While so much we cannot know? "He does well who does his best," Let us leave with God the rest. IpoIifiatL From the Richmond Examiner. DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION. Certainly there are in all sections and in all States those who love the Union, under ? the actual Constitution, as Washington did, as Jay, Hamilton, and Madison did; as Jackson, as Clay, as Webster loved it. Such, even, is the hereditary and the habitual sentiment of the general American heart. But he has read life and books to little purpose who has not learned that 'bosom friendships' may be 'to resentment soured/ and that no hatred is so keen, deep and precious as that. He has read the book of our history to still less purpose, who has not learned that the friendships of these States, sisters but rivals, sovereigns each, with a public life, and a body of interests, and sources of honor and shame of its own and within itself, distnrrt awtvaoi(v rrmnnc orn tnuuieu iuiu mu ?&cav uav of all human ties most exposed to such rupture and such transformation.-- Rn/us Choatc. When the Union was formed, the Constitution framed and the Federal Government instituted, there was a perfect equilibrium between the Northern and Southern sections. Each section then possessed, iu that equality of political strength, ample power to protect itself against aggression from the other. The history of the Union shows that so long as that equilibrium lasted, peace and harmony subsisted betweeu the Northern and Southern families of States; but ceased to exist as soon as the equilibrium was destroyed. The experience of our government has confirmed the lessons of philosophy and history, teaching that free governments are only stable under a well adjusted system of checks and balances; and that this equipoise of strength, this power of each constituent part to oppose force against equal force if needful, being once lost, the domineering propensity of human nature and the grasping disposition of conscious physical superiority are sure to demonstrate themselves in the majority on all subjects and occasions which a diversity of interests or opinions arises to 1__ *t - A-_A ? /? supply tue preiexi or lucenuve ior aggression. It is needless to refer at length to the wanton and malignant crusade which the North has excited, not only throughout its own borders, but through all the ends of the earth, against the South, on account of her slavery institution?an institution vital to ber own social orgauizatiou, but in no manner affecting, other than beneficially, the North or the rest of the world. That the North has used its preponderance in the Union for the purpose of aggrandizement and wanton aggression upon the South, is too notorious to be dwelt upon?and the problem whether the continuance of the Uniou be much longer possible, depends simply upon the two questions, whether the physical preponderance of the North be overshadowing and still swelling in proportions; and whether it is the temper and purpose of that section to use this preponderance for pushing its crusade against the South to leugths of injury, insult and oppression, which must render dissolution a welcome, a necessary, an inevitable and a righteous alternative for the injured section. THE UNION WAS ERECTED UPON TIIE BASIS OF POLITICAL EQUALITY BETWEEN TIIE NORTH AND SOUTH. Let us examine how carefully the equilibrium between North and South was first adjusted and long preserved by the early statesmen of the Republic; and how ruthlessly and for what truculent purposes it has been destroyed in our latter days. Contrast the relative weight of the two sections of the Union, as shown by the census, at the two periods of 1790 and 1850. "According to the former, the population of the United States, including Vermont, Kentucky and Tennessee, which then were in their incipient condition of becoming States, and were very soon actually admitted, amounted to 3,029,827. Of this number the Northern States had 1,997,899, and the Southern 1,952;072, making a difference of only 45,827 in fayor of the former States. The number of States, including Vermont, Kentucky and Tennessee, was sixteen ; of which I eight, including Vermont, belonged to the Northern section, and eight, including KenI lucky and Tennessee, to the Southern?making an equal division of the States between the two sections under the first census.? There was a small preponderance in the House of Representatives, and in the Electoral College, in favor of the North, owing to the fact that, according to the provisions of the Constitution, in estimating federal numbers, five slaves counted but three; but it was too small to effect sensibly the perfect equilibrium which, with that exception, existed at the time. Such was the equality of the two sections when the States composing them agreed to enter into a federal Union." Since then, the equilibrium between them | has bceu utterly destroyed; and if the Black Republicans succeed in their present political struggle and continue to be actuated by their ruthless spirit of aggression, the prc-^ ponderance of the Northern section over the Southern will absolutely forbid the hope of the continuance of the Union. THIS EQUILIBRIUM ALREADY UTTERLY DESTROYED. According to the census of 1350, the aggregate population of the organised States of the Union amounted to 23,047,391; of which the North contained 13,434,622, and the South 9,612,769, making a difference, in favor of the North, in round numbers, of 3,725,000. The number of States had increased from sixteen to thirty-one?making an addition of fifteen States aud making the proportion between Northern and Southern States sixteen to fifteen, counting Delaware among the fifteen Southern States. According to the apportionment uuder the census of 1S50, there were two hundred and thirtyfour members of the House of Representatives, of which the Northern States had one hundred and forty-four, and the Southern States uinety; making a difference in favor of the former in the House of Representatives of fifty-four. There was a difference in the Senate of two members, in favor of the North; and in the Electoral College, a majority of fifty-six. The result of the whole has been to give to the North a preponderance in every department of the government, and thereby to concentrate in it all the elements which control the federal government?a majority of the States, a majority of their population, a majority of each branch of the federal Legislature, and a majority of the college which elects a federal Executive. The Democratic political organization, by securing a President and a majority in the Senate, pledged * r . .1 _ r _ _ to tue support 01 natiouai principles, 01 constitutional equality and justice as between the two sections of the Union, is the only barrier that now stands between the South and Abolition aggression from the North. Not only was the Union framed upon the plan of an equilibrium, between the North aud South; but the history of the admission of new States indicates that it has been the constant policy of the statesmen of the Union to preserve this equilibrium down to a very recent period. This purpose was strikingly evidenced in the outset, by the fact that Virginia gave her Northwestern territory to the North as a condition precedent to the formation of the Union. Afterwards, Vermont and Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio, Indiana aud Mississippi, Illinois and Alabama, Maine and Missouri, came in respectively from North and South about the same periods. Another striking instance of the pains Congress was at to preserve this equilibrium, was the remarkable circumstance, that when Missouri was admitted, the State of Maine was cut off from Massachusetts for the express purpose. of compensating the North for the preponderance the South would have gained by the admission of Missouri. But the equilibrium, as we have shown, is now completely broken up and destroyed; and there is not only no probability of its being restored by the admission of new States, but the certainty of the present disuaritv beinsr rapidly and considerably aug t V O A V w W meuted. Out of the seven Territories now organized, six of them are free, to wit: the Territory of Minnesota?which the North inteuds to divide into two, admitting one portion as a State and organizing the other into a Territory until its population shall authorize its | admission as a State also; the Territory of Orcgou; the Territory of Utah?which is already applying for admission as a State, and, of course, having no slaves, will he a free State; and the Territories of New Mexico, of Washington, and of Nebraska? leaving only Kansas to become a slave State, if that thing can be, against the clamor of the whole Black Republican party of the North, and the money and minions which the Aid Societies of the free States and of Europe are pouring into that ill-fated bantling and forlorn hope of the South. All of these Territories will come into the TT_ ? 1 L il i: J .-,'11 ? L 1110U ueany Ul lue auuii; uuic, uuu nm gu | I to swell the present majority of Northern States to seven, supposiug Kausas be secu, red to the South?the majority of the Northern population another million?the majority of Northern Senators to fourteen, and, in the course of a few years, the Northern majority in the House to at least a hundred, and in the Electoral College in the same proportion. Well, how has this preponderance of the North been brought about ? If it were the i result of the natural development of the two sections, it could be contemplated by the South with resignation. But, being the result of aggressive and unjust measures taken by the North with intent to product it, it plants a thorn in the flesh, a sense of injury and a spirit of resentment in the bosom of the South, which renders every aggressive act of the North a blow at the foundations of the Union. I HOW ITS DESTRUCTION WAS EFFECTED. What are the causes that have destroyed the equilibrim between North and South ?? i One powerful cause has been the system of collecting and disbursing the revenues of the Union, which vhe Federal Government has pursued, and which has exhausted the wealth of the South and lavished it upon the North. Without enlarging on this top- i ic, it will be a sufficient indication of the ex- i tent to which this unequal operation of the revenue system of the Federal Government has gone, to state from official tables before i us the following results: The aggregate revenues collected on the foreign importations i into the country from ] 791 to June 30,1845 i were 8927,050,097. Of this sum the South if contributing according to the ratio of her ] population in the Union, should have paid ?394,707,917, and the North ?532,342,180; | whereas, the, South did in fact pay ?711,- ' 200,000?almost double her due proportion : ?while the North paid but ?215,850,007, ? ?1 1 1 1 1 111 - 1 A ? ! or out nau wnat sue snouiu nave paiu. au extension of the tables from 1845 to 1855 would show a still more enormous disproporpaid by the South. It would be considerably understanding the fact to say, that this immense aggregate of revenues, thus unequally collected, has been disbursed at the rate of two dollars at the North for one at South, making the aggregate of legal robbc- 1 ry which the South has suffered for the ben- t efit of the North since the institution of the ! government several hundred millions of dol- i lars. Not only in large things, such as these < revenue disbursements and collections, has ] this injustice to the South exhibited itself in < the operations of the Federal Government, t but it has done so in small things also. Al- ' though Sonthcru troops aided the North in 1 fighting the battleg of the Revolution on Nor- i them soil, and afterwards, unaided, fought ] their own battles alone on their own soil; < yet there had been paid by the Federal Go- ] vcrnment, in June, 1845, only ?7,336,367 ] to Southern revolutionary pensioners, while ^ there had been paid to Northern pensioners, 828,202,507, or four times as much. The effect of this enormous withdrawal of capital from the South and bestowal of it upon the North, in destroying the political equilibrium between the two sections, has shown itself in one most striking particular; for while the aggregate number of the foreign ^ born population living in the United States , in 1850 was 2,244,048, and that of the immediate descendants of immigrants 097,853, making an aggregate of immigrants and their descendants of 2,932,498; 2,418,500 of this aggregate were residents of the Northern ' section, and but 514,000, of the. Southern section; making a nctt accession to the North frOrn this source, chiefly in consequence of the advantages of the immense transfer of capital from one section to the other by the operation of the Federal Government, of uearly 2,000,000 of souls?which shows that half the preponderance of the Northern population over the South in 1850, which we stated in the beginning to be 3,725,000, is made up of foreigners and their immediate descendants of the whole blnod. Wo quote from the "compendium of the census of 1850," when we add, as another effect of this unequal system of collecting and disbursing the federal revenues, of the native born population of the Union, that?"while more than one fourth of the free persons born in the Southern States have left those States for other sections, o.% one sixth have loft the eastern and .Middle states." The other great cause which has produced this disproportion between the North and the South is to be found in the series of acts of Congress, by which the South has been excluded from the common territory belongging equally to all the States. The first of these acts was the ordinance of 17S7, which excluded her from the country which now embraces some of the most populous and wealthy States of the Union, and constitutes a very large fraction of that political preponderance of the North which we have already specified. The next of these measures was the Missouri Compromise net, which excluded the South from all the Louisiana purchase which lay North of 3G? 30'. The next of the series excluded the South from all of Texas lying above the same line. The next of the series excluded the South from all of Texas lying above the same line. The next shut out the South from the Oregon and Washington Territories, und our whole Pacific coast not embraced in the acquisition from Mexico. The uext was the admission of California with a squatter sovereignty constitution, the product of a squatter sovereignty Convention, at the prompting of the Taylor Administration, which was effectuated, endorsed and sanctioned by that of Mr. Fillmore. By the ordinance of 1787, the Missouri and Texas restrictions, and the Oregan and Washington acts, the South was excluded from 1,238,025 square miles of domain.? H'L . o?*i. ?? 1?f* i,.. ?? a 11 u uuuui vtii? iuu uy muau avu? uu uijuui chance with the North to secure the portion of the Territory of Louisiana lying south of 30? 30', which, with the thcu Territory of Florida, and the whole of Texas, (a large portion of which is in contest between the two sections under the New Mexico Territorial Compromise net of 1850,) altogether amounts to 009,043 square miles. As to the territories acquired from Mexico, (including California, which is already admitted as a State with a Constitution excluding slavery,) the North made the most strenuous efforts to appropriate the whole of that rich and extensive acquisition to herself by the Wilmot Proviso, and is still continuing those efforts by the present Black Bcpublican agitation. The Black Kcpublicans will fail to elect their President j but the very ferocity anci pertinacity witn wnicn tney re-1 sist the equal claims of the South in the domain acquired from Mexico, will prevent Southern emigrants from going into it with their slaves, and will give the North a controlling preponderance in the formation of constitutions preparatory to the admission of the territories which be carried out of this domain, into the Union as States. If this most probable result should ensue from the Black Republican agitatiou, there will have been added to the 1,238,025 square miles of domain from which we have shown that the South has beeu already excluded, 52G,078 square miles more, and the portion of the North will be thus swollen to 1,704,02o. To sum up the whole, the United States, since they declared independence, have acquired 2,373,000 square miles of territory, from which the North will have excluded the South, if it should succeed in monopolizing the newly acquired territories as we have indicated, about three-fourths of the whole, leaving the South an equal chance with the North to secure but about onefourth. We have spoken ofj^c North as the* aggi essor in alt IftesC schemes of encroachment .t n .V 'TTT. I _~ ni rr. i" upontnc couui. ucnaveusea me term for brevity- sake. It was not the whole North, but only the evil aud malicious spir- ' its of the North. These made the unjust demands; these proposed the measures of i ijncroacbment j these excited tbjs agitation ; 1 then, leading and faithless Southern men ' proposed bargaius and compromises with 1 them; and then, of course, the better class < jf Northern men, those who were actuated i with sentiments of fairness, justice and na- ' tionality, were obliged per force to accept '< the compromises offered by Southern men. I Southern men made haste to support and made a boast of securing the success of those Bompromises and concessions, Missouri com- ' promises and Americau systems of South- ! ?rn robbery and Northern enrichment, and 1 the South has now to realize the bitter conviction that the blows which destroyed her tvere in part the infliction of her own sons : ' 3o the struck eagle, stretched upon the plain, No mora through rolling clouds to soar again, Viewed his own father on the fatal dart, Which winged the shaft that quivered in his heart; Keen were his pangs, but keener far to feel Ffe nursed the pinion which impelled the stee' I While the same plumage that had warmed his .. .st , Drank the last life drop of his bleeding breast. ?&idf>rt '^IrahtniY (_yv V'VW'V INHERITANCE OF TALENT. A cotemporary says that great men usually inherit their talents from the mother.? This is a popular belief, but not the less erroneous. The mistake has arisen from attending only to those cases in which the mother had a supeiior mind, to the neglect of the equally numerous examples whore the father possessed remarkable abilities. Everybody quotes the fact that NapolcoD derived his genius from his mother. 'Nobody menlions that Euros owed his vast abilities to his father. A traveller would commit a similar blunder .who should describe all | Americans as light-hairod, or say that every Philadelphian was a Quaker. The rule, for rule there is, lies deeper.? ("J re at abilities, in a word, arise from such a fortunate union of the mental characteristics i of the parents as renders the progeny a a genius, though neither father nor mother, perhaps, were such. The catalogue of eminent men, if carefully made up and honestly ; scrutiuized with a view to elucidating the j truth, would establish this, we have no doubt, beyond controversy. For it is already known that the child takes its mental nature in about equal portions from its parents, and this fact at once leads to our conclusion, as well as explaius why brilliant parents often have dunces among their offsping. Let us illustrate thl.t. A man has the purely intellectual characteristics in great force, but is wanting in will ! he is consequently a dreamy philosopher, or a visionary speculator. He marries a woman, who with hut nrdinnrv infpllnrf. line iirmipnso pnortrv CJ " One child of this pair may combine the weakness of both parents; and will be, in that event, an irreclaimable fool. But another may inherit the mother's will, with the father's intellect; and this child, unless ruined by a bad education, is oertaiu to become distinguished. Or take another example. A woman of no remarkable abilities, but with a fine moral nature, is married to a man without principle, but possessing shining abilities. One child of this pair may have the good qualities of both parents, and become a Bunyan, a Nestor, or even a Washington. But another may inherit the deficiencies of both, and grow up, unless carefully guarded, to become a brilliant villain. Or take a third instance. One parent may have much imagination, but little else, and the other remarkable, but great perceptive faculties. The union of these two characteristics in a child will produr.; ?. poet. The transmission of either, in excess, balanced by strong reasoning powers, may make only a human monkey or a romantic fool. This law explains also why so few eminent men belong to one family. There have rarely been two distinguished poets, painters, generals, or even statesmen, who were father and son or even brothers. The elder and younger Pitt, though both prime ministers, and both famous speakers, were strikingly dissimilar in their mental constitution, j so that this example, which seems at first to oppose our theory, really sustains it. In fact, when we consider that the mind has so many and so dissimilar ingredients, ideality, causality, benevolence, reverence, destruc tiveness, constructiveness, and that these I are combined in millions of varieties in as ' many million persons, the wonder is not ! that two individuals, even of the same fami- j ly, resemble each other so little, but that: they resemble each other so much. Given | the score and odd of separate bumps into j which phrenology divides the brain, and ' take the child of any two persons whatever i --and who shall say in what exact propor- j tions out of the ten thousand possible ones j these qualities ought to unite ? There is too much falsity taught for truth on this and similar subjects, not only in newspapers, but even in elaborate books.? The reason is that few persons think soundly, or dare to deny preconceived or popular ideas. We would have every man, however, reflect for himself. "Prove all things; hold fast to the good."?Baltimore Sun. THE BOOT BLACK. About a hundred years ago, there lived in the city of Oxford, England, a boy whose name was George. lie was very poor, so much so that he was compelled to clean the boots of the students at the University to obtaiu money with which to buy the necessaries of life. His countenance was one of no ordinary appearance. His eye was keen and piercing; his forehead noble and lofty; and every feature of his face was perfectly developed. By his easy aud polite manners his obliging disposition, and his warm and generous nature,he soon won the confidence and esteem of many of those upon whom he waited. The poverty of his clothing served him better to show the richness of a mind which only needed cultivation to make it one of the brightest in the whole country.? The studeuts of the University seeing such noble qualities in their lowly and humble boot black, determined to educate him, and many of them devoted no little share of their time to that purpose. They found him ready, willing and studious. lie lost not a moment of his precious time; but applied himself diligently, perseveringly, to his studies, ind soon became an equal, if not a superior to some of his instructors. His advancement was very rapid ; so great was it that numbers were unable to recognize in the gifted and talented young man, the once poor and needy boot black. About this time there was a great change in the religion of England. Thercarose a sect, which from the peculiar habits of its members, their strict observance of the Sabbath, their faithful reading of God's word, and their frequent and stated engagements in prayer, was called .Methodists. With this party George immediately connected himself; and soon became one of its ablest and most consistent members. The youths who once 1.1* .<** i sougnt ins company, now treated nip witn sneering contempt. Those who once considered him a young man of extraordinary abilities, then considered him a reckless fanatic, and avoided his society as they would have a worthless drunkard. All this did not move him. He was as firm as a rock. Nothing could change hiin. Like Moses, he preferred a little of Christian consistency to the enjoyment of sin for a season. Ilis unchanging conduct won for him many warm and ardent admirers, many who formerly branded him as a fanatic became his best friends. I have not time, children, to say much more concerning the character of this interesting young man. It will be sufficient to add, that he soon became one of the most pious and talented preachers in Eugland, and such numbers flocked to hear him that the largest house in Londoujcotild not contain them. He preached in the open fields to thousands upon thousands; and the great amount of good which he did, eternity shall tell.? Dear boys, do not. mind the sneers of your companions. Do your duty, let the consequences be what they may. lie industrious, energetic. Don't mind difficulties. They only make your arm stronger, and your heart braver. If this poor boy could arise from the lowly position of a boot black to that of one of the most pious and eloquent preachers England ever produced, cannot you go and 'do likewise ?' You have no idea what you cau do till you try. Energy combined with earnest prayer will accomplish the most difficult task. Boys would you like to know the name of the boy who blacked the boots of the students at Oxford University? It is GEORGE WHITFIELD. .... ?#>? COUNTRY GIRLS. Meta Victoria Fuller, in the Ohio Cultivator, in a sisterly way, thus talks to the country girls: The farmers' daughters are soon to be the life as well as the pride of the country?a glorious race of women, which no other land can show. I seek not to flatter them; for before they can become1 this, they will have to make earnest efforts $f one or two kinds. There are some who deprecate their condition, and some who have a false pride in it, because they demand more consideration than they merit. A want of intelligence upon all subjects of the day, and of a refined education, is no more in a country than a townbred girl, in this age of many books and newspapers. Many girls are discouraged because they cannot be sent away from home to boarding schools; but men of superior minds and knowledge of the world, would rather have for wives women well and properly educated at home. Aud this education can be had wherever the desire is not wanting. A taste for reading does wonders, and an earnest thirst after knowledge is almost certain to attend a sweet draught of the "Pierian spring." There is a farmer's daughter in this very room in which I am writing, a beautiful, refined, and intellectual women, whose girlhood books were not as plentiful as now, and who gained her fine education under difficulties which have discouraged any one but one who had as true a love for study. 1 will state why 1 think the country girls are yet to prove the hope of this country.? The women in towns and cities are becoming so universally unhealthy, and so almost universally extravagant, foolish and fashionable, that men are almost in despair of obtaining wives who are not invalids, and of providing them with what thev demand after thevhave married them. Unless the young man has the fortune (good or bad) to be the inheritor of wealth, he must spend the best bloom of his youth in acquiring enough to "start upon," as people are expected to begin nowadays. Men, even in high places, would go to the country for their choice if they met there equal refinement and intelligence. T'omen are preparing to take a noble sta ;d history, and they cannot do it in ignorance. Town girls have the advantages of more highly polished manners and greater accomplishments j but country girls Lave infinitely more to recommend them as rivals of their fair city sisters. They have more iruth, household knowledge and economy, health, (and consequently, beauty,) simplicity, affection and freahnessof impulse and thought. When they have cultivated minds there are more chances in their favor for good sense and real ability, because so much is not demanded by the frivolities of society. The added lustre of foreign accomplishments could easily be caught, by such a mind, from a very little contact with the world. I would not speak.as though our farmers' daughters were deficient in education. Many brilliant scholars and talented women may be found among them; in New England this is especially so; but I would seek to awaken the ambition of all to become that admired and favored class which they ought to be, if they will but unite refined culture with their most excellent graces. A sweet country home, with roses and honeysuckles trained to climb over it; with good taste, intelligence < and beauty within; toil enough to ensure i health, and leisure enough to court acquaintance with books and flowers, and the loveliness of nature; with peace, plenty and love, is surely one of the paradises which heaven has left for the attainment of man. WHAT WOULD I BE I What would I be? Not rich in gold, And with a narrow heart, Or misanthropic, stern and cold, Dwell from my kind apart; I would not be a man of war, J Who looks ou death unmoved ; Give me a title denrorfar, "The well-beloved!" I would not wear a laurel crown, Its leaves concqal the thorn, Too oft the children of renown Are friendless and forlorn. 0! let me lead a blameless life, By young and old approved ; Called, in a world of sin and strife. "The well-beloved!" A VIEW OF LABOR. Manual labor or work is dreaded by some, and despised by others, and very few have a natural love for it. The love of labor is acquired by habit and perseverance, in a great measure. The Almighty made man dependent upon his own efforts to feed and clothe himself; he has made hands, and intellect to direct his hands, and heaven has shown no partiality in the formation of any class of individuals as an exemption from labor, or promised prosperity to spring from lyibits of idlenesss. Farmers and mechanics have frequently failed for want of self-respect. Instead of herding together, as the manner of some is, in low drinking houses, to degrade themselves, if they would spend their leisure hours in using means to inform, enlarge and elevate their minds by reading the productions of good, well-infunued authors, meeting together to lecture each other on the subject of their respective callings, they would scon find that iustead of being degraded by labor, that degradation had sprung from another cause. Ignorance and vicious habits will depreciate a mau's self-respect, and often lessen his self-esteem. It is the man that makes his calling respcetablc, and not the calling the man?an infamous character will disgrace any profession. Labor has a moral influence connected with it: there is a less dissimulation and fenirttntinn rlishrmpsfi' ami-mrr farmers and J ""b other laboring classes than exist among politicians and the learned professions. The man that labors ought to consider himself a man, and use the means to be a respectable' man, and that will elevate his business to respectability; let him qualify himself to fill his station, be it what it may, by training the requisite knowledge required to make him master of his art, whether farmer or mechanic; then he will have confidence enough in himself to have a mind of his own and not feel degraded' at seeing the displays of officious coxcombs that make pretensions to superiority. After all the arguments and examples to the contrary, good morul character is an essential ingredient in the formation of a man. A rogue, himself being judge, esteems an honest man more than one of his own feather. What man whose character for knavery is established can abide long in a place ? He is like the troubled sea, and has to live by changing his place and name; once a rogue, always suspected. No man under the sun, who knows right from wrong, or has any regard for his own good, who will not enjoy himself better, aud wear a more comfortable conscience by working either by hands or head than spending his time in idle dissipation. An idle man, whether rich or poof, is an excrescence deriving its nutriment from the industry of the working classes of the community, and merits the curse for his laziness and breaking the fourth onmmnnflmpnt as A dam did for his disobe dicnce.?Ar. E. Farmer. KANSAS NEWS. Mr. S. L. Rand, of Sussex, one of the emigrants who left this city in Col. Rosser's company, for Kansas, for the purpose of settling peaceably in that territory, returned on account of the bloody state of affairs, arriving in Petersburg on yesterday. He say9 that he left Col. Rosser's camp on the 23d ult.; several of the members of the company had left it and joined another Southern company. On the day before the attack of Brown's fvao coil nnvt.w nn the ORmn of Ool. TitllS. "?"* r J ~~ r -- 1 and just as the Petersburg company were making ready to march for Lecorapton, for the purpose of security, the son of Col. Rosser had been sent over to Titus' camp with the whole amount of funds belonging to the company, entrusted to the care of the latter. Unfortunately when Brown's party of fivc hundred pitched upon the little party of, eighteen, everything was takeu, Col. Rosser's son however, escaping with seven buck shot holes in the border of his coat. The Petersburg party are therefore without a penny, and have only to club in with others for the wherewithal. When Mr. Rand left, Col. Rosser had formed his little troop into a military band, who were about to march to Santa Fe, near the, lower border of Kansas, at which place it had been determined by all of the Southern ers to rendezvous by the 24th.v/A. Lewel len, of Richmond, was made 1st Lieutenant, and M. M. Green, of Sussex, 2jj?l, The companies in this rendezvous were Capt. J ,c Cook's, Col. Treadwell's, Capt. Moon's Col. Rosser's and several others from Missouri, amounting in all to about 1000 men. General Atchison was said to be in command of the Missourians, with Col. Doniphan as second and Captain Reid as adjutant. It was their intention to march on the 25th, and just sweep everything before them, common- cing at Wassolouski, through Lawrence, $nd finally Topeka, the head quarters'of Lane. They intend to "show no quarter," there- . ?r by paying the enemy back in their own coin. Ere thi.4*ffllfrg"lla&:ljfcen some bloody fight- *. ing. A large army of Wyandotte'Indians, numbering about 600, who have been sen- ' j." j ously maltreated by the fredsoilers, intended setting out for revenge, and co-working with , the Southerners. It is the sworn intent of all to burn, kill and plunder, as tbe-frcesoU party have been and are still doing, without the least quarter. Reports abont the United _ .?k States troops being whipped, with varioos 1 . other big tales, are false.?Petersburg Ex- r ^ press. ' % BRIDAL THOUGHTS. v ^ I have speculated a great deal upon matrimony. I have seen young and beantifnl women, the pride of gay circles, niarried as the world says?well. Some have moved into costly houses, and their friends have ill come and looked at their fnrniturc and their % splendid arrangements for happiness, and / they have gone away and committed th$m their sunny hopes cheerfully and without ,3 e? t* ? 1 , *i.? icai. AL 13 xjaiuiui tu uu oau^uiuc IUI IUU young ; at such times I am carried away by similar feelings. I love to get unobserved into a corner, and watch the bride in jier white attire, and with her smiling face and _ > her soft eyes blessing me in their pride' of life, weave a waking dream of-future 'happiness, and persuade myself that it will be ; true. I think how they will sit" upon the. luxurious sofa as the twilight falls, and build ... gay hopes and murmur in low tones the now * not forbidden tenderness; and how thrilling . the allowed kiss, and the beautiful endear * ments of wedded life, will make even their' n parking joyous, and how gladly they ^will come back from the crowd and the empty mirth of the gay, to each other's quiet com-w * pany. * I picture to myself that young orea- 'v* turc who blushes even now at his hesitating i caress, listening eagerly for hb footsteps as the night steels on, and wishing that He-would" - ' come ; and when he enters at last, and witlb an affection as undying as his pulse,' folds her to his bosom, I can feel the tide that goes flowing through the heart, and gazarwith him on the graceful form as she moves abont^for the kind offices of affection, soothing-pll hb * immiJet nnroq *"'b " ? himself in her young and shadowect beauty. * I go forward for years, - and see her luxuriant hair put soberly away from her brow, and her girlish graces resigned into dignity/ \ aud her loneliness chasiened with the geu- ^ tie meekness of maternal affection. Her husband looks on her witK.a proud*cyc? and K shows her the same fervent love and delicate , attentions which first won her; and her fair children are grown about them, and they go on full of honor and untroubled years, and are remembered when they die.? WatfiiitQ' ton Irving. ' ^ THE PARISH SYSTEM. ^ In our last editoral upon this subject^we instituted a comparison between the,District " * * of Beaufort, having four Senatorsthe District of Barn we1!, Edgefield, Abbeville and Anderson, having also four. >' . The next calculation we. intend bringing i. i.: e xi l. e J-J iu iue uuuce ui me peupie, is iuuuudu upuu a comparison between the Parishes and Districts at large. v The five Districts of Beanfort, Colleton, Charleston, Georgetown and Orangeburg, are divided into nineteen Parishes and send nineteen Senators. N- "*4The twenty-four Districts of Abbevijle, Anderson, Barnwell, Chester, Chesterfield, Darlington, Edgefield, Fairfield, Greenville, Holly, Kershaw, Lancaster," Laurens, Lexington, Marion, Marlboro, Newberry, Pickens, ftichland, Spartanburg, Sumter, Union, Williamsburg, York, collectively twenty- h four Senators. % +' In this estimate we have left out the city of Charleston, including the Parishes of St. Philip's and St. Michael's, as they strictly belong to neither division. Here, then, is the calculation :? <\ "WHITE POPULATION. -1 White population of the Districts 226,220 " " ? " Parishes 28,131 Balance in favor of the District 198,189 SLAVES. Number of slaves in the Districts 242,921 ? ? " " Parishes 122,531 Balance in favor of the Districts 120,390 TAXES FOR 1800. Taxes of the Districts 8202,884 75 (( ? ? Parishes 104,739 98 Balance in favor of the Districts 98,144 59 Nineteen Senators from the Parishes, represent a while population of only 28,131! M while Ticenti/'fonr Senators represent a white population of 226,320 !! I One Senator from the Parishes represents a white population of only 1,480"!! while a Senator frun the Districts represents 9,430. One Senator from the Parishes represents 6.975 slaves, and a tax of $5,512 03, while one Senator from the District represents 10,121 slaves, and a tax of $8,458 52. ~ Is this right? We leave it with the people to determine.?Greenville Patriot. 83?" Pat, you have dated your letter a week ahead. It is not so late in the month by one week, you spalpeen.' 'Troth, ;boy fin it's jist meself what is wantipg^W^Jtltthleen to get it in advance of the mail. Btrre I'll not care if she gets it three days afore it is written, me dariin/ ": . i ;