Keowee courier. (Pickens Court House, S.C.) 1849-current, August 30, 1850, Image 2
Interesting Letter from Kossuth
to Gen. Cass.?Tlio expatriated
Hungarian Chief, Louis Kossuth,
has written the following striking
letter to General Cass, in return
for the seuliiueiils of sympathy fori
Hungary expressed by the latter in !
his speech in favor of suspending di- i
ploinatic intercourse with Austria:
ic .rr,, tv. /a ,at:. \ i
JVC k JXkj .'M llliUUl^ f
May 25, 18.")0. 5
General: It is already ton months 1
that 1 have the anguish of exile to
endure*
Nature lias man's mind with wonderful
elasticity endowed. It yields
to many changes of fate, and gets
accustomed even to adversity. But,
to one thing the patriot's heart never j
lonrns to innro itsnlf?tnllm nrmcreoft
I C>~ I
exile. j
You remember yon patrician of i
Venice* who, when banished, feigned
high treason, that he might at feast
from the scaffold cast over theRialto
a glance once more.
This fond desire I can easily 1111
uersianu. 1 can so me more, ne-!
causo yon Venetian, 1 hough exiled,
knew his fatherland to he happy and j
great; but I, sir, carry the dolor of;
millions, the pains of a down trodden 1
country in my wounded breast, with-'
out having even the sail consolation ,
to think that it could not otherwise I
he. Oh! had Divine Providence only |
from treason designed me to pre-;
serve. I swear to Almighty God the ;
throating billows of despotism would i
have fallen like foam from the rock |
of my brave people's breasts. To ,
have tliis firm conviction, ami, instead |
of the well-deserved victory of free-)
dom, to find oneself in exile, the fatherland
in chains, is a profound sorrow?a
nameless grief.
Neither have 1 the consolation to
have found mitigations of this grief!
at the hospitable hearth of a great i
free people, the contemplation of|
which by the imposing view of free-1
doni's wonderful powers, warms the j
despondent heart, making it in llie j
destiny of mankind believe.
# # # # #
Tt is not a coward lamentation j
which makes me say all this, Gencr-;
al, but the lively sense of gratitude |
and iliankful acknowledgment for
_il _ 1 ?
j uui syiii|ictuiy> 1 wanted
to sketch the darkness of my destiny,
that you might feel what benefit must
have been to me your beam of light
by which )ou, from tlie capital ofi
free America, have heightened my
night.
> It was in Broussa, General, that
the notice of your imposing speech
has reached me : in yonder Broussa,
where Hannibal bewailed his country's
mischief, and foretold the fall of
its oppressors?Hannibal, exiled like
myself, but still uuhappier, as he was
accompanied in exile by the ingratitude
of his people, but 1 by the love
of mine.
# * # # #
V?o r..\ 1.
^ :iaii y v\u jjuwenuisjicecii
was not only the inspiration of sympathy
for unmerited misfortune, so
natural to noble, feeling hearts; it was
the revelation of the justice of God?
it was a leaf from the hook of fate,
unveiled to the world. On that day,
General, }'ou were sitting, in the
name of mankind, in tribunal, passing
judgment on despotism and the
despots of the world; and as sure as
the God of Justice lives, your verdict
will be accomplished.
Shall I vet have my share in this
great work or not ? j do not know.
5\? _i .
v/ih U iuiuosi an cuicienl instrument
in the hands of Providence, I am
now buried alive. With humble j
heart will I accept the call lo action, I
should I be deemed worthy of it, or i
submit to the doom of inactive sufferings,
if it must be so, Rut, bp it
one or the other, 1 know that your
sentence will be fulfilled. I know
lhat aged Europe, at the sun of free
dom's young America, will herself
grow young again. I know that mv
_
people, who proved so worthy oi
liberty, will yet, notwithstanding
their present degradation, will weigh J
heavy in this balance of fate; and I
1' now that, as long as one Hungarian
lives, your name, General, will be
counted among the most cherished
in my native land, as the distinguished
man who, a worthy interpreter of
the generous sentiments of the great
American people, has upon us poor
Hungarians the consolation bestowed
of a confident hope, at a moment
wnen Europe's decrepit politics
seemed our unmerited fate forever to
fiC'U.
May you be pleased, General, to
accept tlie most fervent thanks of an
honest friend of freedom. - Let me
hope that should Mr. Ujhazy, (my
oldest and best friend, and present
representative in the United states,)
in the interest of the holy cause to
which you have so generously your
protection accorded, address himself
lo you for something which you
might, in you wisdom judge convenient
and practicable, you will nor
withhold from us your powerful support;
and please to accept tho assurance
of my highest esteem and most
peculiar veneration.
L. Kossuth, Anc. Gov. of
i hingary.
: n >,
To the Honorable, the Gen. Cass,
Washington.
1 hone you will excuse my bad
English, j thought it my duty to address
you in your language.
KEOWEE COURIER
Friday, August 30, 1 S?fO.
With ii view of accommodating our Su
scribers who live at a distance, tlio following
gentlemen arc authorized and requested to
act as agents in receiving and forwarding Sub
criptous to the Keowek Courier, viz:
M.u. W. S. Grisham, at West Union.
Edward HuoiiBB.Esq., " llorso Shoo.
E. P. Vbrner, Esq., " Bacliolor's Retreat
M. F. Mitchell, Esq.. " Pickcnsville.
J. E. Haooop, " Twelvo Mile.
J. T. Wkbb. for Anderson District.
All the measures of the Omnibus
Bill have passed the Senate, and it i
only remains for the House to concur
when California will become a sovreign
State, New Mexico will be
in a great measure confirmed in her
open and shameless robbery and
Texas spoiled of her territory.
And now will abolitionism be sat
lsiiecl Willi Uiese triumphs, and is this
to be the last of Northern iniquities?
or, urged on by the madness of ambi- (
tion and the madness of fanaticism i
and restrained by 110 feelin; 1 01 hu-;
inanity and by 110 regard for order,
justice, or the constitution, is this
not rather the beginning of a new race j
of unrighteousness which is to be ,
run out openly and boldly to the des- :
prrate end.
rill . 1 t .1 I
i ne past is a miror m wnicn uic
wise see the future reflected, and
from the former eource and declarations
of men, we may reasonbly infer
what will be the character of their future
actions; and reasoning from the
past as data, we are forced to the
conclusion that nothing short of the
compleat degradation of the South
will satisfy the ambition of Northern
politicians or appease the wrath of
Northern fanaticism.
The agravated circumstances con-;
nected with the admission of California,
are of themselves, sufficient to
satisfy any reasonable mind that we
have nothing to expect from the justice
or forbearance of the North, but
I that on the contrary, she is{ overned >
! by a fixed and unalterable determi-'
nation to arrocratn to hnrsnlf all frrl
oral power and to lord it as a master
over the Southern States of the Union.
All the late acts of the dominant
party show, not only the daring
and dangerous nature of the ends
which it proposes to itself to accomplish,
but also to what unscrupulous
means its leaders will resot for the
purpose of consumating them.
The first step taken to exclude the
South from the territories acquired
by the treaty of Gaudaloupe Hidalgo,
was the refusal to give to them gov
1 nrnments founded on fair and equita*
bio principles. During the Session of
18-18, more than one effort was made
by the friends of constitutional right
to establish governments for New
| Mexico and California, but the bills
introduced f n' this purpose were opposed
by Northern influence, and finally
rejected by Northern votes, so
j that at the close of that Session, the
[ territories were left unprovided for.
| Coincident with this was the promul|
gation of that strangely absurd opini
ion, held by nearly all the eminent
Northern lawyers and statesmen,
Mr. Clay heading the list, that the
Mexican laws excluding slavery were
still of force in these territories and
paramount there to the constitution.
Here the first point had been gained.
The territories had been left and
would remain for a considerable time
without governments, a doubt had
rnispfl Snnllipm
? ....w.w. " jr*
erly could go into them without being
at oncc destroyed, this was amply
sufficient to restrain all Southern
property holders from emigrating,
and it was known that during tl is
species of interregnum Northern emigrants
would flock to them in sufficient
numbers when 'united with the
native Mexico?Indian population
to give tone and character to their
consiiiuuons ana laws wnen mey
should comc to form state governments.
The next step was to hasten the
formation of State Governments in
California and New Mexico, and in
this abolitionism was most admirably
served by the wickedness or'infatuation
of the late Administration.
In vjiolatiori of law, in despite of prc /
y 5T V
cedent and when it was still unknown
whether there was a sufficient population
there to entitle that territory
to a Slate Government, Gen- Taylor
sent a member of Congress, as
special agent to California, for 110
other purpose than to procure the
uvi\/puv/ll VI tt VUIIOUIUUVJII) <11 IV. I IU
advise, the Convention forming the
Constitution to incorporate within
the li' its of tho proposed State one
half oi that immense country acquired
from Mexico, so tlmt, to use
his own peculiar phraseology, there
should be "no territory left for Congress
to quarrel about." Upon the
votes of merely fifteen thousand perple
a Constitution was adopted, containing
among its provisions the Wilmot
Proviso, and a demand was
made upon Congress for admission
into the Union. Thus the South
was forever excluded from California.
The next movement was in New
Mexico; where, actuated by the
same blind subserviency to the will
of the North, the late Administration
induced the handful of semi-barbarians
scattered over that teriitory
to ask to he recognised as one of the
States of this Union. In this disgraceful
affair aholitionium shownd
itself in its darkest dies, for not content
with appropriating to itself the
whole of the territories, it has the
unheard of audacity to seize upon a
large portion of one of the Southern
States.
And now what are we to expect
at the hands of men who to accomplish
their ends, can he guilty of such
unblushing baseness? If so tinscru
pulous now, when the game is desperate
and dangerous to them as to
us, will they he less so when by the
admission of two or three more free
States, they will have acquired complete
possession of all the powers of
the Federal Government? Will they
act with more leniency, liberality and
justice then than now? If now they j
trample upon the Constitution and
recognise the existence of higher ob
ugaiions man mat 01 an oath, what
may we expect from their good faith,
what reliance can we place in the
dictates of their consciences when
freed from the power of fear? When
Free-soil institutions shall have beon
fastened upon the whole of the ter
ritories, to the total exclusion of the
South, the next step will bo to abolish
slavery in the District of Columbia,
and in the Dock-Yards and Ar
serais, then the slave trade bctweenthc
States will be prohibited, and
j when all this shall have been accomplished
the institution will be attached
as it exists in the States.
No, we have nothing to expect
from the patriotism, justice or liberality
of the North. While these dif;
fmv? npnc hnvo hnnn nnocinn1
the various stages which have bro"t
them to the present crisis, yvc have
tried nearly every means of resistance.
We have tried reason, expostulation,
entreaty ; in vain have we envoked
the spirit of patriotism*, in vain
called upon the names of the good
! i 4 ...u~ .1-?1 .
aiiu ^icai wnu vviwi uiu ucau 1
in vain envoked the recollections of
the gone-by time time, when our
fathers sowed their blood on the
fields of death and gathered in a harvest
of immortal renown; all, all has
been in vain, and in spite of reason,
remonstrance, entreaty; in defiance
I of pairioiism, fath and iusticc, and
1 in violance to those feelings of bro;
therhood which ought to be engen1
dered by the recollections of commod
dangers and common triumphs,
' we liave seen Stale after State de?
i clare her unalterable determination
to bind us to the wheel; we have
seen an Administration first attempt
to cheat us, by knavish tricks, of our
rights in the territories, and then,
when detected, openly joining its
forces with the forces of the foe; we
have seen bulwark after bulwark of
uor constitutional liberties swept awav.
some broken down bv onnn
/ ' -r c?r * * 'k
forcc and others sapped by secret,
dark and midnight machinations.?
And elHl these men are to go on
working their works of iniquity, the
abolition conscience is to be set op
above the Constitution and its dictates
are to rule*?the TJniou is to be
made the instrument of our oppression,
and if we dare to resist an aboiu:
4,.
our negroes are to be armed and set
upon their masters, and the right of
the conquorer set up to rule in the
land. Our riches are perhap ; not so
ffreat as those of tho North, hut hn
fore these things shall be we will at
least teach her how strong arc our
ayms and how keen in our hands is
the edge of the sword, and though
deserted and betrayed we will at last
be true to ourselves?
"Truo to tho Inst of our blooil and our breath,
And like reapers descend to the harvest of death."
Great Storm and Destruction
IV TUP. flnnv PiBnn On Rnfnvilair
last we were visited by a storm of
wind and rain which continued with
great violence for the space of 12
hours, causing much distruction to
the growing corn throughout this,
and as far as we have been able to
learn, the adjoining districts. As far
as our information extends northward,
the storm raged with increasing
violence, and in Cashiers' and
the adjoining Vallies in N. C. the
KhpL" \irhoo t onrl i,n?? i I
k/Mv/iv it uvuv (?iiu V/Ui 11 11UVU DUllUiUU
much.
The rivers and creeks in this vicinity
rose on the !2<ith to an almost un.
precedented heighth, Hooding the
lowlands and sweeping away almost
all the bridges on the smaller streams.
London quarterly Review.?
The July number of this standard
periodical has been received. The
present number commences Volume
3 i of ihe American edition, and this
is therefore a very suitable time for
persons wishing to subscribe for this
excellent Review to send on their
names to Leonard Scott & Co., N.
Y.
nni- _ - ? ? -
x ue suuscripuon pncc oi tlic .Liondon
Quarterly, the Edinburgh, the
North British Reviews and Black
wood's Magazine is $3 a year each;
all published by Leonard Scott &,
Co. _
We beg that the Hon. J. L. Orr
will accept of our thanks for many
valuable favors.
Mr. Jeremiah Saddlebags' Journey
to the GoLd Mines.?Our
Vinnl/o ?w ? ? ?? *
uiuiina an; nuc l*J bUIHC IlUlllOl'OUS
friend for a^copy of this laughter provoking
gallery of comicalities. No
one could examine this book and not
pronounce Mr. Saddlebags an ill-used
gentleman, indeed many of his unlucky
adventures and hair-breadth
escapes remind us forcibly of a journey
we made a shot t time since to
the mountains of N. C. when we lost j
our saddlebags.
Fine Fi\uit.?We are indebted to !
some unknown friend for a basket of
most delicious peaches; such favors
arc received at this office with deep
and profouud satisfaction, and we
take this occasion to say to all those
who may be disposed to "go and do
lik$^ise" jLhal they have our full
pei mission.
' 1 *^1
Mr. Editor.?Will you inform
her friends and the public through the
columns of your paper, ifMiss Clanaham,
a lunitio seiWio the Poor House
some weeks since, has been removed
to the Assylum, and if not, why?
A Tax Payer.
Since the receipt of the above communioution
we have made inquiry as
to the whereabouts of the unfortunate
young woman in question, and
learn, from undoubted authority, that
she is still confined in the Poor House.
Why she has not been sent to the
Assylum we are unable to say. The
Commissioners of the Poor moy be
prepared, for aught we know, to^give
satisfactory reasons for this apparent
j neglect of duty. Their attention is
most respectfully called to the matter
as we hear much complaint from
various quarters.
We are indebted to the Hon. Mr.
Haralson4 of Ga., for a copy of his
truly eloquent speech on the slavery
question.
[communicated.]
Mn. Editor:?"Fair Plav/'in thn
r???, ?:y-~ ? ' 'Y[r'si "y * ~ 'rr" I
Pendleton Messenger of last week,
quotes Uie Lav/ with reference to the
opening of new roads, which may or
may not be correct, but we disagree
with him in his conclusions and constructions.
? ,. ^,;i ; ,1, : m .;|K{
If the legislature has any power, it
has that of passing any law not in violation
of the Constitution ofthn
j State or of the United States, though
it may conflict with one previously
pastel by that body; the lalter in
effect repeals the former, as must be
known to 'Fair Play,' notwithstanding
his disavowal of all proximity
with law and lawyers; unless he is
1! 1 a !. _ I 1 j1 i
iiku uiu uitiii wnu liiauiuiuu'u uiai
the oldest act was binding.
This is truly a grave charge, coming
from one who is 'neither a lawyer
nor the son of a lawyer,' that the
Legislature, composed of so many
legal gentlemen and so much of the
wisdom of the Stale, has passed an
'illegal law.' They deserve to be
turned out, every one of them, and
lKair Plav"1 should endtinvor fn nn
lighten the people of other Districts
in this matter, to insure the defeat of
such as aspire to re-election.
As to the necessity of a Road from
Pendleton to Pickens C. H., every
one who has travelled the old one
must be satisfied. The Grand Jury
for Pickens District, at tho Fall term
1840, recommended a new road to
be laid out, and the presiding Judge
made an ureter requiring the tJommissioncrs
of Roads to comply with
tho recommendations of the Grand j
Jury, or failing to do so that they
show cause at the next term why
they should not be imiictud.
Now, that five Commissioners
should he appointed by the Legislature
and required to leave their business
for four, five or six days, and
labor for the public in endeavoring to
elevate tho condition of the country,
by an improvement in the roads, and
to lay off "that new road,1' as ii is
farmiliarly called, from Pendleton to
Pickens, and that too to the satisfaction
of all sensible men who have impartialy
examined the route, and their
labors be not only disregarded, but
endless abuse heaped upon them by
those, who forsooth, are interested in
the road passing some othf r way> is
ungrateful, unjust, and unreasonable.
No doubt but this duty was perform-,
k,, r? t ' <
uj 11iv/ v^uiitiiiiosiuiiur^ IN'-ITIC Ol
whom have experience and acknowledged
skill in such matters(
with an eyo single to the public interest,
free from "the influence of prejudice
on the one 1 and and favoritism
on the other." And the route, if examined
by an Engineer, would be
found superior generally to any oth
cr.
As for the '.'discord, discontent, hatred,
malice, ill-will, and excitement"
created by a few individuals, whose
private interests may possibly be affected
by a change of tho road, or by
those who oppose all improvements
I in the country, neither the Legislature
nor the Commissioners are accountable.
JUSTICE.
AN EXCORIATION.
VVft nil'hil?hf>rl *->
J v^ivyiuujr ill""
troductory notes which passed between
Mr. Wallace and Gen. Sam
Houston, and referred to the severe
comments of the former. We give
the following paragraphs from this
rasping, being the concluding ones
of the letter. The charge which
Senator Houston had made in debate,
Gen. Wallace, it is well known,
disavowed over his proper signature
some time since, i'he repitition of
it on t ho floor of the Senate, after
such a disavowal, certainly deserves
the present castigation:
4Tne studied assault which thd
Senator has made upon me may not,
perhaps, be characterized by the element
which always attends the crime
of felony, to wit: malice aforethought.
The malignant hate which, while living,
he boro to another, who In life
, Mvedimon a moral eminence, which
his malice could never reach, burns
so fiercely in his bosom yet, that he
cannot his a3hes to repose in peace.
The sanctity of lb? grave affords no
shield against the Senator's impotent
vituperation, and he attempts to drag
me into view to enable jiim to add
venom to the arrow which he hurls
at the memory of the 'honored dead*
and I shall perhaps taach that Senator
in the end that he shall not use
my nattKveither directly or by im
(mention, lor Such a purpose, without
laving administered to liim a merited
rebuke.
lAn act like Ibis, which includes
in its corpus delicti, the sweeping of
all other vice3, and whioh can be
truly charactered only by the term
meanness, i. without paliation or
justifiable pretence, and can produce
no results but to cover ita author
with tho scorn and contempt of mankind.
'The Senator says 'the ea/jle
seeks his prey at a distance} he dries
not seek it about the eyrie.' I will
I bring t6 the mind of the SeUator
anoincr illustration ot the qnuiititfUJi
the cagle> to Which he has aptly
compared Mr. Culhoun
V
4*
^ Mr. Calhoun -i
oncc sat together in the Senate cham
her. They were equal in Senatorial
rank, but there equality ceased?
The country will berr me out in the
testimony I give, but there was a
wide difference I etween the two.
This difference was precisely that
which exists between the eagle and
the owl. Tho one soars aloft in the
broad light ol' day, and gazes sleadil
, i.? c r > l. - tm .1
iy vu uic iuuu ui uj sun. L lie OU1*
cr shuns the day, ludes its ignomy in
darkness, and disputes with the reptiles
with which it broods the right
to batten on garbage. The Senator
can be at no loss to determine the
place assigned him in the background
and twilight of this picture.
lI have said the Senator docs not
act without motive. I may be able
to afford the public a key to the motive
which has prompted the Senator
to assail Mr. Calhoun and South
Carolina with unmitigated malignity
for the last quarter of a century.
1 will, for a moment, Messrs. Editors,
change the venue from you to the
Senator himself, for the purpose of
propounding to him a few direct and
piam nuerrogaiories, ana nope lie
will favor (lie public with a distinct
answer to each.
lI ask you, sir, did or did not Mr.
Madisons soon after the battle of the
I Torse Shoe, appoint you to the office
of sub-Indian Agent for one of the
southern tribes?
'Did or did you not, sir, hold this
office until Mr. Monroe came into
power, and Mr. Calhoun under him
as Secretary of War?
'And did, or did not Mr. Calhoun
cause you to be removed from office
of sub-Indian agent, for malfeasance
in olficc? Mark the word, sir, 1 say
malfeasance, not deeming it altogoth
er in good taste to use a term with
which all are familiar, who arc acquainted
wiih flic iitlcs of the criminal
code. Will you, sir, give a direct
answer to these interrogatories,
without resorting to your usual prevarications?
The public will be gratified,
doubtless, to hear your response.*
I 'If these questions be answered in
tho iffifmative,or if you remainsil
lent, the public will no longer be at
j a lo u to discover the source of that
! hypocritical pretence of patriotism,
under cover of which you have for
the last twenty-five years giveu vent
to your spleen against Mr. Calhoun
and Sriuth Carolina. Until you answer
these inquiries, in charity to
youreelf, sir, if not those compelled
io listen to your croaking, pray ceaso
to make yourself hoarse with the par10
cries of 'Calhoun, South Carolina,
Uiiion.1 It is said to be a fact
i woll known to those who are ac
quninted with the history of criminal
jurisprudence, that a convict who has
ence stood in the pillory, never looks
at that instrument of punishment afterwards
without an involuntary sensation
of anguish. You, sir, would
perhaps be a'crcdible witness on this
subject.
'If any thing is to be learned from
the history ol your life, you belong
to ft school of philosophers whose
creed is only to be found in the moral
and political lex non scripta. That
creca is nneny mis, mat dishonesty
is a cardinal virtue, and knavery an
accomplishment, wliich alone can
qualify a disciple to act his part upon
the public stage. Of all the honors
of this school, you, sir, have shown
yourself to be worthy, and casuists
might even conclude that the pyramid
of transgressions which time has
erectefl to your memory, and upon
which your epitaph may be written,
entitles j'ou, without any additional
achievement, to an honorary membership
fov life.
If I, sir, in conclusion, felt authorized,
to offer you a word of counsel
at tiartincr. I rvould t#?l1 von i? oh o???_
o- -'^4? v; w,*?r
centy to retire at once from the gaze
of a world, from whose sentence of
reprobation you can never be re-:
pricved; and to the society of which your
presence can impart no'value.
Posterity* if it shoul condescend to
notice you, will he atm loss Whethdv
to assign to you the rank of ft fool or
! a knave. The present //? ; who
nre better acquainted with yotfr qufil
itioss will be at no loss to determine
that you possess in youf person and
character the most extjApi'dinftity
combination of both. As you cann6t
I then, sir, hope \6 reverse this fienI
tence, retire to merited obstWiw:
detote the few remaining days allotted
to you under the sun in preparing
yourself by repentant for a coming
hour, when you must yiel up a
hlile which youNnave spent without
iulorning^r dignifying a single virtue
which stamjfsr a man as either
good, ^is(i, or great.
' 1)8 wallace.
4it is#roi>er that I should say, that
after the greater JmH of the abdvo
was written, 1 received from My.
Houston a copy dHhe National^telligencer
containing the report of
his speech. As it did not differ materially
from $? reoort in the Uninn.
I thought Jto ihnncf.!
<V\\ Jjut you through a course of
sniouts,1 as wo man said when ho
J planter* his potatoes.