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HY It. A. THOMPSON & CO.] I'ICKENS C. H., 8. C., SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1800. 3P O L T '"P T r~i A -r Au dress to the People of the Unitet?litateT. ^ Tho following is tho address issued by the National Convention, lately held in Philadel phia, to the people of the United State. : To the People of (he United tSlate$ : IlMvhur met in convention nt the city of 1 lnludelphin, .m the State nf PeunwylvanU. this 10th day of August, 186(5, ns the roprc BOlitativcs of the people of nil soctious, and all tho States and Territories of thc Union, to consult upon thc condition nnd tho wants of our common country, wc address to you this declaration of our principles and political pur poses wc ?eek to promote. Since thc meeting of the last National Con volition, in the year 1*(>0, events have occur red which have changed the character of our internal politics and given thc United States a new place among the nations of the earth. Our Government bun passed through thc vi cissitudes r.u.l tho perils of civil war; u war which, though mainly sectional in its charac ter, hus nevertheless decided political di lier onces that from the rory beginning 0f the Government had threatened thc unity of our national existence, and lina loft its impress deep s ml ineffaceable, upon nil thc interests, Hontimc.its and thc destiny of the Republic. ? hilo it has inflicted upon the whole country sercrc losses in life and in property, and has imposed burdens which mu>t weigh on its re sources for generations to come, it has devel oped a degree of national courage in the pres ence of national dangers, a capacity for mili tary organization und achievement, nnd a de votion on th? part of the people to the form of Government which they have ordained, und to thc principles of liberty which that Gov vriinioiit was designed to promote, which must confirm tho confidence of tho nation in thc perpetuity of its republican institutions, ?nd command thu respect of tho civilized world. Like all great contests which rouse the pav ilions mid test the endurance of uutioti?, this War has given new scope to thc ambition of conflicting sentiments, inseparable from Mich un ero, while the public heart is keenly alive to all tho passions that cnn sway thc public judgment and affect the public actions ; while tho wounds of war are. still fresh and bleeding on either side, mid fears for thc future take unjust proportions from thc memories and re sentments of the past, it is a difficult but an imperative duty which, on your behalf, we who are herc assembled buvc undertaken to perform. por the first time after six long years of al ienation and of conflict, we have como togeth er from every State and every section of our land as citizens of a oom mon country, under that flag, thc symbol again nf a common glory, to consult together how best to ..erneut and perpetuate that Union which is ngaiu thc ob ject of our common love, ami thus secure tho blessings of liberty to ourselves ?nd our pos terity. in the first place, wc invoke you to remem ber alwsys und everywhere that thc war is enriad, and thc nntion is again nt peace. The shock of contending arms no longer assails tho shuddering heart of tho Republic. Thc in surrection ngainst the siipromo authority of th? nation has been suppressed, mid that au thority liss boen nguiu acknowledged by word nud act in every State, and by every citizen within its jurisdiction. Wc ure no longer re quired or pcrmitlcd to regard or treat each other ns enemies. Not only have the acts.of war been discontinued, and tho weapons of war laid aside, but thc state, of war no longer exists; and tho sentiments, thc passions, the relations of war, have no longer lawful or right ful place anywhere throughout our broad do main. Wo aro again people of thc United States-fellow-citizens of one country, bound l>y thnduticp and obligations of a common pa triotism, and having neither rights nor inter eats apart from a common destiny. Tho du ties that dovolvo upon us now uro agnin thc duties of peace, und no longer thc duties ol war. Wo havo nssemblcd herc to take counsel concerning the interests of pence ; to decidt liow wc may most wisely and effuetivoly hen the wounds thc war hus innde, and perfect ant perpetuate tho benefits it lins secured, and tin idcssings which, uudcr a wiso und benigi Providence, buvc sprung up in its Pery track This is tho work, not of passion, but of cain and sober judgment ; not of resentment fo past offences, prolonged beyond thc limit which jus'.icc and reason prescribo, but of liberal statesmanship, which tolerates what i cannot prevent, and builds its plans mid it hopes for the futuro rather upon a commuait of interest ?nd ambition Chan upon distruf and tho weapons of force. In thc next phtoi we cull upon you to rccognizo, in their lu fdgnifioiinuo, and to accept with till their legi iniato consequences, the political results of th war just closed. lu two most important pal tloulars, tho victory achieved by the Natibnl Government lins been final and decisivo. Pirs it bas established, beyond all further contr? versy, and by tho highest of all human san lions, the ab?oluto nuprctnaey of thc Natiou government, ns defined and limited by tho Constitution of tho United States, nod thc permanent integrity and indissolubility of the A A ?u'on aa a accessary consequence. And aocond, it has put nu cud, finally and tororer, to tho existence of slavery upon thc soil or within the jurisdiction of tho United States. Both these points became directly involved in the contest, ?nd controversy upon both Was ended absolutely and finally bv tho result, in uic third place, we deem M the utmost importun?e that the real character of j thc war and thc victory by which it was closed, [should ho accurately understood. The war was earned on by the Government of the Uni. I ted '? maintenance of its own authori ty and in defence of its own existence, both or which wero menaced by the insurrection which lt sought tu suppress. The suppression of that insurrection accomplished that result I lie Government of the United States main tamed hy force of arms tho supreme authority over nil the territory, and over nil the States and people within its jurisdiction, which the UuBlitutlon confers upon it. ?nt it acquired thereby no new power; no eultnged jurisdio lion : no rights, either of territorial possession or ot civil authority, which it did not possess before thtfvebolliui) broke out. All tho right, ful power it cnn ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either in express terms, ol by fair and necessary application, by thc Con stitution of the United Slides It was that powerund that authority which ; the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the vic- ! i tory of the Federal arms was simply the dc i ?oat of that attempt. The Government of the i U nited States acted throughout the war on ? the d?fensive. It sought only to hold posses- I MOO of what was already its own. Neither the war nor the victory by which it was closed i changed, in any way, tho Constitution of the i United States. Tho wur waa carried on by ( virtue of its provisions, and under the limita- * Lions which they prescribe, and thc result of t thc war did not cither enlarge, abridge, or iu ? my way nba ugo or affect thc powers it confers c upon the Federal Government, or releaso that c joyornnieut from thp-rn*(ib,ii/.,.?...,i,;..i. ;?.i- .? States is, to-day, precisely ss it was before the ^ War, " thc supreme law of thc. la ml, anything e iu tho Constitution or laws of any State to thc I sou tra ry notwithstanding." And. to-day, also, precisely as before tho war, ''all the powers t not conferred by the Constitution upon the t Gonornl Government, nor prohibited by it to t the States, is rosorved to thc several States, or i to tho people thereof." t This position is vindicated not only by thc t essential nature of our Government, and tho ; < language und spirit of the Constitution, but by ?til the nets and the language of our Gov- j I eminent in nil its departments and ut all times. 1 From the outbreak of the rebellion to its final j ( overthrow, in every message and proclamation j i of thc Ux couti vc, it was explicitly declared j t that the solo object and purpose of the war was | 1 to maintain the authority of tho Constitution i and lo preserve the integrity of the Union.- . And Congress, morctbun once, reitcruted this solemn declaration, and ndded the assurance ] that, whenever this objcot should bo attained, i thc war should cense ; sud all tho States should ; I retain their equal rights mid dignity unim paired. lt is only since tho wur was closed that other, rights have been asserted on behalf of one. department of the General Government. It has been proclaimed by Congress tbut, in addition to the powers conferred upon it by thc Constitution, the Federal Government may now claim over the States, the territory and the peoplo involved in insurrection, thc rights of war, thc right of conquest and of confisca tion ; thc right to abrogate all existing Gov ernments, institutions and laws, slid to Sub ject the territory conquered, and its inhabit ants, to such laws, regulations and depriva tions as tho legislative departments of tho Government may seo fit to impose. Ulidur (his broad und sweeping claim, that clause of the Constitution which provides timi " no Stato shnll without its consent, be de prived of its equal Suffrage in tho Senate of I tho United States," lins been annulled, and tcp j States have been refused, nnd still aro refused, I representation altogether in both brunches of . tho Federal Congress; und tho Congress in i which only a pnrt of tho States and of the people of the Union are represented lins us- | sorted tho right thus to exclude thc rest from representation ?nd all slime in pinking their | own laws, or ohoosiiig their own rulers, until | they shnll comply with such conditions and form such acts as this Congress, thus coin posed, may itself prescribe That right has not only been assorted, but it has been exer cised and is practically enforced at thc present timo. Nor does it find any support in tba theory that tho States thus oxoluded ore in rebellion against tho Government, and there foro precluded from sharing its authority. They oro not thus in rcbclliou. They aro ono and all in attitude of loyalty towards tho Gov ern mont, and of sworn allegiance to tho Con stitution of the Uuitcd Stutcs. In no ono of thom is thoro tho slightost iudioation of resis tance to this authority, ortho slightest.protost against it* just and binding obligation. This coudition of renewed loyalty baa beca officially ? recognized by solemn proclamation of tho Ex ecutive Department ; thc luw> of thc United States have boon extended bj Congress "vcr ?ll these hiato* sud the people thereof; Fed ?rsl courts have been re-open d, and Federal taxes imposed and levied ; aid ia eveiv r? speet, except that they are dc lied repres?nU ?011 in Congres? and tho elcqtbral college, tho blates once in rebellion sro nttttf reeOgntitca ns holding the Haine position, as tivjjii*. ?ho samo obligations, and subject to tho>ihe tfuties, ns tlie other States of our connut i Union. lt sectus to us, in tho excrete of thc calm est ?nd most cundid judgment wo can brine to tho subject, that such a cinty, so enforced, involves as fatal an overthrow ?f the author, ity of thc Constitution, and ns.ooinplete a de struction of the Government jmd Union, ns that which was sought to be tweeted by the Mates and people in untied insurrection nguiuBt them both. 11 cannot escape observation that the power thus assorted to exeludo certain .State* from representation is made to rest wholly on the will und discretion of the Congress that asserts n. h ?8 ,l0t mado to depend up on any specified conditions circumstances, nor to bo subject to any rules or regulations whatever. Tho right asserted and exercised is absolute, without qualification or restriction - not eqnfiued to States, in rebellion, nor to fctatos that have rebelled-it is the right of any Congress, in formal possession of the leer, isjutivo authority, to exclude any State or states, and any portion of .tho people thereof, it any time, from representation in Congress iud in tho electoral college, at its own discre tion, mid until they aimil porfuvrn such nets md comply with such conditions as it may die ate. Obviously tho reasons for suoh exclusion be ug wholly within the discretion of Congress, nay change as the Congress itself shall change. Jue Congress may excludo * Stato from all hare in thc Government for one reason, and hat removed, tho next Congress may excludv t for anothor. One Stato im)W be excluded ?u one ground to day und another may bc xchidedon izsm?ssup^^ ? Yestern or of Southern luterest, or'cft^fcviX mmbiued, may oxcludo tho Northern or the pastern States from tho next. Improbable as such usurpations may seem ho establishment of thc principle now asser ud aud neted upon by Congress will render hem by no means impossible. Tho character, ndeed the very existence, of Congress and he Union is thus mndo dependent solely and mliroly upon the party and sectional exigen ces or forbearances of thc hour. We need not stop to show that such action tot only finds no warrant in thc Constitution, mt is nt war with every principio of our Gov irnment, and with thc very existence of free llstitUtlonS lt is. indeed, tho identical prac iee which has rendered fruitless ull attempts lithoito to establish and maintain freo govern ment ii. Mexico und thc States of South America. Party necessities assort themselves ns su perior to the fundamental law, which is set isidc in reckless obedience to their behest. Stability, whether in the exercise of power, in thc administration of Government, or in the enjoyment of rights, becomes impossible-and the conflicts of party, which, under constitu tional. Governments, aro tho conditions and means of political progress, arc merged in tho conflict of arms, to which they directly and in evitably tend. It was ugainst this peril, so consj iouous and so fatal to all the Governments, that our Con stitution was intended especially to provide. Not only the stability, but thc very existence of tho Government is made hy its provisions to depend upon thc right and tho fact of rep resentation. Thc Congre?;*, upon which is conferred all the legislative power of the Nn tional Government,' consists of two branches, tho Senate and IIOUBO of Representatives, whoso joint concurrcnco or assent is essential to tho validity of nny law. Of these, "thc Ilouso of Representatives," says the Consti tution, Artiele 1, Section 2, "shall bo com posed of members chosen every second yeui by tho people of tho several States." Nol only is the right of representation thus rocog niz'ed ns possessed by all tho States, and by ev cry State, without restriction, qualification, oi condition of any kind, but the duty of oboos ing representatives is imposed upon the pco plc of each and every Stato aliko, withou distinction, or thc authority to moko distinc tioiij'ninong them, for any reason, or upon tun grounds, whutevcr. And, in thc Senate-si careful is tho Constitution to sccuro to ever State this right, of roprescntntion-f-U is ex ! prcssly provided that " No Stato shall, with i out its consent, be deprived of it? equal sui ! rage" in that body, ovon by an al'uondineu of the constitution itself. When, therefore, ouy State is esoludod fron such representation, not only is a right o ! thc Stato donicd, but tho constitutional int?p rity of tho Sonato is impaired, and tho valid ity of tho Government its?lf is brought i question. Hut Congress at tho prooont m< mont, thus oxom'dea from ropres^t?toti?m i both branches uf Congrcfi?, ton St4|^ of th Union: denying them all share in the enact u.ent of law? by which they arc to be guvorn- ? ed, and all participation ii, tho election of tho , rulers by winch those laws arc to bo enforced. In other words, a Congress, in which only ?*euty.?ux States are represented, asserts the right to govern absolutely, "nd in its own dis- , their miers, mid to exclude tho oilier ton from , oil share in their own Goverimi mt, until it I seeafit to admit the u thereto. What ls there i to distinguish the power tliua asserted and ex- t crcised troto tho most absolute nod intol?rable i tyranny ( ^?r do these extravagant und un-'t just chums on tho part of Congress to powers t and authority never conferred upon the Gov ernment by tho Constitution find any war- 1 rant in tho arguments or excuses urged in t their behalf. It is alleged : \ I That these States, by the net of rebel- t lum and by voluntarily withdrawing their 1 t members from Congress forfeited their riKht v to representation, and that they can only rc- t ?ciye it again at tho hands 0f tho supreme t legislntivc authority of the Government, ou its t owu terms and its own discretion. If repre- ii sentatiou in Congress and participation in the s Oovernmeut were simply privileges conferred I and held by tuvor, this statement wight have a the merit of plausibility; but representation n . und.cr Constitution, m i only expressly ? recognized as a right, but i . is imposed ns a duty, and it is essential, ii, ,0th respects, to n thc existence of tho Govern ueut and to the v inaintcnauce of its authority. lu free Gov- tl erumcnts, fundamental and essential rights e cannot be forfeited, except aguiust individuals, ci by due process of law. Nor can constitution- S iii duties and obligations bc discarded or laid it ??ide. 1 he enjoyment of right may be for n ? Hmo, suspended by thc failure to claim them, ti md duties may be evaded by ibo refusal to b perform them. it The withdrawal of their members fooui Con- ol ,'rcss by tho States which resir-tcd the Gen- rt -ral Government wns among their acts of in- in ?S-f* t? SSiSjE o. leied void wTmnti?e,Y/i?PR of tho Govern- th uippresscd. Neither tho right of representa- (j iou. nor thc duty io be represented was in thc w east impaired by tho fact of insurrection, but ui t may have been that, hy rn?u?~ ?>f *^*- ??. lurrcetion, tho conditions on which the enjoy- ol neut of that right and tho performance of ri hat duty for the time depcuded, could not bc tl Willed. ol This was iu fact the case. An insurgent a nower, in the exercise of usurped and uulaw- b; 'ul authority in the territory under its control, pi prohibited that allegiance to tho Constitution u< md laws of the United States which is made *; by tim}fundamonta) law tho essential condition t< sf representation in its Government. No man ci within the insurgent Stales was allowed to ot taite the oath to support tho Constitution of fi the L'uitcd States, and, ns a necessary consc- s: quenco, no man could lawfully represent those a States in thc councils of thc Union Uut ti this was only an obstuclc to thc enjoyment ti of the right and to thc discbargo of a duty. I It did not annul tho one, nor abrogate the a other, and it censed to exist when tho usurpa- e tiou by which it was created hud been over- e thrown, mid the States had again resumed c their allegiance to the Constitution aud laws t of tho United States. t 2. But it is asserted, in support of thc au- t tbority claimed by the Congress now in pos- s session of power, that it flows directly from j the laws of war; that it is among tho rights < which victorious war always confers upon thc < conquerors, and which tho conqueror may ex- t croise or waive, in bis own discretion. To < this we reply, that tho laws in question relate ] solely, so far as tho rights they confer aro con cerned, to wars wiiged between alien and in- i dependent nations, und con havo no pince or i force iu this regard in a war waged by the < Government to suppress no insurrection of its i r-vn people, upon its own soil, against its au- t tl? rity. If we had carried on successful war ngainst any foreign nation, wo might thereby have acquired possession and jurisdiction of i their soil, with the right to enforce our IHWS upon their people, and to impose upon them such laws mid such obligations as we might choose. Bui we had boforctho war com tile te jurisdiction over thc soil of thc Southern States, limited only by our own Constitution. Our laws wore the only national laws in force upon it j thcGovoruuicntof tho United States was tho only Government through w hich thoso States and their people had relations with for eign mitions, and its flag was the only flag by which they were recognized or known any where on tho fuco of tho earth. In all these respecta, and in all other respects involving nntional interest and right, our possession was perfect and complete. It did not need to be acquired, but only to bo innintained, and vic torious war agntnsL the rebellion could do noth ing moro than maintain it-it oould only vin dicate and re-establish tho disputed suprema cy of tho Constitution. It could neither en large nor diminish thc authority which that Constitution ctefevs upon thc Government by which it was achieved. Such aa enlargement or abridgement of constitutional power cnn ba effected only by thc amendment of thc Consti tution itself, and such an amendment c:?u bo made only in the modes which the Constitu tion itself prescribes. Tho claim that th? suppression of on insurrection against th? Government gives ndditlomjl authority ?nd P***'*-** +1*** <*ov?mT?t<Bt;' to?o?al?y that 1% eulargvs tho jurisdiction of Congress, and give? > that body tho right to oxuludo States fVoiu repr?sent?t iou in tho nutional councils, with. )ut which tho nation itself cun have noauthor ty and no cxUteuco, it seouis to us in at vari nice alike with the principles of thc Constitu lOU and with thc public Bafety. 3. But it it? alleged that in certain partieu ura thc Constitution of the United States fud* o secure that absoluto justice nud impartial iqunlity which the principles of our Govcrn iiCUt require. That it was in these respects he result of compromises and concessions, to rhioh, however necessary wheu thc Constitu ion wns formed, we arc no longer compelled 0 submit, and that now, having thc power, brough successful war, and just warrant for ls exercise in thc hostile conduct of tho iu iirgent section, thc actual Government of tho Jotted States may impose its own conditions nd make the Constitution conform, in all its r?visions, to its owu idens of equality und thc ights of man. Congress, at its last scsoiou, proposed amend? icuts to thc Constitution cnlorgiug, in souio cry important particulars, the authority of ie General Government over that of thc sev rai States, and reducing, by indirect disfrun liiseiueut thc representative power of tho tates in which slavery formerly existed. And is claimed that these amendments moy bo lade valid ns parts of the original Constitu on, without tho concurrence of the States to a most seriously affected by them, or may bo uposcd upon thoso State? by three-fourths F thc renipiniDg Stntcs ns conditions of their ^admission to representation iu Congress und 1 tho electoral college. It isi tho unquestionable right of tho people the United Stutcato :uuko auch ohangea iu onsVnll?t??it?14..?l8rtk?y) upon due delibera-_ Uh tho letter aud thc spirit of that instru cnt, and with tho principles of sclf-goverii 01..I ?cK?ih HA n* ?..??. h?">* ' our republican institutions. Wc deny tho ght of Congress to make these changes in ie fundnuicntul luw without the concurrcnco : three-fourths of all thc States, including ipociully thoso to be most seriously affected y them, or to impose them upou States or copie as conditions of representation, or of Imission to nny of the rights, duties or obli ations which belong, under the Constitution, ) ull the Stutcs alike. And with still greater inphnsis do wc deny thc night of any portion f thc Stales, excluding the rest of the States .om any share iu their counoils, to propose or ?uction thc changes in thc Constitution which rc to affect permanently their political rcla ions, and control or coerce thc legitimate ac ion of the several members of tho common Juion. Such an exercise of power is simply usurpation-just as unwarrantable when ex rciscd by Northern States as it would bc if xerciscd by Southern, und not to bc fortified IT palliated" by anything in thc past history oi lier of those by whom it is attempted, or of hoso upon whoso rights and liberties it is to akc effect, lt finds no warrant iu thc Con titution ; it is at war with thc fundamental niuciples of our form of Government. If tol iratcd iu one instance, it becomes tho prece lent for futuro invasions of liberty mid consti :utioual rights, dependent solely upon thc will jf tho party in possession of power, and thus lends, by direct sequence, to thc mott fatal aud intolerable of nil tyrannies-tho tyranny of shilling and irresponsible fnot?on?. It is igniust this, thc most formidable of all tho tangers which menace the stability of n freo Government, that the Constitution of thc Uni ted States was intended most carefully to pro vide. We demand a strict mid steadfast ad herence to its provisions. In this, and in this alono, can wc find a basis of permanent uuiou and pence. 4, But it is alleged, in justification of tho usurpation which wo condemn, that thc condi tion of tho Southern Stntcs ?nd pcoplo is not such ns renders safe their re-admission to ii shnro in tho Government of tho country ; that they nrc still disloyal in sentiment and pur pose, nod that neither tho honor, tho credit, nor thc interest of thc notion would be safe if they wcro readmitted' to n share in its coun cils. Wo might reply to this : First, that wo have no right for such roasons to deny to any portion of the States or pcoplo richts ex press ly oonferred upon them by thc Constitu tion of thc United States. Second, that so long ns their acts aro those of loynlty, so long as they conform in nil their public conduot to the requirements of tho Constitution and laws, wo havo no right to oxaot from them conform ity in their sentiments und opinions to our own. Third, That wo have no right to dis trust thc purpose or the ability of tho pcopl? of thc I nion to protect aud defend, under all