Keowee courier. (Pickens Court House, S.C.) 1849-current, September 08, 1866, Image 1
HY It. A. THOMPSON & CO.] I'ICKENS C. H., 8. C., SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1800.
3P O L T '"P T r~i A -r
Au dress to the People of the Unitet?litateT.
^ Tho following is tho address issued by the
National Convention, lately held in Philadel
phia, to the people of the United State. :
To the People of (he United tSlate$ :
IlMvhur met in convention nt the city of
1 lnludelphin, .m the State nf PeunwylvanU.
this 10th day of August, 186(5, ns the roprc
BOlitativcs of the people of nil soctious, and all
tho States and Territories of thc Union, to
consult upon thc condition nnd tho wants of
our common country, wc address to you this
declaration of our principles and political pur
poses wc ?eek to promote.
Since thc meeting of the last National Con
volition, in the year 1*(>0, events have occur
red which have changed the character of our
internal politics and given thc United States
a new place among the nations of the earth.
Our Government bun passed through thc vi
cissitudes r.u.l tho perils of civil war; u war
which, though mainly sectional in its charac
ter, hus nevertheless decided political di lier
onces that from the rory beginning 0f the
Government had threatened thc unity of our
national existence, and lina loft its impress
deep s ml ineffaceable, upon nil thc interests,
Hontimc.its and thc destiny of the Republic.
? hilo it has inflicted upon the whole country
sercrc losses in life and in property, and has
imposed burdens which mu>t weigh on its re
sources for generations to come, it has devel
oped a degree of national courage in the pres
ence of national dangers, a capacity for mili
tary organization und achievement, nnd a de
votion on th? part of the people to the form
of Government which they have ordained, und
to thc principles of liberty which that Gov
vriinioiit was designed to promote, which must
confirm tho confidence of tho nation in thc
perpetuity of its republican institutions, ?nd
command thu respect of tho civilized world.
Like all great contests which rouse the pav
ilions mid test the endurance of uutioti?, this
War has given new scope to thc ambition of
conflicting sentiments, inseparable from Mich
un ero, while the public heart is keenly alive
to all tho passions that cnn sway thc public
judgment and affect the public actions ; while
tho wounds of war are. still fresh and bleeding
on either side, mid fears for thc future take
unjust proportions from thc memories and re
sentments of the past, it is a difficult but an
imperative duty which, on your behalf, we
who are herc assembled buvc undertaken to
perform.
por the first time after six long years of al
ienation and of conflict, we have como togeth
er from every State and every section of our
land as citizens of a oom mon country, under
that flag, thc symbol again nf a common glory,
to consult together how best to ..erneut and
perpetuate that Union which is ngaiu thc ob
ject of our common love, ami thus secure tho
blessings of liberty to ourselves ?nd our pos
terity.
in the first place, wc invoke you to remem
ber alwsys und everywhere that thc war is
enriad, and thc nntion is again nt peace. The
shock of contending arms no longer assails tho
shuddering heart of tho Republic. Thc in
surrection ngainst the siipromo authority of
th? nation has been suppressed, mid that au
thority liss boen nguiu acknowledged by word
nud act in every State, and by every citizen
within its jurisdiction. Wc ure no longer re
quired or pcrmitlcd to regard or treat each
other ns enemies. Not only have the acts.of
war been discontinued, and tho weapons of
war laid aside, but thc state, of war no longer
exists; and tho sentiments, thc passions, the
relations of war, have no longer lawful or right
ful place anywhere throughout our broad do
main. Wo aro again people of thc United
States-fellow-citizens of one country, bound
l>y thnduticp and obligations of a common pa
triotism, and having neither rights nor inter
eats apart from a common destiny. Tho du
ties that dovolvo upon us now uro agnin thc
duties of peace, und no longer thc duties ol
war. Wo havo nssemblcd herc to take counsel
concerning the interests of pence ; to decidt
liow wc may most wisely and effuetivoly hen
the wounds thc war hus innde, and perfect ant
perpetuate tho benefits it lins secured, and tin
idcssings which, uudcr a wiso und benigi
Providence, buvc sprung up in its Pery track
This is tho work, not of passion, but of cain
and sober judgment ; not of resentment fo
past offences, prolonged beyond thc limit
which jus'.icc and reason prescribo, but of
liberal statesmanship, which tolerates what i
cannot prevent, and builds its plans mid it
hopes for the futuro rather upon a commuait
of interest ?nd ambition Chan upon distruf
and tho weapons of force. In thc next phtoi
we cull upon you to rccognizo, in their lu
fdgnifioiinuo, and to accept with till their legi
iniato consequences, the political results of th
war just closed. lu two most important pal
tloulars, tho victory achieved by the Natibnl
Government lins been final and decisivo. Pirs
it bas established, beyond all further contr?
versy, and by tho highest of all human san
lions, the ab?oluto nuprctnaey of thc Natiou
government, ns defined and limited by tho
Constitution of tho United States, nod thc
permanent integrity and indissolubility of the
A A ?u'on aa a accessary consequence.
And aocond, it has put nu cud, finally and
tororer, to tho existence of slavery upon thc
soil or within the jurisdiction of tho United
States. Both these points became directly
involved in the contest, ?nd controversy upon
both Was ended absolutely and finally bv tho
result, in uic third place, we deem M the
utmost importun?e that the real character of
j thc war and thc victory by which it was closed,
[should ho accurately understood. The war
was earned on by the Government of the Uni.
I ted '? maintenance of its own authori
ty and in defence of its own existence, both
or which wero menaced by the insurrection
which lt sought tu suppress. The suppression
of that insurrection accomplished that result
I lie Government of the United States main
tamed hy force of arms tho supreme authority
over nil the territory, and over nil the States
and people within its jurisdiction, which the
UuBlitutlon confers upon it. ?nt it acquired
thereby no new power; no eultnged jurisdio
lion : no rights, either of territorial possession
or ot civil authority, which it did not possess
before thtfvebolliui) broke out. All tho right,
ful power it cnn ever possess is that which is
conferred upon it, either in express terms, ol
by fair and necessary application, by thc Con
stitution of the United Slides
It was that powerund that authority which ;
the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the vic- ! i
tory of the Federal arms was simply the dc i
?oat of that attempt. The Government of the i
U nited States acted throughout the war on ?
the d?fensive. It sought only to hold posses- I
MOO of what was already its own. Neither
the war nor the victory by which it was closed i
changed, in any way, tho Constitution of the i
United States. Tho wur waa carried on by (
virtue of its provisions, and under the limita- *
Lions which they prescribe, and thc result of t
thc war did not cither enlarge, abridge, or iu ?
my way nba ugo or affect thc powers it confers c
upon the Federal Government, or releaso that c
joyornnieut from thp-rn*(ib,ii/.,.?...,i,;..i. ;?.i- .?
States is, to-day, precisely ss it was before the ^
War, " thc supreme law of thc. la ml, anything e
iu tho Constitution or laws of any State to thc I
sou tra ry notwithstanding." And. to-day, also,
precisely as before tho war, ''all the powers t
not conferred by the Constitution upon the t
Gonornl Government, nor prohibited by it to t
the States, is rosorved to thc several States, or i
to tho people thereof." t
This position is vindicated not only by thc t
essential nature of our Government, and tho ; <
language und spirit of the Constitution, but
by ?til the nets and the language of our Gov- j I
eminent in nil its departments and ut all times. 1
From the outbreak of the rebellion to its final j (
overthrow, in every message and proclamation j i
of thc Ux couti vc, it was explicitly declared j t
that the solo object and purpose of the war was | 1
to maintain the authority of tho Constitution i
and lo preserve the integrity of the Union.- .
And Congress, morctbun once, reitcruted this
solemn declaration, and ndded the assurance ]
that, whenever this objcot should bo attained, i
thc war should cense ; sud all tho States should ; I
retain their equal rights mid dignity unim
paired. lt is only since tho wur was closed
that other, rights have been asserted on behalf
of one. department of the General Government.
It has been proclaimed by Congress tbut, in
addition to the powers conferred upon it by
thc Constitution, the Federal Government may
now claim over the States, the territory and
the peoplo involved in insurrection, thc rights
of war, thc right of conquest and of confisca
tion ; thc right to abrogate all existing Gov
ernments, institutions and laws, slid to Sub
ject the territory conquered, and its inhabit
ants, to such laws, regulations and depriva
tions as tho legislative departments of tho
Government may seo fit to impose.
Ulidur (his broad und sweeping claim, that
clause of the Constitution which provides timi
" no Stato shnll without its consent, be de
prived of its equal Suffrage in tho Senate of
I tho United States," lins been annulled, and tcp
j States have been refused, nnd still aro refused,
I representation altogether in both brunches of
. tho Federal Congress; und tho Congress in
i which only a pnrt of tho States and of the
people of the Union are represented lins us- |
sorted tho right thus to exclude thc rest from
representation ?nd all slime in pinking their |
own laws, or ohoosiiig their own rulers, until |
they shnll comply with such conditions and
form such acts as this Congress, thus coin
posed, may itself prescribe That right has
not only been assorted, but it has been exer
cised and is practically enforced at thc present
timo. Nor does it find any support in tba
theory that tho States thus oxoluded ore in
rebellion against tho Government, and there
foro precluded from sharing its authority.
They oro not thus in rcbclliou. They aro ono
and all in attitude of loyalty towards tho Gov
ern mont, and of sworn allegiance to tho Con
stitution of the Uuitcd Stutcs. In no ono of
thom is thoro tho slightost iudioation of resis
tance to this authority, ortho slightest.protost
against it* just and binding obligation. This
coudition of renewed loyalty baa beca officially
? recognized by solemn proclamation of tho Ex
ecutive Department ; thc luw> of thc United
States have boon extended bj Congress "vcr
?ll these hiato* sud the people thereof; Fed
?rsl courts have been re-open d, and Federal
taxes imposed and levied ; aid ia eveiv r?
speet, except that they are dc lied repres?nU
?011 in Congres? and tho elcqtbral college, tho
blates once in rebellion sro nttttf reeOgntitca ns
holding the Haine position, as tivjjii*. ?ho samo
obligations, and subject to tho>ihe tfuties, ns
tlie other States of our connut i Union.
lt sectus to us, in tho excrete of thc calm
est ?nd most cundid judgment wo can brine
to tho subject, that such a cinty, so enforced,
involves as fatal an overthrow ?f the author,
ity of thc Constitution, and ns.ooinplete a de
struction of the Government jmd Union, ns
that which was sought to be tweeted by the
Mates and people in untied insurrection nguiuBt
them both. 11 cannot escape observation that
the power thus assorted to exeludo certain
.State* from representation is made to rest wholly
on the will und discretion of the Congress
that asserts n. h ?8 ,l0t mado to depend up
on any specified conditions circumstances,
nor to bo subject to any rules or regulations
whatever. Tho right asserted and exercised
is absolute, without qualification or restriction
- not eqnfiued to States, in rebellion, nor to
fctatos that have rebelled-it is the right of
any Congress, in formal possession of the leer,
isjutivo authority, to exclude any State or
states, and any portion of .tho people thereof,
it any time, from representation in Congress
iud in tho electoral college, at its own discre
tion, mid until they aimil porfuvrn such nets
md comply with such conditions as it may die
ate.
Obviously tho reasons for suoh exclusion be
ug wholly within the discretion of Congress,
nay change as the Congress itself shall change.
Jue Congress may excludo * Stato from all
hare in thc Government for one reason, and
hat removed, tho next Congress may excludv
t for anothor. One Stato im)W be excluded
?u one ground to day und another may bc
xchidedon izsm?ssup^^ ?
Yestern or of Southern luterest, or'cft^fcviX
mmbiued, may oxcludo tho Northern or the
pastern States from tho next.
Improbable as such usurpations may seem
ho establishment of thc principle now asser
ud aud neted upon by Congress will render
hem by no means impossible. Tho character,
ndeed the very existence, of Congress and
he Union is thus mndo dependent solely and
mliroly upon the party and sectional exigen
ces or forbearances of thc hour.
We need not stop to show that such action
tot only finds no warrant in thc Constitution,
mt is nt war with every principio of our Gov
irnment, and with thc very existence of free
llstitUtlonS lt is. indeed, tho identical prac
iee which has rendered fruitless ull attempts
lithoito to establish and maintain freo govern
ment ii. Mexico und thc States of South
America.
Party necessities assort themselves ns su
perior to the fundamental law, which is set
isidc in reckless obedience to their behest.
Stability, whether in the exercise of power,
in thc administration of Government, or in the
enjoyment of rights, becomes impossible-and
the conflicts of party, which, under constitu
tional. Governments, aro tho conditions and
means of political progress, arc merged in tho
conflict of arms, to which they directly and in
evitably tend.
It was ugainst this peril, so consj iouous and
so fatal to all the Governments, that our Con
stitution was intended especially to provide.
Not only the stability, but thc very existence
of tho Government is made hy its provisions
to depend upon thc right and tho fact of rep
resentation. Thc Congre?;*, upon which is
conferred all the legislative power of the Nn
tional Government,' consists of two branches,
tho Senate and IIOUBO of Representatives,
whoso joint concurrcnco or assent is essential
to tho validity of nny law. Of these, "thc
Ilouso of Representatives," says the Consti
tution, Artiele 1, Section 2, "shall bo com
posed of members chosen every second yeui
by tho people of tho several States." Nol
only is the right of representation thus rocog
niz'ed ns possessed by all tho States, and by ev
cry State, without restriction, qualification, oi
condition of any kind, but the duty of oboos
ing representatives is imposed upon the pco
plc of each and every Stato aliko, withou
distinction, or thc authority to moko distinc
tioiij'ninong them, for any reason, or upon tun
grounds, whutevcr. And, in thc Senate-si
careful is tho Constitution to sccuro to ever
State this right, of roprescntntion-f-U is ex
! prcssly provided that " No Stato shall, with
i out its consent, be deprived of it? equal sui
! rage" in that body, ovon by an al'uondineu
of the constitution itself.
When, therefore, ouy State is esoludod fron
such representation, not only is a right o
! thc Stato donicd, but tho constitutional int?p
rity of tho Sonato is impaired, and tho valid
ity of tho Government its?lf is brought i
question. Hut Congress at tho prooont m<
mont, thus oxom'dea from ropres^t?toti?m i
both branches uf Congrcfi?, ton St4|^ of th
Union: denying them all share in the enact
u.ent of law? by which they arc to be guvorn- ?
ed, and all participation ii, tho election of tho ,
rulers by winch those laws arc to bo enforced.
In other words, a Congress, in which only
?*euty.?ux States are represented, asserts the
right to govern absolutely, "nd in its own dis- ,
their miers, mid to exclude tho oilier ton from ,
oil share in their own Goverimi mt, until it I
seeafit to admit the u thereto. What ls there i
to distinguish the power tliua asserted and ex- t
crcised troto tho most absolute nod intol?rable i
tyranny ( ^?r do these extravagant und un-'t
just chums on tho part of Congress to powers t
and authority never conferred upon the Gov
ernment by tho Constitution find any war- 1
rant in tho arguments or excuses urged in t
their behalf. It is alleged : \
I That these States, by the net of rebel- t
lum and by voluntarily withdrawing their 1 t
members from Congress forfeited their riKht v
to representation, and that they can only rc- t
?ciye it again at tho hands 0f tho supreme t
legislntivc authority of the Government, ou its t
owu terms and its own discretion. If repre- ii
sentatiou in Congress and participation in the s
Oovernmeut were simply privileges conferred I
and held by tuvor, this statement wight have a
the merit of plausibility; but representation n
. und.cr Constitution, m i only expressly ?
recognized as a right, but i . is imposed ns a
duty, and it is essential, ii, ,0th respects, to n
thc existence of tho Govern ueut and to the v
inaintcnauce of its authority. lu free Gov- tl
erumcnts, fundamental and essential rights e
cannot be forfeited, except aguiust individuals, ci
by due process of law. Nor can constitution- S
iii duties and obligations bc discarded or laid it
??ide. 1 he enjoyment of right may be for n ?
Hmo, suspended by thc failure to claim them, ti
md duties may be evaded by ibo refusal to b
perform them. it
The withdrawal of their members fooui Con- ol
,'rcss by tho States which resir-tcd the Gen- rt
-ral Government wns among their acts of in- in
?S-f* t? SSiSjE o.
leied void wTmnti?e,Y/i?PR of tho Govern- th
uippresscd. Neither tho right of representa- (j
iou. nor thc duty io be represented was in thc w
east impaired by tho fact of insurrection, but ui
t may have been that, hy rn?u?~ ?>f *^*- ??.
lurrcetion, tho conditions on which the enjoy- ol
neut of that right and tho performance of ri
hat duty for the time depcuded, could not bc tl
Willed. ol
This was iu fact the case. An insurgent a
nower, in the exercise of usurped and uulaw- b;
'ul authority in the territory under its control, pi
prohibited that allegiance to tho Constitution u<
md laws of the United States which is made *;
by tim}fundamonta) law tho essential condition t<
sf representation in its Government. No man ci
within the insurgent Stales was allowed to ot
taite the oath to support tho Constitution of fi
the L'uitcd States, and, ns a necessary consc- s:
quenco, no man could lawfully represent those a
States in thc councils of thc Union Uut ti
this was only an obstuclc to thc enjoyment ti
of the right and to thc discbargo of a duty. I
It did not annul tho one, nor abrogate the a
other, and it censed to exist when tho usurpa- e
tiou by which it was created hud been over- e
thrown, mid the States had again resumed c
their allegiance to the Constitution aud laws t
of tho United States. t
2. But it is asserted, in support of thc au- t
tbority claimed by the Congress now in pos- s
session of power, that it flows directly from j
the laws of war; that it is among tho rights <
which victorious war always confers upon thc <
conquerors, and which tho conqueror may ex- t
croise or waive, in bis own discretion. To <
this we reply, that tho laws in question relate ]
solely, so far as tho rights they confer aro con
cerned, to wars wiiged between alien and in- i
dependent nations, und con havo no pince or i
force iu this regard in a war waged by the <
Government to suppress no insurrection of its i
r-vn people, upon its own soil, against its au- t
tl? rity. If we had carried on successful war
ngainst any foreign nation, wo might thereby
have acquired possession and jurisdiction of i
their soil, with the right to enforce our IHWS
upon their people, and to impose upon them
such laws mid such obligations as we might
choose. Bui we had boforctho war com tile te
jurisdiction over thc soil of thc Southern
States, limited only by our own Constitution.
Our laws wore the only national laws in force
upon it j thcGovoruuicntof tho United States
was tho only Government through w hich thoso
States and their people had relations with for
eign mitions, and its flag was the only flag by
which they were recognized or known any
where on tho fuco of tho earth. In all these
respecta, and in all other respects involving
nntional interest and right, our possession was
perfect and complete. It did not need to be
acquired, but only to bo innintained, and vic
torious war agntnsL the rebellion could do noth
ing moro than maintain it-it oould only vin
dicate and re-establish tho disputed suprema
cy of tho Constitution. It could neither en
large nor diminish thc authority which that
Constitution ctefevs upon thc Government by
which it was achieved. Such aa enlargement
or abridgement of constitutional power cnn ba
effected only by thc amendment of thc Consti
tution itself, and such an amendment c:?u bo
made only in the modes which the Constitu
tion itself prescribes. Tho claim that th?
suppression of on insurrection against th?
Government gives ndditlomjl authority ?nd
P***'*-** +1*** <*ov?mT?t<Bt;' to?o?al?y that 1%
eulargvs tho jurisdiction of Congress, and give? >
that body tho right to oxuludo States fVoiu
repr?sent?t iou in tho nutional councils, with.
)ut which tho nation itself cun have noauthor
ty and no cxUteuco, it seouis to us in at vari
nice alike with the principles of thc Constitu
lOU and with thc public Bafety.
3. But it it? alleged that in certain partieu
ura thc Constitution of the United States fud*
o secure that absoluto justice nud impartial
iqunlity which the principles of our Govcrn
iiCUt require. That it was in these respects
he result of compromises and concessions, to
rhioh, however necessary wheu thc Constitu
ion wns formed, we arc no longer compelled
0 submit, and that now, having thc power,
brough successful war, and just warrant for
ls exercise in thc hostile conduct of tho iu
iirgent section, thc actual Government of tho
Jotted States may impose its own conditions
nd make the Constitution conform, in all its
r?visions, to its owu idens of equality und thc
ights of man.
Congress, at its last scsoiou, proposed amend?
icuts to thc Constitution cnlorgiug, in souio
cry important particulars, the authority of
ie General Government over that of thc sev
rai States, and reducing, by indirect disfrun
liiseiueut thc representative power of tho
tates in which slavery formerly existed. And
is claimed that these amendments moy bo
lade valid ns parts of the original Constitu
on, without tho concurrence of the States to
a most seriously affected by them, or may bo
uposcd upon thoso State? by three-fourths
F thc renipiniDg Stntcs ns conditions of their
^admission to representation iu Congress und
1 tho electoral college.
It isi tho unquestionable right of tho people
the United Stutcato :uuko auch ohangea iu
onsVnll?t??it?14..?l8rtk?y) upon due delibera-_
Uh tho letter aud thc spirit of that instru
cnt, and with tho principles of sclf-goverii
01..I ?cK?ih HA n* ?..??. h?">*
' our republican institutions. Wc deny tho
ght of Congress to make these changes in
ie fundnuicntul luw without the concurrcnco
: three-fourths of all thc States, including
ipociully thoso to be most seriously affected
y them, or to impose them upou States or
copie as conditions of representation, or of
Imission to nny of the rights, duties or obli
ations which belong, under the Constitution,
) ull the Stutcs alike. And with still greater
inphnsis do wc deny thc night of any portion
f thc Stales, excluding the rest of the States
.om any share iu their counoils, to propose or
?uction thc changes in thc Constitution which
rc to affect permanently their political rcla
ions, and control or coerce thc legitimate ac
ion of the several members of tho common
Juion. Such an exercise of power is simply
usurpation-just as unwarrantable when ex
rciscd by Northern States as it would bc if
xerciscd by Southern, und not to bc fortified
IT palliated" by anything in thc past history oi
lier of those by whom it is attempted, or of
hoso upon whoso rights and liberties it is to
akc effect, lt finds no warrant iu thc Con
titution ; it is at war with thc fundamental
niuciples of our form of Government. If tol
iratcd iu one instance, it becomes tho prece
lent for futuro invasions of liberty mid consti
:utioual rights, dependent solely upon thc will
jf tho party in possession of power, and thus
lends, by direct sequence, to thc mott fatal aud
intolerable of nil tyrannies-tho tyranny of
shilling and irresponsible fnot?on?. It is
igniust this, thc most formidable of all tho
tangers which menace the stability of n freo
Government, that the Constitution of thc Uni
ted States was intended most carefully to pro
vide. We demand a strict mid steadfast ad
herence to its provisions. In this, and in this
alono, can wc find a basis of permanent uuiou
and pence.
4, But it is alleged, in justification of tho
usurpation which wo condemn, that thc condi
tion of tho Southern Stntcs ?nd pcoplo is not
such ns renders safe their re-admission to ii
shnro in tho Government of tho country ; that
they nrc still disloyal in sentiment and pur
pose, nod that neither tho honor, tho credit,
nor thc interest of thc notion would be safe if
they wcro readmitted' to n share in its coun
cils. Wo might reply to this : First, that
wo have no right for such roasons to deny to
any portion of the States or pcoplo richts ex
press ly oonferred upon them by thc Constitu
tion of thc United States. Second, that so
long ns their acts aro those of loynlty, so long
as they conform in nil their public conduot to
the requirements of tho Constitution and laws,
wo havo no right to oxaot from them conform
ity in their sentiments und opinions to our
own. Third, That wo have no right to dis
trust thc purpose or the ability of tho pcopl?
of thc I nion to protect aud defend, under all