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Interesting Letter from Kossuth to Gen. Cass.?Tlio expatriated Hungarian Chief, Louis Kossuth, has written the following striking letter to General Cass, in return for the seuliiueiils of sympathy fori Hungary expressed by the latter in ! his speech in favor of suspending di- i ploinatic intercourse with Austria: ic .rr,, tv. /a ,at:. \ i JVC k JXkj .'M llliUUl^ f May 25, 18.")0. 5 General: It is already ton months 1 that 1 have the anguish of exile to endure* Nature lias man's mind with wonderful elasticity endowed. It yields to many changes of fate, and gets accustomed even to adversity. But, to one thing the patriot's heart never j lonrns to innro itsnlf?tnllm nrmcreoft I C>~ I exile. j You remember yon patrician of i Venice* who, when banished, feigned high treason, that he might at feast from the scaffold cast over theRialto a glance once more. This fond desire I can easily 1111 uersianu. 1 can so me more, ne-! causo yon Venetian, 1 hough exiled, knew his fatherland to he happy and j great; but I, sir, carry the dolor of; millions, the pains of a down trodden 1 country in my wounded breast, with-' out having even the sail consolation , to think that it could not otherwise I he. Oh! had Divine Providence only | from treason designed me to pre-; serve. I swear to Almighty God the ; throating billows of despotism would i have fallen like foam from the rock | of my brave people's breasts. To , have tliis firm conviction, ami, instead | of the well-deserved victory of free-) dom, to find oneself in exile, the fatherland in chains, is a profound sorrow?a nameless grief. Neither have 1 the consolation to have found mitigations of this grief! at the hospitable hearth of a great i free people, the contemplation of| which by the imposing view of free-1 doni's wonderful powers, warms the j despondent heart, making it in llie j destiny of mankind believe. # # # # # Tt is not a coward lamentation j which makes me say all this, Gencr-; al, but the lively sense of gratitude | and iliankful acknowledgment for _il _ 1 ? j uui syiii|ictuiy> 1 wanted to sketch the darkness of my destiny, that you might feel what benefit must have been to me your beam of light by which )ou, from tlie capital ofi free America, have heightened my night. > It was in Broussa, General, that the notice of your imposing speech has reached me : in yonder Broussa, where Hannibal bewailed his country's mischief, and foretold the fall of its oppressors?Hannibal, exiled like myself, but still uuhappier, as he was accompanied in exile by the ingratitude of his people, but 1 by the love of mine. # * # # # V?o r..\ 1. ^ :iaii y v\u jjuwenuisjicecii was not only the inspiration of sympathy for unmerited misfortune, so natural to noble, feeling hearts; it was the revelation of the justice of God? it was a leaf from the hook of fate, unveiled to the world. On that day, General, }'ou were sitting, in the name of mankind, in tribunal, passing judgment on despotism and the despots of the world; and as sure as the God of Justice lives, your verdict will be accomplished. Shall I vet have my share in this great work or not ? j do not know. 5\? _i . v/ih U iuiuosi an cuicienl instrument in the hands of Providence, I am now buried alive. With humble j heart will I accept the call lo action, I should I be deemed worthy of it, or i submit to the doom of inactive sufferings, if it must be so, Rut, bp it one or the other, 1 know that your sentence will be fulfilled. I know lhat aged Europe, at the sun of free dom's young America, will herself grow young again. I know that mv _ people, who proved so worthy oi liberty, will yet, notwithstanding their present degradation, will weigh J heavy in this balance of fate; and I 1' now that, as long as one Hungarian lives, your name, General, will be counted among the most cherished in my native land, as the distinguished man who, a worthy interpreter of the generous sentiments of the great American people, has upon us poor Hungarians the consolation bestowed of a confident hope, at a moment wnen Europe's decrepit politics seemed our unmerited fate forever to fiC'U. May you be pleased, General, to accept tlie most fervent thanks of an honest friend of freedom. - Let me hope that should Mr. Ujhazy, (my oldest and best friend, and present representative in the United states,) in the interest of the holy cause to which you have so generously your protection accorded, address himself lo you for something which you might, in you wisdom judge convenient and practicable, you will nor withhold from us your powerful support; and please to accept tho assurance of my highest esteem and most peculiar veneration. L. Kossuth, Anc. Gov. of i hingary. : n >, To the Honorable, the Gen. Cass, Washington. 1 hone you will excuse my bad English, j thought it my duty to address you in your language. KEOWEE COURIER Friday, August 30, 1 S?fO. With ii view of accommodating our Su scribers who live at a distance, tlio following gentlemen arc authorized and requested to act as agents in receiving and forwarding Sub criptous to the Keowek Courier, viz: M.u. W. S. Grisham, at West Union. Edward HuoiiBB.Esq., " llorso Shoo. E. P. Vbrner, Esq., " Bacliolor's Retreat M. F. Mitchell, Esq.. " Pickcnsville. J. E. Haooop, " Twelvo Mile. J. T. Wkbb. for Anderson District. All the measures of the Omnibus Bill have passed the Senate, and it i only remains for the House to concur when California will become a sovreign State, New Mexico will be in a great measure confirmed in her open and shameless robbery and Texas spoiled of her territory. And now will abolitionism be sat lsiiecl Willi Uiese triumphs, and is this to be the last of Northern iniquities? or, urged on by the madness of ambi- ( tion and the madness of fanaticism i and restrained by 110 feelin; 1 01 hu-; inanity and by 110 regard for order, justice, or the constitution, is this not rather the beginning of a new race j of unrighteousness which is to be , run out openly and boldly to the des- : prrate end. rill . 1 t .1 I i ne past is a miror m wnicn uic wise see the future reflected, and from the former eource and declarations of men, we may reasonbly infer what will be the character of their future actions; and reasoning from the past as data, we are forced to the conclusion that nothing short of the compleat degradation of the South will satisfy the ambition of Northern politicians or appease the wrath of Northern fanaticism. The agravated circumstances con-; nected with the admission of California, are of themselves, sufficient to satisfy any reasonable mind that we have nothing to expect from the justice or forbearance of the North, but I that on the contrary, she is{ overned > ! by a fixed and unalterable determi-' nation to arrocratn to hnrsnlf all frrl oral power and to lord it as a master over the Southern States of the Union. All the late acts of the dominant party show, not only the daring and dangerous nature of the ends which it proposes to itself to accomplish, but also to what unscrupulous means its leaders will resot for the purpose of consumating them. The first step taken to exclude the South from the territories acquired by the treaty of Gaudaloupe Hidalgo, was the refusal to give to them gov 1 nrnments founded on fair and equita* bio principles. During the Session of 18-18, more than one effort was made by the friends of constitutional right to establish governments for New | Mexico and California, but the bills introduced f n' this purpose were opposed by Northern influence, and finally rejected by Northern votes, so j that at the close of that Session, the [ territories were left unprovided for. | Coincident with this was the promul| gation of that strangely absurd opini ion, held by nearly all the eminent Northern lawyers and statesmen, Mr. Clay heading the list, that the Mexican laws excluding slavery were still of force in these territories and paramount there to the constitution. Here the first point had been gained. The territories had been left and would remain for a considerable time without governments, a doubt had rnispfl Snnllipm ? ....w.w. " jr* erly could go into them without being at oncc destroyed, this was amply sufficient to restrain all Southern property holders from emigrating, and it was known that during tl is species of interregnum Northern emigrants would flock to them in sufficient numbers when 'united with the native Mexico?Indian population to give tone and character to their consiiiuuons ana laws wnen mey should comc to form state governments. The next step was to hasten the formation of State Governments in California and New Mexico, and in this abolitionism was most admirably served by the wickedness or'infatuation of the late Administration. In vjiolatiori of law, in despite of prc / y 5T V cedent and when it was still unknown whether there was a sufficient population there to entitle that territory to a Slate Government, Gen- Taylor sent a member of Congress, as special agent to California, for 110 other purpose than to procure the uvi\/puv/ll VI tt VUIIOUIUUVJII) <11 IV. I IU advise, the Convention forming the Constitution to incorporate within the li' its of tho proposed State one half oi that immense country acquired from Mexico, so tlmt, to use his own peculiar phraseology, there should be "no territory left for Congress to quarrel about." Upon the votes of merely fifteen thousand perple a Constitution was adopted, containing among its provisions the Wilmot Proviso, and a demand was made upon Congress for admission into the Union. Thus the South was forever excluded from California. The next movement was in New Mexico; where, actuated by the same blind subserviency to the will of the North, the late Administration induced the handful of semi-barbarians scattered over that teriitory to ask to he recognised as one of the States of this Union. In this disgraceful affair aholitionium shownd itself in its darkest dies, for not content with appropriating to itself the whole of the territories, it has the unheard of audacity to seize upon a large portion of one of the Southern States. And now what are we to expect at the hands of men who to accomplish their ends, can he guilty of such unblushing baseness? If so tinscru pulous now, when the game is desperate and dangerous to them as to us, will they he less so when by the admission of two or three more free States, they will have acquired complete possession of all the powers of the Federal Government? Will they act with more leniency, liberality and justice then than now? If now they j trample upon the Constitution and recognise the existence of higher ob ugaiions man mat 01 an oath, what may we expect from their good faith, what reliance can we place in the dictates of their consciences when freed from the power of fear? When Free-soil institutions shall have beon fastened upon the whole of the ter ritories, to the total exclusion of the South, the next step will bo to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and in the Dock-Yards and Ar serais, then the slave trade bctweenthc States will be prohibited, and j when all this shall have been accomplished the institution will be attached as it exists in the States. No, we have nothing to expect from the patriotism, justice or liberality of the North. While these dif; fmv? npnc hnvo hnnn nnocinn1 the various stages which have bro"t them to the present crisis, yvc have tried nearly every means of resistance. We have tried reason, expostulation, entreaty ; in vain have we envoked the spirit of patriotism*, in vain called upon the names of the good ! i 4 ...u~ .1-?1 . aiiu ^icai wnu vviwi uiu ucau 1 in vain envoked the recollections of the gone-by time time, when our fathers sowed their blood on the fields of death and gathered in a harvest of immortal renown; all, all has been in vain, and in spite of reason, remonstrance, entreaty; in defiance I of pairioiism, fath and iusticc, and 1 in violance to those feelings of bro; therhood which ought to be engen1 dered by the recollections of commod dangers and common triumphs, ' we liave seen Stale after State de? i clare her unalterable determination to bind us to the wheel; we have seen an Administration first attempt to cheat us, by knavish tricks, of our rights in the territories, and then, when detected, openly joining its forces with the forces of the foe; we have seen bulwark after bulwark of uor constitutional liberties swept awav. some broken down bv onnn / ' -r c?r * * 'k forcc and others sapped by secret, dark and midnight machinations.? And elHl these men are to go on working their works of iniquity, the abolition conscience is to be set op above the Constitution and its dictates are to rule*?the TJniou is to be made the instrument of our oppression, and if we dare to resist an aboiu: 4,. our negroes are to be armed and set upon their masters, and the right of the conquorer set up to rule in the land. Our riches are perhap ; not so ffreat as those of tho North, hut hn fore these things shall be we will at least teach her how strong arc our ayms and how keen in our hands is the edge of the sword, and though deserted and betrayed we will at last be true to ourselves? "Truo to tho Inst of our blooil and our breath, And like reapers descend to the harvest of death." Great Storm and Destruction IV TUP. flnnv PiBnn On Rnfnvilair last we were visited by a storm of wind and rain which continued with great violence for the space of 12 hours, causing much distruction to the growing corn throughout this, and as far as we have been able to learn, the adjoining districts. As far as our information extends northward, the storm raged with increasing violence, and in Cashiers' and the adjoining Vallies in N. C. the KhpL" \irhoo t onrl i,n?? i I k/Mv/iv it uvuv (?iiu V/Ui 11 11UVU DUllUiUU much. The rivers and creeks in this vicinity rose on the !2<ith to an almost un. precedented heighth, Hooding the lowlands and sweeping away almost all the bridges on the smaller streams. London quarterly Review.? The July number of this standard periodical has been received. The present number commences Volume 3 i of ihe American edition, and this is therefore a very suitable time for persons wishing to subscribe for this excellent Review to send on their names to Leonard Scott & Co., N. Y. nni- _ - ? ? - x ue suuscripuon pncc oi tlic .Liondon Quarterly, the Edinburgh, the North British Reviews and Black wood's Magazine is $3 a year each; all published by Leonard Scott &, Co. _ We beg that the Hon. J. L. Orr will accept of our thanks for many valuable favors. Mr. Jeremiah Saddlebags' Journey to the GoLd Mines.?Our Vinnl/o ?w ? ? ?? * uiuiina an; nuc l*J bUIHC IlUlllOl'OUS friend for a^copy of this laughter provoking gallery of comicalities. No one could examine this book and not pronounce Mr. Saddlebags an ill-used gentleman, indeed many of his unlucky adventures and hair-breadth escapes remind us forcibly of a journey we made a shot t time since to the mountains of N. C. when we lost j our saddlebags. Fine Fi\uit.?We are indebted to ! some unknown friend for a basket of most delicious peaches; such favors arc received at this office with deep and profouud satisfaction, and we take this occasion to say to all those who may be disposed to "go and do lik$^ise" jLhal they have our full pei mission. ' 1 *^1 Mr. Editor.?Will you inform her friends and the public through the columns of your paper, ifMiss Clanaham, a lunitio seiWio the Poor House some weeks since, has been removed to the Assylum, and if not, why? A Tax Payer. Since the receipt of the above communioution we have made inquiry as to the whereabouts of the unfortunate young woman in question, and learn, from undoubted authority, that she is still confined in the Poor House. Why she has not been sent to the Assylum we are unable to say. The Commissioners of the Poor moy be prepared, for aught we know, to^give satisfactory reasons for this apparent j neglect of duty. Their attention is most respectfully called to the matter as we hear much complaint from various quarters. We are indebted to the Hon. Mr. Haralson4 of Ga., for a copy of his truly eloquent speech on the slavery question. [communicated.] Mn. Editor:?"Fair Plav/'in thn r???, ?:y-~ ? ' 'Y[r'si "y * ~ 'rr" I Pendleton Messenger of last week, quotes Uie Lav/ with reference to the opening of new roads, which may or may not be correct, but we disagree with him in his conclusions and constructions. ? ,. ^,;i ; ,1, : m .;|K{ If the legislature has any power, it has that of passing any law not in violation of the Constitution ofthn j State or of the United States, though it may conflict with one previously pastel by that body; the lalter in effect repeals the former, as must be known to 'Fair Play,' notwithstanding his disavowal of all proximity with law and lawyers; unless he is 1! 1 a !. _ I 1 j1 i iiku uiu uitiii wnu liiauiuiuu'u uiai the oldest act was binding. This is truly a grave charge, coming from one who is 'neither a lawyer nor the son of a lawyer,' that the Legislature, composed of so many legal gentlemen and so much of the wisdom of the Stale, has passed an 'illegal law.' They deserve to be turned out, every one of them, and lKair Plav"1 should endtinvor fn nn lighten the people of other Districts in this matter, to insure the defeat of such as aspire to re-election. As to the necessity of a Road from Pendleton to Pickens C. H., every one who has travelled the old one must be satisfied. The Grand Jury for Pickens District, at tho Fall term 1840, recommended a new road to be laid out, and the presiding Judge made an ureter requiring the tJommissioncrs of Roads to comply with tho recommendations of the Grand j Jury, or failing to do so that they show cause at the next term why they should not be imiictud. Now, that five Commissioners should he appointed by the Legislature and required to leave their business for four, five or six days, and labor for the public in endeavoring to elevate tho condition of the country, by an improvement in the roads, and to lay off "that new road,1' as ii is farmiliarly called, from Pendleton to Pickens, and that too to the satisfaction of all sensible men who have impartialy examined the route, and their labors be not only disregarded, but endless abuse heaped upon them by those, who forsooth, are interested in the road passing some othf r way> is ungrateful, unjust, and unreasonable. No doubt but this duty was perform-, k,, r? t ' < uj 11iv/ v^uiitiiiiosiuiiur^ IN'-ITIC Ol whom have experience and acknowledged skill in such matters( with an eyo single to the public interest, free from "the influence of prejudice on the one 1 and and favoritism on the other." And the route, if examined by an Engineer, would be found superior generally to any oth cr. As for the '.'discord, discontent, hatred, malice, ill-will, and excitement" created by a few individuals, whose private interests may possibly be affected by a change of tho road, or by those who oppose all improvements I in the country, neither the Legislature nor the Commissioners are accountable. JUSTICE. AN EXCORIATION. VVft nil'hil?hf>rl *-> J v^ivyiuujr ill"" troductory notes which passed between Mr. Wallace and Gen. Sam Houston, and referred to the severe comments of the former. We give the following paragraphs from this rasping, being the concluding ones of the letter. The charge which Senator Houston had made in debate, Gen. Wallace, it is well known, disavowed over his proper signature some time since, i'he repitition of it on t ho floor of the Senate, after such a disavowal, certainly deserves the present castigation: 4Tne studied assault which thd Senator has made upon me may not, perhaps, be characterized by the element which always attends the crime of felony, to wit: malice aforethought. The malignant hate which, while living, he boro to another, who In life , Mvedimon a moral eminence, which his malice could never reach, burns so fiercely in his bosom yet, that he cannot his a3hes to repose in peace. The sanctity of lb? grave affords no shield against the Senator's impotent vituperation, and he attempts to drag me into view to enable jiim to add venom to the arrow which he hurls at the memory of the 'honored dead* and I shall perhaps taach that Senator in the end that he shall not use my nattKveither directly or by im (mention, lor Such a purpose, without laving administered to liim a merited rebuke. lAn act like Ibis, which includes in its corpus delicti, the sweeping of all other vice3, and whioh can be truly charactered only by the term meanness, i. without paliation or justifiable pretence, and can produce no results but to cover ita author with tho scorn and contempt of mankind. 'The Senator says 'the ea/jle seeks his prey at a distance} he dries not seek it about the eyrie.' I will I bring t6 the mind of the SeUator anoincr illustration ot the qnuiititfUJi the cagle> to Which he has aptly compared Mr. Culhoun V 4* ^ Mr. Calhoun -i oncc sat together in the Senate cham her. They were equal in Senatorial rank, but there equality ceased? The country will berr me out in the testimony I give, but there was a wide difference I etween the two. This difference was precisely that which exists between the eagle and the owl. Tho one soars aloft in the broad light ol' day, and gazes sleadil , i.? c r > l. - tm .1 iy vu uic iuuu ui uj sun. L lie OU1* cr shuns the day, ludes its ignomy in darkness, and disputes with the reptiles with which it broods the right to batten on garbage. The Senator can be at no loss to determine the place assigned him in the background and twilight of this picture. lI have said the Senator docs not act without motive. I may be able to afford the public a key to the motive which has prompted the Senator to assail Mr. Calhoun and South Carolina with unmitigated malignity for the last quarter of a century. 1 will, for a moment, Messrs. Editors, change the venue from you to the Senator himself, for the purpose of propounding to him a few direct and piam nuerrogaiories, ana nope lie will favor (lie public with a distinct answer to each. lI ask you, sir, did or did not Mr. Madisons soon after the battle of the I Torse Shoe, appoint you to the office of sub-Indian Agent for one of the southern tribes? 'Did or did you not, sir, hold this office until Mr. Monroe came into power, and Mr. Calhoun under him as Secretary of War? 'And did, or did not Mr. Calhoun cause you to be removed from office of sub-Indian agent, for malfeasance in olficc? Mark the word, sir, 1 say malfeasance, not deeming it altogoth er in good taste to use a term with which all are familiar, who arc acquainted wiih flic iitlcs of the criminal code. Will you, sir, give a direct answer to these interrogatories, without resorting to your usual prevarications? The public will be gratified, doubtless, to hear your response.* I 'If these questions be answered in tho iffifmative,or if you remainsil lent, the public will no longer be at j a lo u to discover the source of that ! hypocritical pretence of patriotism, under cover of which you have for the last twenty-five years giveu vent to your spleen against Mr. Calhoun and Sriuth Carolina. Until you answer these inquiries, in charity to youreelf, sir, if not those compelled io listen to your croaking, pray ceaso to make yourself hoarse with the par10 cries of 'Calhoun, South Carolina, Uiiion.1 It is said to be a fact i woll known to those who are ac quninted with the history of criminal jurisprudence, that a convict who has ence stood in the pillory, never looks at that instrument of punishment afterwards without an involuntary sensation of anguish. You, sir, would perhaps be a'crcdible witness on this subject. 'If any thing is to be learned from the history ol your life, you belong to ft school of philosophers whose creed is only to be found in the moral and political lex non scripta. That creca is nneny mis, mat dishonesty is a cardinal virtue, and knavery an accomplishment, wliich alone can qualify a disciple to act his part upon the public stage. Of all the honors of this school, you, sir, have shown yourself to be worthy, and casuists might even conclude that the pyramid of transgressions which time has erectefl to your memory, and upon which your epitaph may be written, entitles j'ou, without any additional achievement, to an honorary membership fov life. If I, sir, in conclusion, felt authorized, to offer you a word of counsel at tiartincr. I rvould t#?l1 von i? oh o???_ o- -'^4? v; w,*?r centy to retire at once from the gaze of a world, from whose sentence of reprobation you can never be re-: pricved; and to the society of which your presence can impart no'value. Posterity* if it shoul condescend to notice you, will he atm loss Whethdv to assign to you the rank of ft fool or ! a knave. The present //? ; who nre better acquainted with yotfr qufil itioss will be at no loss to determine that you possess in youf person and character the most extjApi'dinftity combination of both. As you cann6t I then, sir, hope \6 reverse this fienI tence, retire to merited obstWiw: detote the few remaining days allotted to you under the sun in preparing yourself by repentant for a coming hour, when you must yiel up a hlile which youNnave spent without iulorning^r dignifying a single virtue which stamjfsr a man as either good, ^is(i, or great. ' 1)8 wallace. 4it is#roi>er that I should say, that after the greater JmH of the abdvo was written, 1 received from My. Houston a copy dHhe National^telligencer containing the report of his speech. As it did not differ materially from $? reoort in the Uninn. I thought Jto ihnncf.! <V\\ Jjut you through a course of sniouts,1 as wo man said when ho J planter* his potatoes.