Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, September 11, 1856, Image 1
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sS\MIm^6n }Proprietora. An Independent Journal: For the Promotion of the Political, Social, Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the South. |iewism.qeist,pubiwier.
"VOL; 3. " YOEKVILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1856. ^O. 37. * ,
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Select Jjuetrj);
'HE DOES WELL "WIIO DOES HIS BEST."
BY DA VIP R. ARXEU..
Let us not too much demand
Of n fellow-creature's life,
Let us rather bear a hand
To assist him in the strife!
We may have had the power to win
' Just what God forbiddetli him.
Let us not too harshly speak
Of a fcllow-creaturesfall,
Let us rather help the weak
To escape pollution's thrall:
Some Temptation we despise
* May have won his heart and eyes.
Let us not too rashly judge
Of a fellow-creature's Faith,
Let us rather waive the grudge
And attend him whnt he saitli;
He may have some doubt to tell
That with us did never dwell.
Let us always bear in mind
^ What from uiau to man is due,
v How we need that human kind
Should forgive and love us too;
* And afford a helping band,
When we've fallen where they stand.
We are not of equal mould,
We have different lots to bear;
Some have heritage of gold,
Some have toil, and want, aud care;
We should not our brother blame,
Till our lives are made the same.
It is harshness to require
Of our fellow-creature man
That he do what we desire,
If he do the best he canThough
he gather little store,
v,. We ourselves can do no more.
Let tide, then, our judgment be
, . Of our brothers here below,
While so much we cannot see,
"v While so much we cannot know?
"He does well who does his best,"
Let us leave with God the rest.
IpoIifiatL
From the Richmond Examiner.
DISSOLUTION OF THE UNION.
Certainly there are in all sections and in
all States those who love the Union, under
? the actual Constitution, as Washington did,
as Jay, Hamilton, and Madison did; as
Jackson, as Clay, as Webster loved it. Such,
even, is the hereditary and the habitual sentiment
of the general American heart. But
he has read life and books to little purpose
who has not learned that 'bosom friendships'
may be 'to resentment soured/ and that no
hatred is so keen, deep and precious as that.
He has read the book of our history to
still less purpose, who has not learned that
the friendships of these States, sisters but
rivals, sovereigns each, with a public life,
and a body of interests, and sources of honor
and shame of its own and within itself, distnrrt
awtvaoi(v rrmnnc orn
tnuuieu iuiu mu ?&cav uav
of all human ties most exposed to such rupture
and such transformation.-- Rn/us
Choatc.
When the Union was formed, the Constitution
framed and the Federal Government
instituted, there was a perfect equilibrium
between the Northern and Southern sections.
Each section then possessed, iu that equality
of political strength, ample power to protect
itself against aggression from the other.
The history of the Union shows that so long
as that equilibrium lasted, peace and harmony
subsisted betweeu the Northern and
Southern families of States; but ceased to
exist as soon as the equilibrium was destroyed.
The experience of our government has
confirmed the lessons of philosophy and history,
teaching that free governments are only
stable under a well adjusted system of checks
and balances; and that this equipoise of
strength, this power of each constituent part
to oppose force against equal force if needful,
being once lost, the domineering propensity
of human nature and the grasping
disposition of conscious physical superiority
are sure to demonstrate themselves in the
majority on all subjects and occasions which
a diversity of interests or opinions arises to
1__ *t - A-_A ? /?
supply tue preiexi or lucenuve ior aggression.
It is needless to refer at length to the
wanton and malignant crusade which the
North has excited, not only throughout its
own borders, but through all the ends of the
earth, against the South, on account of her
slavery institution?an institution vital to
ber own social orgauizatiou, but in no manner
affecting, other than beneficially, the
North or the rest of the world. That the
North has used its preponderance in the
Union for the purpose of aggrandizement and
wanton aggression upon the South, is too
notorious to be dwelt upon?and the problem
whether the continuance of the Uniou be
much longer possible, depends simply upon
the two questions, whether the physical preponderance
of the North be overshadowing
and still swelling in proportions; and whether
it is the temper and purpose of that section
to use this preponderance for pushing
its crusade against the South to leugths of
injury, insult and oppression, which must
render dissolution a welcome, a necessary,
an inevitable and a righteous alternative for
the injured section.
THE UNION WAS ERECTED UPON TIIE BASIS
OF POLITICAL EQUALITY BETWEEN TIIE
NORTH AND SOUTH.
Let us examine how carefully the equilibrium
between North and South was first
adjusted and long preserved by the early
statesmen of the Republic; and how ruthlessly
and for what truculent purposes it has
been destroyed in our latter days. Contrast
the relative weight of the two sections of the
Union, as shown by the census, at the two
periods of 1790 and 1850. "According to
the former, the population of the United
States, including Vermont, Kentucky and
Tennessee, which then were in their incipient
condition of becoming States, and were
very soon actually admitted, amounted to
3,029,827. Of this number the Northern
States had 1,997,899, and the Southern 1,952;072,
making a difference of only 45,827
in fayor of the former States. The
number of States, including Vermont, Kentucky
and Tennessee, was sixteen ; of which
I eight, including Vermont, belonged to the
Northern section, and eight, including KenI
lucky and Tennessee, to the Southern?making
an equal division of the States between
the two sections under the first census.?
There was a small preponderance in the
House of Representatives, and in the Electoral
College, in favor of the North, owing
to the fact that, according to the provisions
of the Constitution, in estimating federal
numbers, five slaves counted but three; but
it was too small to effect sensibly the perfect
equilibrium which, with that exception, existed
at the time. Such was the equality of
the two sections when the States composing
them agreed to enter into a federal Union."
Since then, the equilibrium between them
| has bceu utterly destroyed; and if the Black
Republicans succeed in their present political
struggle and continue to be actuated by
their ruthless spirit of aggression, the prc-^
ponderance of the Northern section over the
Southern will absolutely forbid the hope of
the continuance of the Union.
THIS EQUILIBRIUM ALREADY UTTERLY
DESTROYED.
According to the census of 1350, the aggregate
population of the organised States
of the Union amounted to 23,047,391; of
which the North contained 13,434,622, and
the South 9,612,769, making a difference,
in favor of the North, in round numbers, of
3,725,000. The number of States had increased
from sixteen to thirty-one?making
an addition of fifteen States aud making the
proportion between Northern and Southern
States sixteen to fifteen, counting Delaware
among the fifteen Southern States. According
to the apportionment uuder the census
of 1S50, there were two hundred and thirtyfour
members of the House of Representatives,
of which the Northern States had one
hundred and forty-four, and the Southern
States uinety; making a difference in favor
of the former in the House of Representatives
of fifty-four. There was a difference
in the Senate of two members, in favor of
the North; and in the Electoral College, a
majority of fifty-six.
The result of the whole has been to give
to the North a preponderance in every department
of the government, and thereby to
concentrate in it all the elements which control
the federal government?a majority of
the States, a majority of their population, a
majority of each branch of the federal Legislature,
and a majority of the college which
elects a federal Executive. The Democratic
political organization, by securing a President
and a majority in the Senate, pledged
* r . .1 _ r _ _
to tue support 01 natiouai principles, 01 constitutional
equality and justice as between
the two sections of the Union, is the only
barrier that now stands between the South
and Abolition aggression from the North.
Not only was the Union framed upon the
plan of an equilibrium, between the North
aud South; but the history of the admission
of new States indicates that it has been the
constant policy of the statesmen of the Union
to preserve this equilibrium down to a very
recent period. This purpose was strikingly
evidenced in the outset, by the fact that
Virginia gave her Northwestern territory to
the North as a condition precedent to the
formation of the Union. Afterwards, Vermont
and Kentucky, Tennessee and Ohio,
Indiana aud Mississippi, Illinois and Alabama,
Maine and Missouri, came in respectively
from North and South about the same
periods. Another striking instance of the
pains Congress was at to preserve this equilibrium,
was the remarkable circumstance,
that when Missouri was admitted, the State
of Maine was cut off from Massachusetts for
the express purpose. of compensating the
North for the preponderance the South would
have gained by the admission of Missouri.
But the equilibrium, as we have shown,
is now completely broken up and destroyed;
and there is not only no probability of its
being restored by the admission of new
States, but the certainty of the present disuaritv
beinsr rapidly and considerably aug
t V O A V w W
meuted.
Out of the seven Territories now organized,
six of them are free, to wit: the Territory
of Minnesota?which the North inteuds
to divide into two, admitting one portion as
a State and organizing the other into a Territory
until its population shall authorize its
| admission as a State also; the Territory of
Orcgou; the Territory of Utah?which is
already applying for admission as a State,
and, of course, having no slaves, will he a
free State; and the Territories of New Mexico,
of Washington, and of Nebraska?
leaving only Kansas to become a slave State,
if that thing can be, against the clamor of
the whole Black Republican party of the
North, and the money and minions which
the Aid Societies of the free States and of
Europe are pouring into that ill-fated bantling
and forlorn hope of the South.
All of these Territories will come into the
TT_ ? 1 L il i: J .-,'11 ?
L 1110U ueany Ul lue auuii; uuic, uuu nm gu |
I to swell the present majority of Northern
States to seven, supposiug Kausas be secu,
red to the South?the majority of the Northern
population another million?the majority
of Northern Senators to fourteen, and,
in the course of a few years, the Northern
majority in the House to at least a hundred,
and in the Electoral College in the same proportion.
Well, how has this preponderance of the
North been brought about ? If it were the i
result of the natural development of the two
sections, it could be contemplated by the
South with resignation. But, being the result
of aggressive and unjust measures taken
by the North with intent to product it, it
plants a thorn in the flesh, a sense of injury
and a spirit of resentment in the bosom of
the South, which renders every aggressive
act of the North a blow at the foundations
of the Union.
I
HOW ITS DESTRUCTION WAS EFFECTED.
What are the causes that have destroyed
the equilibrim between North and South ??
i One powerful cause has been the system of
collecting and disbursing the revenues of
the Union, which vhe Federal Government
has pursued, and which has exhausted the
wealth of the South and lavished it upon
the North. Without enlarging on this top- i
ic, it will be a sufficient indication of the ex- i
tent to which this unequal operation of the
revenue system of the Federal Government
has gone, to state from official tables before i
us the following results: The aggregate revenues
collected on the foreign importations i
into the country from ] 791 to June 30,1845 i
were 8927,050,097. Of this sum the South
if contributing according to the ratio of her ]
population in the Union, should have paid
?394,707,917, and the North ?532,342,180; |
whereas, the, South did in fact pay ?711,- '
200,000?almost double her due proportion :
?while the North paid but ?215,850,007,
? ?1 1 1 1 1 111 - 1 A ? !
or out nau wnat sue snouiu nave paiu. au
extension of the tables from 1845 to 1855
would show a still more enormous disproporpaid
by the South. It would be considerably
understanding the fact to say, that this
immense aggregate of revenues, thus unequally
collected, has been disbursed at the
rate of two dollars at the North for one at
South, making the aggregate of legal robbc- 1
ry which the South has suffered for the ben- t
efit of the North since the institution of the !
government several hundred millions of dol- i
lars. Not only in large things, such as these <
revenue disbursements and collections, has ]
this injustice to the South exhibited itself in <
the operations of the Federal Government, t
but it has done so in small things also. Al- '
though Sonthcru troops aided the North in 1
fighting the battleg of the Revolution on Nor- i
them soil, and afterwards, unaided, fought ]
their own battles alone on their own soil; <
yet there had been paid by the Federal Go- ]
vcrnment, in June, 1845, only ?7,336,367 ]
to Southern revolutionary pensioners, while ^
there had been paid to Northern pensioners,
828,202,507, or four times as much. The
effect of this enormous withdrawal of capital
from the South and bestowal of it upon
the North, in destroying the political equilibrium
between the two sections, has shown
itself in one most striking particular; for
while the aggregate number of the foreign ^
born population living in the United States ,
in 1850 was 2,244,048, and that of the immediate
descendants of immigrants 097,853,
making an aggregate of immigrants and their
descendants of 2,932,498; 2,418,500 of this
aggregate were residents of the Northern '
section, and but 514,000, of the. Southern
section; making a nctt accession to the North
frOrn this source, chiefly in consequence of
the advantages of the immense transfer of
capital from one section to the other by the
operation of the Federal Government, of
uearly 2,000,000 of souls?which shows that
half the preponderance of the Northern
population over the South in 1850, which
we stated in the beginning to be 3,725,000,
is made up of foreigners and their immediate
descendants of the whole blnod. Wo
quote from the "compendium of the census
of 1850," when we add, as another effect of
this unequal system of collecting and disbursing
the federal revenues, of the native born
population of the Union, that?"while more
than one fourth of the free persons born in
the Southern States have left those States
for other sections, o.% one sixth have loft
the eastern and .Middle states."
The other great cause which has produced
this disproportion between the North and
the South is to be found in the series of acts
of Congress, by which the South has been
excluded from the common territory belongging
equally to all the States. The first
of these acts was the ordinance of 17S7,
which excluded her from the country which
now embraces some of the most populous
and wealthy States of the Union, and constitutes
a very large fraction of that political
preponderance of the North which we have
already specified. The next of these measures
was the Missouri Compromise net,
which excluded the South from all the Louisiana
purchase which lay North of 3G? 30'.
The next of the series excluded the South
from all of Texas lying above the same line.
The next of the series excluded the South
from all of Texas lying above the same line.
The next shut out the South from the Oregon
and Washington Territories, und our
whole Pacific coast not embraced in the acquisition
from Mexico. The uext was the
admission of California with a squatter sovereignty
constitution, the product of a squatter
sovereignty Convention, at the prompting
of the Taylor Administration, which
was effectuated, endorsed and sanctioned by
that of Mr. Fillmore.
By the ordinance of 1787, the Missouri
and Texas restrictions, and the Oregan and
Washington acts, the South was excluded
from 1,238,025 square miles of domain.?
H'L . o?*i. ?? 1?f* i,.. ??
a 11 u uuuui vtii? iuu uy muau avu? uu uijuui
chance with the North to secure the portion
of the Territory of Louisiana lying south of
30? 30', which, with the thcu Territory of
Florida, and the whole of Texas, (a large
portion of which is in contest between the
two sections under the New Mexico Territorial
Compromise net of 1850,) altogether
amounts to 009,043 square miles. As to
the territories acquired from Mexico, (including
California, which is already admitted
as a State with a Constitution excluding
slavery,) the North made the most strenuous
efforts to appropriate the whole of that
rich and extensive acquisition to herself by
the Wilmot Proviso, and is still continuing
those efforts by the present Black Bcpublican
agitation. The Black Kcpublicans will
fail to elect their President j but the very
ferocity anci pertinacity witn wnicn tney re-1
sist the equal claims of the South in the domain
acquired from Mexico, will prevent
Southern emigrants from going into it with
their slaves, and will give the North a controlling
preponderance in the formation of
constitutions preparatory to the admission of
the territories which be carried out of this
domain, into the Union as States. If this
most probable result should ensue from the
Black Republican agitatiou, there will have
been added to the 1,238,025 square miles
of domain from which we have shown that
the South has beeu already excluded, 52G,078
square miles more, and the portion of
the North will be thus swollen to 1,704,02o.
To sum up the whole, the United
States, since they declared independence,
have acquired 2,373,000 square miles of
territory, from which the North will have
excluded the South, if it should succeed in
monopolizing the newly acquired territories
as we have indicated, about three-fourths of
the whole, leaving the South an equal chance
with the North to secure but about onefourth.
We have spoken ofj^c North as the* aggi
essor in alt IftesC schemes of encroachment
.t n .V 'TTT. I _~ ni rr. i"
upontnc couui. ucnaveusea me term
for brevity- sake. It was not the whole
North, but only the evil aud malicious spir- '
its of the North. These made the unjust
demands; these proposed the measures of i
ijncroacbment j these excited tbjs agitation ; 1
then, leading and faithless Southern men '
proposed bargaius and compromises with 1
them; and then, of course, the better class <
jf Northern men, those who were actuated i
with sentiments of fairness, justice and na- '
tionality, were obliged per force to accept '<
the compromises offered by Southern men. I
Southern men made haste to support and
made a boast of securing the success of those
Bompromises and concessions, Missouri com- '
promises and Americau systems of South- !
?rn robbery and Northern enrichment, and 1
the South has now to realize the bitter conviction
that the blows which destroyed her
tvere in part the infliction of her own sons : '
3o the struck eagle, stretched upon the plain,
No mora through rolling clouds to soar again,
Viewed his own father on the fatal dart,
Which winged the shaft that quivered in his heart;
Keen were his pangs, but keener far to feel
Ffe nursed the pinion which impelled the stee' I
While the same plumage that had warmed his .. .st ,
Drank the last life drop of his bleeding breast.
?&idf>rt '^IrahtniY
(_yv V'VW'V
INHERITANCE OF TALENT.
A cotemporary says that great men usually
inherit their talents from the mother.?
This is a popular belief, but not the less erroneous.
The mistake has arisen from attending
only to those cases in which the
mother had a supeiior mind, to the neglect
of the equally numerous examples whore the
father possessed remarkable abilities. Everybody
quotes the fact that NapolcoD derived
his genius from his mother. 'Nobody menlions
that Euros owed his vast abilities to
his father. A traveller would commit a
similar blunder .who should describe all |
Americans as light-hairod, or say that every
Philadelphian was a Quaker.
The rule, for rule there is, lies deeper.?
("J re at abilities, in a word, arise from such a
fortunate union of the mental characteristics i
of the parents as renders the progeny a
a genius, though neither father nor mother,
perhaps, were such. The catalogue of eminent
men, if carefully made up and honestly ;
scrutiuized with a view to elucidating the j
truth, would establish this, we have no
doubt, beyond controversy. For it is already
known that the child takes its mental
nature in about equal portions from its parents,
and this fact at once leads to our conclusion,
as well as explaius why brilliant
parents often have dunces among their offsping.
Let us illustrate thl.t. A man has the
purely intellectual characteristics in great
force, but is wanting in will ! he is consequently
a dreamy philosopher, or a visionary
speculator. He marries a woman, who with
hut nrdinnrv infpllnrf. line iirmipnso pnortrv
CJ "
One child of this pair may combine the
weakness of both parents; and will be, in
that event, an irreclaimable fool. But another
may inherit the mother's will, with the
father's intellect; and this child, unless ruined
by a bad education, is oertaiu to become
distinguished. Or take another example.
A woman of no remarkable abilities, but
with a fine moral nature, is married to a man
without principle, but possessing shining
abilities. One child of this pair may have
the good qualities of both parents, and become
a Bunyan, a Nestor, or even a Washington.
But another may inherit the deficiencies
of both, and grow up, unless carefully
guarded, to become a brilliant villain.
Or take a third instance. One parent may
have much imagination, but little else, and
the other remarkable, but great perceptive
faculties. The union of these two characteristics
in a child will produr.; ?. poet. The
transmission of either, in excess, balanced by
strong reasoning powers, may make only a
human monkey or a romantic fool.
This law explains also why so few eminent
men belong to one family. There have
rarely been two distinguished poets, painters,
generals, or even statesmen, who were
father and son or even brothers. The elder
and younger Pitt, though both prime ministers,
and both famous speakers, were strikingly
dissimilar in their mental constitution, j
so that this example, which seems at first to
oppose our theory, really sustains it. In
fact, when we consider that the mind has so
many and so dissimilar ingredients, ideality,
causality, benevolence, reverence, destruc
tiveness, constructiveness, and that these I
are combined in millions of varieties in as '
many million persons, the wonder is not !
that two individuals, even of the same fami- j
ly, resemble each other so little, but that:
they resemble each other so much. Given |
the score and odd of separate bumps into j
which phrenology divides the brain, and '
take the child of any two persons whatever i
--and who shall say in what exact propor- j
tions out of the ten thousand possible ones j
these qualities ought to unite ?
There is too much falsity taught for truth
on this and similar subjects, not only in
newspapers, but even in elaborate books.?
The reason is that few persons think soundly,
or dare to deny preconceived or popular
ideas. We would have every man, however,
reflect for himself. "Prove all things;
hold fast to the good."?Baltimore Sun.
THE BOOT BLACK.
About a hundred years ago, there lived
in the city of Oxford, England, a boy whose
name was George. lie was very poor, so
much so that he was compelled to clean the
boots of the students at the University to obtaiu
money with which to buy the necessaries
of life. His countenance was one of no
ordinary appearance. His eye was keen
and piercing; his forehead noble and lofty;
and every feature of his face was perfectly
developed. By his easy aud polite manners
his obliging disposition, and his warm and
generous nature,he soon won the confidence
and esteem of many of those upon whom he
waited. The poverty of his clothing served
him better to show the richness of a mind
which only needed cultivation to make it
one of the brightest in the whole country.?
The studeuts of the University seeing such
noble qualities in their lowly and humble
boot black, determined to educate him, and
many of them devoted no little share of their
time to that purpose. They found him ready,
willing and studious. lie lost not a moment
of his precious time; but applied himself
diligently, perseveringly, to his studies,
ind soon became an equal, if not a superior
to some of his instructors.
His advancement was very rapid ; so great
was it that numbers were unable to recognize
in the gifted and talented young man,
the once poor and needy boot black. About
this time there was a great change in the religion
of England. Thercarose a sect, which
from the peculiar habits of its members,
their strict observance of the Sabbath, their
faithful reading of God's word, and their
frequent and stated engagements in prayer,
was called .Methodists. With this party
George immediately connected himself; and
soon became one of its ablest and most consistent
members. The youths who once
1.1* .<** i
sougnt ins company, now treated nip witn
sneering contempt.
Those who once considered him a young
man of extraordinary abilities, then considered
him a reckless fanatic, and avoided his
society as they would have a worthless drunkard.
All this did not move him. He was
as firm as a rock. Nothing could change
hiin. Like Moses, he preferred a little of
Christian consistency to the enjoyment of
sin for a season. Ilis unchanging conduct
won for him many warm and ardent admirers,
many who formerly branded him as a fanatic
became his best friends. I have not time,
children, to say much more concerning the
character of this interesting young man. It
will be sufficient to add, that he soon became
one of the most pious and talented
preachers in Eugland, and such numbers
flocked to hear him that the largest house
in Londoujcotild not contain them.
He preached in the open fields to thousands
upon thousands; and the great amount
of good which he did, eternity shall tell.?
Dear boys, do not. mind the sneers of your
companions. Do your duty, let the consequences
be what they may. lie industrious,
energetic. Don't mind difficulties. They
only make your arm stronger, and your heart
braver. If this poor boy could arise from
the lowly position of a boot black to that of
one of the most pious and eloquent preachers
England ever produced, cannot you go
and 'do likewise ?' You have no idea what
you cau do till you try. Energy combined
with earnest prayer will accomplish the most
difficult task.
Boys would you like to know the name of
the boy who blacked the boots of the students
at Oxford University? It is
GEORGE WHITFIELD.
.... ?#>?
COUNTRY GIRLS.
Meta Victoria Fuller, in the Ohio Cultivator,
in a sisterly way, thus talks to the
country girls:
The farmers' daughters are soon to be the
life as well as the pride of the country?a
glorious race of women, which no other land
can show. I seek not to flatter them; for
before they can become1 this, they will have
to make earnest efforts $f one or two kinds.
There are some who deprecate their condition,
and some who have a false pride in it,
because they demand more consideration than
they merit. A want of intelligence upon all
subjects of the day, and of a refined education,
is no more in a country than a townbred
girl, in this age of many books and
newspapers. Many girls are discouraged because
they cannot be sent away from home
to boarding schools; but men of superior
minds and knowledge of the world, would
rather have for wives women well and properly
educated at home. Aud this education
can be had wherever the desire is not
wanting. A taste for reading does wonders,
and an earnest thirst after knowledge is almost
certain to attend a sweet draught of the
"Pierian spring." There is a farmer's daughter
in this very room in which I am writing,
a beautiful, refined, and intellectual women,
whose girlhood books were not as plentiful
as now, and who gained her fine education
under difficulties which have discouraged
any one but one who had as true a love for
study.
1 will state why 1 think the country girls
are yet to prove the hope of this country.?
The women in towns and cities are becoming
so universally unhealthy, and so almost universally
extravagant, foolish and fashionable,
that men are almost in despair of obtaining
wives who are not invalids, and of providing
them with what thev demand after thevhave
married them. Unless the young man has
the fortune (good or bad) to be the inheritor
of wealth, he must spend the best bloom of
his youth in acquiring enough to "start upon,"
as people are expected to begin nowadays.
Men, even in high places, would go
to the country for their choice if they met
there equal refinement and intelligence. T'omen
are preparing to take a noble sta ;d
history, and they cannot do it in ignorance.
Town girls have the advantages of more highly
polished manners and greater accomplishments
j but country girls Lave infinitely more
to recommend them as rivals of their fair
city sisters. They have more iruth, household
knowledge and economy, health, (and
consequently, beauty,) simplicity, affection
and freahnessof impulse and thought. When
they have cultivated minds there are more
chances in their favor for good sense and
real ability, because so much is not demanded
by the frivolities of society. The added
lustre of foreign accomplishments could easily
be caught, by such a mind, from a very
little contact with the world.
I would not speak.as though our farmers'
daughters were deficient in education. Many
brilliant scholars and talented women may
be found among them; in New England this
is especially so; but I would seek to awaken
the ambition of all to become that admired
and favored class which they ought to be, if
they will but unite refined culture with their
most excellent graces. A sweet country
home, with roses and honeysuckles trained
to climb over it; with good taste, intelligence <
and beauty within; toil enough to ensure i
health, and leisure enough to court acquaintance
with books and flowers, and the loveliness
of nature; with peace, plenty and love,
is surely one of the paradises which heaven
has left for the attainment of man.
WHAT WOULD I BE I
What would I be? Not rich in gold,
And with a narrow heart,
Or misanthropic, stern and cold,
Dwell from my kind apart;
I would not be a man of war, J
Who looks ou death unmoved ;
Give me a title denrorfar,
"The well-beloved!"
I would not wear a laurel crown,
Its leaves concqal the thorn,
Too oft the children of renown
Are friendless and forlorn.
0! let me lead a blameless life,
By young and old approved ;
Called, in a world of sin and strife.
"The well-beloved!"
A VIEW OF LABOR.
Manual labor or work is dreaded by some,
and despised by others, and very few have a
natural love for it. The love of labor is acquired
by habit and perseverance, in a great
measure. The Almighty made man dependent
upon his own efforts to feed and clothe
himself; he has made hands, and intellect
to direct his hands, and heaven has shown
no partiality in the formation of any class of
individuals as an exemption from labor, or
promised prosperity to spring from lyibits of
idlenesss. Farmers and mechanics have frequently
failed for want of self-respect. Instead
of herding together, as the manner of
some is, in low drinking houses, to degrade
themselves, if they would spend their leisure
hours in using means to inform, enlarge and
elevate their minds by reading the productions
of good, well-infunued authors, meeting
together to lecture each other on the subject
of their respective callings, they would
scon find that iustead of being degraded by
labor, that degradation had sprung from another
cause. Ignorance and vicious habits
will depreciate a mau's self-respect, and often
lessen his self-esteem.
It is the man that makes his calling respcetablc,
and not the calling the man?an
infamous character will disgrace any profession.
Labor has a moral influence connected
with it: there is a less dissimulation and
fenirttntinn rlishrmpsfi' ami-mrr farmers and
J ""b
other laboring classes than exist among politicians
and the learned professions. The
man that labors ought to consider himself a
man, and use the means to be a respectable'
man, and that will elevate his business to
respectability; let him qualify himself to fill
his station, be it what it may, by training
the requisite knowledge required to make
him master of his art, whether farmer or
mechanic; then he will have confidence
enough in himself to have a mind of his own
and not feel degraded' at seeing the displays
of officious coxcombs that make pretensions
to superiority.
After all the arguments and examples to
the contrary, good morul character is an essential
ingredient in the formation of a man.
A rogue, himself being judge, esteems an
honest man more than one of his own feather.
What man whose character for knavery
is established can abide long in a place ?
He is like the troubled sea, and has to live
by changing his place and name; once a
rogue, always suspected. No man under the
sun, who knows right from wrong, or has
any regard for his own good, who will not
enjoy himself better, aud wear a more comfortable
conscience by working either by
hands or head than spending his time in
idle dissipation. An idle man, whether
rich or poof, is an excrescence deriving its
nutriment from the industry of the working
classes of the community, and merits the
curse for his laziness and breaking the fourth
onmmnnflmpnt as A dam did for his disobe
dicnce.?Ar. E. Farmer.
KANSAS NEWS.
Mr. S. L. Rand, of Sussex, one of the
emigrants who left this city in Col. Rosser's
company, for Kansas, for the purpose of settling
peaceably in that territory, returned on
account of the bloody state of affairs, arriving
in Petersburg on yesterday. He say9
that he left Col. Rosser's camp on the 23d
ult.; several of the members of the company
had left it and joined another Southern company.
On the day before the attack of Brown's
fvao coil nnvt.w nn the ORmn of Ool. TitllS.
"?"* r J ~~ r -- 1
and just as the Petersburg company were
making ready to march for Lecorapton, for
the purpose of security, the son of Col. Rosser
had been sent over to Titus' camp with
the whole amount of funds belonging to the
company, entrusted to the care of the latter.
Unfortunately when Brown's party of fivc
hundred pitched upon the little party of,
eighteen, everything was takeu, Col. Rosser's
son however, escaping with seven buck
shot holes in the border of his coat. The
Petersburg party are therefore without a
penny, and have only to club in with others
for the wherewithal.
When Mr. Rand left, Col. Rosser had
formed his little troop into a military band,
who were about to march to Santa Fe, near
the, lower border of Kansas, at which place it
had been determined by all of the Southern
ers to rendezvous by the 24th.v/A. Lewel
len, of Richmond, was made 1st Lieutenant,
and M. M. Green, of Sussex, 2jj?l, The
companies in this rendezvous were Capt. J ,c
Cook's, Col. Treadwell's, Capt. Moon's Col.
Rosser's and several others from Missouri,
amounting in all to about 1000 men. General
Atchison was said to be in command of
the Missourians, with Col. Doniphan as second
and Captain Reid as adjutant. It was
their intention to march on the 25th, and
just sweep everything before them, common- cing
at Wassolouski, through Lawrence, $nd
finally Topeka, the head quarters'of Lane.
They intend to "show no quarter," there- . ?r
by paying the enemy back in their own coin.
Ere thi.4*ffllfrg"lla&:ljfcen some bloody fight- *. ing.
A large army of Wyandotte'Indians,
numbering about 600, who have been sen- ' j." j
ously maltreated by the fredsoilers, intended
setting out for revenge, and co-working with ,
the Southerners. It is the sworn intent of
all to burn, kill and plunder, as tbe-frcesoU
party have been and are still doing, without
the least quarter. Reports abont the United _ .?k
States troops being whipped, with varioos 1 .
other big tales, are false.?Petersburg Ex- r ^
press. ' %
BRIDAL THOUGHTS. v ^
I have speculated a great deal upon matrimony.
I have seen young and beantifnl
women, the pride of gay circles, niarried as
the world says?well. Some have moved
into costly houses, and their friends have ill
come and looked at their fnrniturc and their %
splendid arrangements for happiness, and /
they have gone away and committed th$m
their sunny hopes cheerfully and without ,3
e? t* ? 1 , *i.?
icai. AL 13 xjaiuiui tu uu oau^uiuc IUI IUU
young ; at such times I am carried away by
similar feelings. I love to get unobserved
into a corner, and watch the bride in jier
white attire, and with her smiling face and _ >
her soft eyes blessing me in their pride' of
life, weave a waking dream of-future 'happiness,
and persuade myself that it will be ;
true. I think how they will sit" upon the.
luxurious sofa as the twilight falls, and build ...
gay hopes and murmur in low tones the now *
not forbidden tenderness; and how thrilling .
the allowed kiss, and the beautiful endear *
ments of wedded life, will make even their' n
parking joyous, and how gladly they ^will
come back from the crowd and the empty
mirth of the gay, to each other's quiet com-w * pany.
* I picture to myself that young orea- 'v*
turc who blushes even now at his hesitating i
caress, listening eagerly for hb footsteps as the
night steels on, and wishing that He-would" - '
come ; and when he enters at last, and witlb
an affection as undying as his pulse,' folds
her to his bosom, I can feel the tide that goes
flowing through the heart, and gazarwith him
on the graceful form as she moves abont^for
the kind offices of affection, soothing-pll hb *
immiJet nnroq
*"'b " ?
himself in her young and shadowect beauty. *
I go forward for years, - and see her luxuriant
hair put soberly away from her brow,
and her girlish graces resigned into dignity/ \
aud her loneliness chasiened with the geu- ^
tie meekness of maternal affection. Her
husband looks on her witK.a proud*cyc? and K
shows her the same fervent love and delicate ,
attentions which first won her; and her fair
children are grown about them, and they go
on full of honor and untroubled years, and
are remembered when they die.? WatfiiitQ'
ton Irving. ' ^
THE PARISH SYSTEM. ^
In our last editoral upon this subject^we
instituted a comparison between the,District " * *
of Beaufort, having four Senatorsthe
District of Barn we1!, Edgefield, Abbeville
and Anderson, having also four. >' .
The next calculation we. intend bringing
i. i.: e xi l. e J-J
iu iue uuuce ui me peupie, is iuuuudu upuu
a comparison between the Parishes and Districts
at large. v
The five Districts of Beanfort, Colleton,
Charleston, Georgetown and Orangeburg,
are divided into nineteen Parishes and send
nineteen Senators. N- "*4The
twenty-four Districts of Abbevijle,
Anderson, Barnwell, Chester, Chesterfield,
Darlington, Edgefield, Fairfield, Greenville,
Holly, Kershaw, Lancaster," Laurens, Lexington,
Marion, Marlboro, Newberry, Pickens,
ftichland, Spartanburg, Sumter, Union,
Williamsburg, York, collectively twenty- h
four Senators. % +' In
this estimate we have left out the city
of Charleston, including the Parishes of
St. Philip's and St. Michael's, as they strictly
belong to neither division.
Here, then, is the calculation :? <\
"WHITE POPULATION. -1
White population of the Districts 226,220
" " ? " Parishes 28,131
Balance in favor of the District 198,189
SLAVES.
Number of slaves in the Districts 242,921
? ? " " Parishes 122,531
Balance in favor of the Districts 120,390
TAXES FOR 1800.
Taxes of the Districts 8202,884 75
(( ? ? Parishes 104,739 98
Balance in favor of the Districts 98,144 59
Nineteen Senators from the Parishes, represent
a while population of only 28,131! M
while Ticenti/'fonr Senators represent a
white population of 226,320 !! I One Senator
from the Parishes represents a white
population of only 1,480"!! while a Senator
frun the Districts represents 9,430.
One Senator from the Parishes represents
6.975 slaves, and a tax of $5,512 03, while
one Senator from the District represents 10,121
slaves, and a tax of $8,458 52. ~
Is this right? We leave it with the people
to determine.?Greenville Patriot.
83?" Pat, you have dated your letter a week
ahead. It is not so late in the month by
one week, you spalpeen.'
'Troth, ;boy fin it's jist meself
what is wantipg^W^Jtltthleen to get it in
advance of the mail. Btrre I'll not care if
she gets it three days afore it is written, me
dariin/ ": . i ;