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Iianos and Organs. *II ras a pp, D'a * .o pM co : .-o e M4 Z O tO3 G - 94 - * E.- b z 00 r w,. 0, 0 -AD PCsC o bd GL ASWR At ZieasrteZo CROKRn p CD 0 PC C I W. T.WIGT 0 OD TO seealqicknfeyuswnton fAl ie so teto ROKR r TinSWARE:trecie an dStov uesb alWte ROFIG GUTRINGHEndoth JOBL WORK he-,cnv ge, jtas hap as9Vb cnr it ar 3 4-y GLENN PRING SPARTAN8H CO,S.C Th rpieoso hi eerae ae in laerspcful nnuceta i i be peedths ea o nte1to a une h ae aaeetasls er Per we ek fo 4 ee s....8<0 Casrtent-e oftRenement-o GL ASAE s recems- dfor a e bso STO"E Spef.Ciall qenick gifeun tonpp Wbo Water.l coThpinst can be reach f.-oNES Sprtnbr alit braowes randb keeps TSIMPSON &n SMPS Andlas,togh no la, whr ill er al oOurG GUTIGad oh JOaW he ca get,by as cha a casfoditr.Ma.2,4-y SPABTABURG_C. . C. The ropietrs o ths Clebae ate: be opned tis Seson no t resist a- M Prweek....NEVER..1 0 Per kFor AILek -. 0 PerweekforTweekn......8( rooms-fo th Saon830 0.;~Vo mrythe Wate.eTe erca boue,)ec JM 1, WLLEf Propries ' Nov 10, 46-tf.mr.sa SPEECH OF HON. M. C. BUTLER OF SOUTH CAROLINA, In the Senate of the United States, Thursday, Apri 28, 1881. MR. PRESIDENT : I have had no d:sposition to take part in this de bate, and should have carried out my purpose to remain silent but for the most remarkable and un. called-for pbilippic of the Senator from Maine [Mr. Frye] and some novel and extraordinaiy proposi. tions of his republican colleagues, which have made it necessary for me to enter into a vindication of my own course and to fulfill a promise made to the honorable Senator from Rhode Island. [Mr. Bnrnside.] It is not an agreeable duty-a very ungracious duty-but never: theless a duty ; and I shall en deavor to discarge it fearlessly, and with becoming consideratin for the feelings of imy brother Senators and a due regard for those amenities of debate that should always control us in this high and dignified branch of the national Legislature.- And if in the beat of earnest discussion ] should appear to transcend the limits of parliamentary propriety I trust it may not be regarded a intentional or wanting in a pro. per estimate of senatorial deco rum. Mr. President, on the 20th of this month referring to some ob. servation made by the Senator from Maine, [Mr. Frye,] who I re. gret very much is not in his seat, in a colloquy between the hon. orable Senator from Rhode Island [Ur. Burnside] and myself, I used the following language: The Senator sat there and heard tint tinaide; but when I rise and a! tempt to vindicate myself, th( Senator comes to the front and deelares that whoever says ther( was a bargain in this Chamb*r has uttered a falsehood. Mr. Burnside. Well, I do sa3 so yet. Mr. Butler. I have made n< such charge; but, Mr. President it I do not demonstrate it by irre fragable testimony I will resig my seat in this Senate. Again I said : The Senator from Maine ar raigned the entire South almost he arraigned every Senator fron the South, charging that we ar here the representatives of State that have repudiated their publi obligation, as an excuse for some thing that is being done in thi 1Senate. Further on I said : But Mr. President, I have bee betrayed into saying a great dea more than I intended when rose. I repeat that at the prope time if the remarks of the Ser ator from Maine, in my judgmen :shall require further notice at m Shands as to what he may hav said about my State and the cot gdition of affairs down there, Sshall t.ake occasion to ask the Sei ate to hear moe in response ; br -for the present I desire to repee that that is not the issue. Th real issue is whether or not a bai gain has been made on this feoc by which it is proposed on tI: one part to take something whic does not belong to the rcpublicu caucus or the democratic cauct or both combined in exchange ft t.he' influence or the vote or tt power of any man or set of me! to wit, the officers of this Senat They do not belong to us. The belong to the sovereign people< this country, and we control the' in trust for the people and not 1 barter away for political power. 1 regret extremely that the Se ator from Maine who saw fit -make this arraignment of myse and my associates, and my people not in his seat ; [ regret that circut stances will not permit me to pot pone what I have to say, until b return ; for I shall have somethit tosay about him, and about E D.IState, which I should prefer Ihave him hear. I said, Mr. President, that ,. made no charge of a bargain the Senate, and I repeat it. I s further that I wonid produce th evidence which i. my judgmen would go to establish beyond a doubt that a bargain had bee made; and in proceeding to d that I wish it to be uuderstoo that with the motives and pt; poses and intentions of Senators as individuals, I have nothing ti do. I am not here to impeac motives, to call in qtestion th individual integrity and honest: of Senators. The junior Senato from Virginia [Mr. Mahone,] say that 'no man can search the bt man heart.' That is true. N power but the power of Omnie cience and Omnipotence ca 'search the human heart' and it terpret its mysterious operations but in making ordinances an rules and regulations for the gov ernment and protection of society mankind provided that men wb( are twenty-one years of age, whi are sui juris, who are not unde duress, should be held responsibli for their acts as well as their at terances. While I do not attemp to 'search the human heart' an determine what motives influene Senators or gentlemen, I have th right, and it is my duty as a Set ator, to criticise, legitimately, th public acts, the public votes, an the public utterances of all Set ators and all men who belong t the public. It is not my habit, it has neve been my habit, to impugn the mr tives or question the integrity < any Senator; and while it is tru that we cannot 'search the huma heart,' how many human being have been sent to the gallows an to the State's prison for life upo circumstantial evidence ! Ho many of the greatest and mot revolting crimes in history hav been investigated and determine upon circumstantial or presumf tive evidence, when no eye sa and no ear heard the actor con mitting the crime! It is also tru that there can be no crime witi out intent. The presence of crin inal intent is necessary to const tute crime or wrong-doing, ba mankind frequently determine the character of the crime con mitted or wrong done by the act - of the individual, by circumstar ces, by indirect evidence, not b the plea of not guilty or the pri testations of the acnsed or su pected. It is not snfficient in tt affsirs of this life, in a civilize -country to meet a charge by tt plea of not guilty and by tU counter charges of falsehood ar cowardice and slander and revol tion and treason. No, sir, charg4 are not met in that way. TI law demands something more su istantial, and in the conduct human affairs the interests of s ciety are more exacting. In the familiar illustration of Iman who stands upon a house-t< Sand recklessly throws a biile's rwood upon a crowded street lt low and kills one of the passer by, w hom perhaps he had nev seen .or heard of before, will eavail for that man to come befo a court of justice and say, 'I a - not guilty ;' 'I never saw the d -ceased ;' 'I h ad no malice again thim,' (and malice is a necessa tingredient to constitute murder S'it is a cruel falsebood to char me with murder.' This does n rsatisfy society, it does not satis ethe law made for the protecti, hof society. So the law interven nand says, 'Although you m never have seen or known the< rceased, you have a heart devoid esocial duty and fatally bent "mischief.' and the law impl - malice from the reckless act r hurling the billet of wood fr< the house-top into the crowd h ighway and destroying the I 0of the innocent. So there are numerable examnples that I mig use to illustrate the propo~siti< that acts and circumsItane.~s',oi astres 'speak loudter than word atrewhen applied to politi Saction and official life as to law tr.orats or social duty. IS repeat, I have nothing to iIwith the motives of the-Sena s from Virginia. I make no charl t0against him. I have nothing l the kindest feelings personally Shim; but when he and his n n political allies rise from their se .i in tWi Senate und chare me w e 'revolution and treason,' it is my t duty, it becomes necessary for me i1 in vindication of myself. to ac 3 count for the course that I am o taking, and for the votes that I d cast. If there has been nothing improper, if there has been no po 1, litical arrangement by which the ) offices of the Senate are proposed [ to be transferred from one party e to 'ho other for an improper pur r pos , then my conduct is unjusti r fiable, but if I believe conscien s tiously, from the evidence, not - from my own say-so, that there has been, it is my bounden and r sworn duty to act accordingly and 3 prevent if I can by all constitu tional and lawtul means the con summation of that which I believe I will bring trouble and disaster upon this country and npon the liberties of the people. 'Political bargains' may be es tablished by circumstantial evi r dence as well as crime. 'Political a bargains' are sometimes made by political parties and receive t the assent of men who, as individ I uals, would never think of con a senting to them. Wlere party a ambition, party exigency, the love - of party power, become aroused B and a line of policy is entered up I on, every member of that party is - swept along before its irresistible a power, the honorable and the dis honorable, the courageous and the r cowards, the patriot and the dem - agogue, the staesman and the f time-server, and honorable men a sometimes find themselves obey i ing the behests of party dictation, s involved in measures and policies i against which their private judg 3 ment and feelings revolt. It will v always be so, Mr. President, while t party tyranny is so unrelenting e and exacting, like the cyclone in I nature, when it bursts from a >- cloud and sweeps over the face of v the earth, tearing up by the roots i- the strong, sturdy monarch of Lhe e forests, at the same time that it i- carries before its whirling tempest - the chaff and dry leaves of au i- tumn. Many allowances should t therefore be made. Many are s made for the weakness of parti - sans who are unwilling to brook , the displeasure and cueounter the - frowns of less iscruptilous party y friends by resisting the uncon scionable demands of party. 4- Bnt if when I propose to vindi e cate myself and those with whom 1 d am aicting and to justify our offi e cial conduct in this senatorial con e test I am met with denunciation d instead of facts, argument, and - reason, the country will not be as satisfied, the people will not be e satisfied. I had never made any b- charges upon the Senator from yf Virginia, 1 had never charged a- him with being a repudiationist, I had nevei- charged him with a treachery to the party that elect >p ed him to the Senate, I had never of charged him with a want of fidel e- ity to his trusts ; and yet, in the s- first utterance he made on this 3r floor, be takes occasion to arraign it every democratic Senator who did re not choose to admit that he was m right in all that he was doing. -,But, Mr. President, recurring, at what is tbe evidence which dem y onstrate s the existence of a 'po ;) litical bargain ?' What is that evi e deuce ? W hat is that circumstan ot tial presumptive evidence by fy which it is proven ? Hundreds of >n criminals have been sent to the is, gallows and hanged until they ywere dead with not one particle le- of direct evidence as to the crime of with which they were charged. 2n The power and force and efficacy es of circumstantial evidence rur's of through the entire civil and crim in inal code of this and all civilized ed countries, and it has been affirmed ife by men learned in the law to be in- in many cases the ve:-y strongest bt and most conclusive and conrvine ,n, ing of all evidence. Now. what eare the facets and circumstances, ;and the inevitable inferences and :-'conclusions to be drawn from them, or going to establish the truth of the charges that have heen made ? do Thbey may be grouped and formu tor lated as follows:. s First. The Senator from Vir >ginia [Mr. Mahone] was elected for to'the Senate by a democratic ew constitrancy. as a democrat, and ats Second. His purpose to vote ith ' wi htrhe rennublic-ans was nevet announced to the public until I first vote in this Chamber veloped that fact. Third. Following close up this -new departure' and tb vote, was the assignment of t Senator, by the republican cauci to the chairmanship of an imp( tint cnnimittee of this body. Fourth. In a brief space of tit followed the nomination by t republican caucus of Mr. Ridd berger, a democrat, his intima personal and political friend, i Sergeant-at-Arms, and the Ser tor says he is responsible for tb nomination. Fifth. the nomination of 1 George C. Gorham for Secreta Dt the Senate, the editor of t republican organ in this city, w bad earnestly espoused the Ser or in his newspaper, although the editor) is an uncompromisii stalwart' republican, and the Se 3tor a 'better democrat than tL Senator from Georgia,' [Hr. Hill Sixth. The appointment, by t enator, as clerk of his committ Df the brother-in-law of said Go ham. Seventh. The nomination, I the President, of the personal ai political friends of the Senator important Federal positions Virginia, although the Senat says, and they say, they are de; ocrats. Eighth. The President has n appointed other democrats, t political friends of any oth democratic Senators in any oth State, to important Federal po Lions. ' Ninth. The Senator has vot one hundred and twelve times, to April 26, since he has been member of the Senate, and eve time with the republicans-nes with the democrats-although said in his speech, printed in t Record on the 31st of March Ia that '1 was elected to the Sens of the United States to do tk will, [meaning his constituent not to a caucus to do its petty b ding. Tenth. By said votes the S ator is carrying out the will of t republican caucus as obedieni as if he had never belonged any other party. Eleventh. He moved his s from the democratic to the publican side of the Chamber, a appears to obey the dictation a 'bidding' of the republican cau< and republican Senators as ab lutely as if they con trolled his v and sernatorial action. T welfth. Tfhe republican cau< and republican Senators have fused to transact the business which the Senate was conver in extraordinary session until tk shall have disorganized tbe Sen and elected the friends of Senator to the vacancies wh they seek to create, thereby p~ lyzing the executive arm of Government, preventing the r per discharge of the public bi ness, obstructing the wheels the government-all this to ward the Senator for his votes for political power that his v gives them. Thirteenth. The Senator claims to be a democrat, but vc steadily with the republicans. Fourteenth. The Senator avi ed in his specbes that he 'is custodian of~ his own democra and yet .he has transferred custody of it to the republi caucus and votes its 'bidding.'~ Fifteenth. The action of Senator and the republican car in seeking to turn ont faitl officers at an executive sessio: the Senate and elect and ine others, some of whom are tried and inexperienced, is v out precedent in the history tbe Govern meut. Sixteenth. Mr. Riddleberge as hie avows, a -democrat' and reconstrue ted ; a : readjuster' repjudiationiist, and must there be objectionable and offensiv( republican Senators. Seventeeth. Tlhe republican ator from Ohio avows that '~ thing that will beat down party- (the democratic) and L Iup our own (the republican justifiable in ra.rals and I Corrupt bargains, perjury, d.r Apiracy ranine, arson-rane iis cendiarism-'anything' is 'justifi le- able,' says that Senator. Eighteenth. The same Senator on and others of his caucus propose at to buy our acquiescence in their he crrrupt party policy by tendering is, pay to the present democratic em >r- ployes of the Senate until next December, if we will allow the no election of Riddleberger and Gor be ham, and this, too, without the e- semblance of law or right. .e, Nineteenth. The Senator from or Virginia and other republican Sen a- ators have assailed the motives at and questioned the official integri ty of every democratic Senator :r. on this floor, because they vote as ry their conscience dictates; and we .e have a right to assume that they 1o do this to divert the attention of a- the country from this unnatural 3e alliance, and bolster up and give g plausibility to an untenable and n wrong position. . le Twentieth. The Senator from .] Virginia has said that be has 3e nothing to apologize for respect ee ing his part in- the confederate r- itarmy, is therefore, unreconstruct ed, and the President of the United >y States has said that he will shake id hands with no man who has not to expressed repentance for his sins in of rebellion ; and there must, or therefore, be some other reason n- for the interchange of, political and personal favors than political ot affinity and personal regard. be Twenty-first. The Senator from er Virginia and some of his new po er litical allies, instead of inviting in si- vestigation of charges that have been made, far and wide, of cor ed rupt partices, seek to prevent on 3p this floor free speech and legiti a mate discussion touching those ry charges by threats and denuncia er tion. he Twenty-second. The reason as be signed for this extraordinary 3t, coalition is that the Senator from ,te Virginia is in favor of a 'free bal ,ir lot and fair count' in Virginia; 3,] that it secures 'a free ballot and id- fair count. Whereas there is no evidence here or elsewhere that in- the 'ballot' is not perfectly 'free' be and count 'perfectly fair' in Vir ,ly ginia. The elections in that State to are managed by three election judges-one republican, one read at juster, and one democrat-and if re- these is not a free ballot and fair nd count the fault lies with the re nd publican and readjuster. us Twenty-third. It has hereto so f'ore been the unbroken, universal il - ale and practice of the republi cans to nominate none but repub us licans for Sergeant-at-Arms, and re- make none but republicans chair ~or men of the committees, when in ed the majority, ekcept as to the ey last, to give unimportant chair ute manships to three of the oldest .he democratic members of the Sen ich ate. Trhey have never before ra- made a democratic Senator chair ,he man of one of their important ro- committees-in this case one who iS has been recently sworn in-and ofnever bfrhae the republican re- caucus nominated for the impor nfd tant position of Sergeant-at ote Arms a democrat unreconstructed and a repudiationist. till es Mr. President, it is said that you want 'a free ballot and a fair count' in the South ; you want to the dissolve 'the solid South.' I hope 3-7' I may not be considered as indi the vidually offensive to any republi ean can Senator on that side when I say a 'free ballot and a fair count' the is the last thing that you want, cus and I have only to turn to the re iful cord of the last election to show 1 of how absolutely empty and unreal tall that-claim is. un- 'A free ballot and a fair count ! rith when the gallant democratic State of which my distinguished friend on my left [Mr. Voorhees] so ably r is, represents in part on this floor un- was colonized with colored voters or from the Southb im mediately pre Fore ceding the last election to nullify to neutralize the democratic vote of that State. A 'free ballot and a sen- fair count!' when you sent your mny- emissaries into Indiana with that bags of money, and they camped aild upon that State prepared to buy ) is: every venal voter who offered aw.'; himself for sale ; when you spent nur- millions all over the country buy in. ing snfrages and corrnnting thi suffragans when your powerful cor porations and monopolie- coerced their employes, dependent upoi: them for their daily bread, to vot(e their will and their bidding, and made a travesty and mockery ol free elections. 'A free ballot and a fair count!' If I do notsbow a. to Maine before I get through that such a thing as a 'free ballot and a fair count' is scarcely known there, then I shall be more mis taken in the effect of evidence than I have ever been before in my life. The Senator from Virginia said in his speech: The desire of our people for cor dial relations with all sections of a common country and the people of all the States of the Union, their devotion to popular educa tion, their efforts for the free en joyment of a priceless suffrage and an honest count of ballots, their determination to make Vir ginia, in the public belief, a de sirable home for all men, wher ever their birthplace, shatever their opinions, and to open her fields and her mines to enter prise and capital, and to stay the retrograde movement of years, so as to bring her back from the fit teenth in grade to her original position among the first in the sizterhood of States, forbid that my action here should be controll ed or influenced by a caucus whose party has waged war upon my constituccy and where party success is held paramount to what I conceive to be the interests of Virginia and the welfare of the whole country. He asks a blessing for Virginia He will pardon me for saying that 'the voice is Jacob's voice, but the hand is the band of tsau.' I think I hear the republican par ty coming to him, and in the lan guage of Rebekah to her son, ex claiming, 'Upon me be thy curse, my son only obey my voice, and go fetch me them.' The republi can party says this to the Sena ator and the Senator responds for Virginia with 'the voice of Jacob, but with the 'hand of Esau.' He says that he is called upon to de fend Virginia from those who at tack her and ought to have been her defenders. I have never at tacked Virginia; I could not find t in my heart to attack that State. I have seen her fair bosom rent and torn by the rough plow share ot war. I have seen too much of the uncomplaining, un flagging devotion of her fair and beautiful daughters, and splendid gallantry and daring genius of her peerless sons. I have received too much of kindness and hospi tality and consideration at thei, hands to attack Virginia, and have given some evidence at leia1 of my desire to defend her by tak ing the chances of death upon hei beautiful hills and classic fields and so has the Senator. I havy made no attack upon that oi< State. My own blood is mingle< with her dust, and I would ai soon .think of attacking the grave yards of my own dead as to at tack her. If I had any inclinatio: to attack anybody in Virginia it would be thoac of her son whose course, I believe, is bring ing dishonor and degradation up on her. If I had any dispositioe to attack 'the old mother of Statei or her sons, or any of her people it would be those who are askin blessings in her name and receiv. ing themn for themselves. I hav not only not attacked Virginit but I have attacked none of he sons. .But I am not content as southern Senator to permit he junior Senator, or any other Sen ator, to impugn my motives an' asperse my integrity because see fit to vote as my. inclination dictate in this body. * * * * * * And now I crave the indulgence < the Senate while I discuss anothe matter. The Senator from Main apologized for the remarks he madei .this Chamber upon the ground the he was a new member here, 'th youngest Senator,' I believe he said and then proceeded to read us all lecture on this side of the Chambei assailed our civilization, arraigned on people, attacked our habits an methods of life, -denounced our po, itias morale, and customs. He arraigced my State. He said we did nout have -a free ballot and a -g fair count,' and he used this unfor tunate expression: Ah, it is easy to shoot labor when it has been ground down for a h"n dred years by slavery. He said that the civilization of the South was founded upon barbarism, and the civilization of the North (weaning I suppose New England) was founded upon the Bible,'aud the school-book, &c.; that there were two civilizations in this country; there had been an 'irrepressible confict' be tween slave labor and free labor, and he arraigned the entire Sonth for her 'barbarism' and want of., civilization; that we had been con. quered; and he rattled the raw-heaa and bloody-bones of war and famine. and revolution at us with terrible significance. So far as my own State is concerned I would simply eaXthis - She needs no defense at my hands Her records under democratic govern ment answer the calamnies against her and I confidently refer to them I wish I had time to run through the catalogue of crimes under the ruleof his friends in that State from 1868 to 1876. I could show her debt in creased from about five to twenty million dollars; taxes amounting to about ten millions more wrung from impoverished people, stoleu,, squandered, wasted; race confliets riots, lawlessness, ballot-box stiff ing, crime, confusion, disorder, an archy ; public oficeials holding" dh -'71 carnival in debauchery, profligacy, robbery, conspiracy. I could show all this. I could show that in one year the republican Legislature .pent foi public printing $385,000. The dew" ocratic Legislature spent only $6,178 for the same purpose. The republi #' can Legislature spent for legislative expenses in one year $1,533,574, and -W in four years $4,187,573'. The dem ocratic administration for the sawe purpose spent in one year but $84; 096, and so on through the list. But I have not the time. Now, under democratic rule the expenses for the public service are re duded to the minimum of economy and are about one-fourth of the raai cal expenses. Peace, quiet, order, prosperity, progress, good feeling pre vail throughout the State. The Senator would invite us to, another republican feast like the one, which broke up in confusion, terror, flight, in 1876. I shall decline the invitation. The whole people of the ' State decline, except the vampires who fattened (and fled) on the vulgar vian ds of radical debauchery. No, sir, we want no more of it, and we will not have it. I refer the Senator to any twenty of the most respectable, intellhgent, patriotic republicesa m . that State, ay to any 20,000, and let him ask them if they would have the ' State remanded to republican hssda -uch as controlled it in the Elush days o f radical rule. Let him~ ask them if it would be a good thing for them, for , te State, for the whole country, to exchange the present democratic gov- - ver-nment for any that the republi-' i cants could organize. -By their answer s I will abide, and this is my answer to - his assault upon South Carolina. * * *- * * * And is this eternal, everlasting, in ,satiate, insatiable, crusade upon the a South never to stop ? If secession - was a crime and a mistake, oh, how - egregiously has the South suffered for 3 it ! If maintaining slavery in her 'midst was a crime, how the revenges ,of time have settled with her for it SIs there then never to be a cessation,R - a stop to tantalizing, misrepresenting, 0 calumniating a people who have had a problem to deal with that no people r have ever had since civilization dawn. a ed on the earth-such a problem, I r say, as no people have ever had to - - solve. They have been and are doing d the best they can to solve it, fairly 1 and honestly and truthfully, and in 5 accordance with that love of consti tutional liberty and republican free. dom which was born with them. It - fseems to me that, instead of helpiing r us to solfe it, the republican pe.-ty e have thrown obstacles in our way, and n then curse and anathematize and t abuse and misrepresent us -because we e act with the northern democracy. In , all those dark days, in all those days a of terror and sufferihig and wrongr, , that the Anglo-Sax'on race of the r jSouth was subjecte.1 to, not a word of di kindness, not an expression of re |- lief, not a whisper of symp::thy did we ~et from anybody at the