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Communications, post paid, will be prompt ly and strictlv attended to. From the Washington Union. ADDRESS OF THE, SOUTHER-N DELEGATES IN CONGRESs To THEIR CONSTITUENTS. We, whose names are hereunto ant.exed, address you in discharge of what we he -1ieve to he a solemn duty on the most im poriant subject ever presented for your -consideration. We allude to the conflict between the two great sections of the Union, growing out of a difference of feel Ing and opinion in reference to the relation existing between the I,vo races, the Euro pean and African, which inhabit the South era section, and the acts of aggression and encroachments to which it has led. The conflict commeheed not long after the acknowledgment of our independence. and has gradually' increased until it has arrayed the great body of the North against the South on this most vital subject, In ihe progress of this conflict, aggression has llowed aggression, and encroachment en croachment, until they have reached a point when a regard for your peace and safety will not permit us to remain longer , sileni..-The object of this address is to, gi4e-.*iiaclear, correct, but brief account: b Uo-ir*e M.esi~ , g w -daiges to'ehiEh they ese you. 0. object in making 'it is not to -cause excitement, but to put you in full possession of all the facts and circu-stau ces necessary to a full and just conception of a deep seated disease, which threatens freat danger to you and the whole body -'Volitic. We act on the impression. that in a popular government like ours. a true conception of the actual character and state of a disease is indispensable.to eflect ing a care. We have made it a joint address, bf cause we believe that the magnitude of the subject required that it should assume the most important and solemn Tform. Not to go furiher hack, the difference of opinion and feeling in reference to the re lation between the two races, disclosed in the convention that framed the Consti tution, and constituted one of the greatest difficulties in frming it. After many ef forts. it was overcome by a compromise, which provided in the first place, that &4L Representatives and direct taxes shall lie apportioned among the States acordinv to their respective members; and that, in as certaining the number of each, ive slaves shall be estimated as three. In the next, that slaves escaping into States where slavery does not exiqt, shall not be dis charged from servitude. but shall bo de livered up on claim of the party to whom their labor or service is due. In the third place, that Congress shall not prohibit the importation of slaves biefore the year 1808; but a tax not exceeding ten dollars may be imposed on each imported. And finally that no capitulation or direct tax shall be laid, but in proportion to federal numbers; and that no amendment of the Constitu tion, prior to 1808, shall effect this provi'. sion, nor that relating to the importation of alavyes... aSo satisfactory were these provisions. that the second. relative to the delivering up of fugitive slaves, was adopted unani mnously; and all the rest, except the thtrd, relative to the import ation.of slaves until 1808, with almost equal unanimity. They recognise the existence of slavery, arid make a specific provision for its protection where it was supposed to be the most ex posed. They go further, and incorporate it, as an important element, in determinig the relative weight of the several 'States in the Government of the Union, and the respective burden they should bear in lay ing capitation and direct taxes. It was wvell understood at the time, that without them the Constitution would not havo beetn adopted by the Southern States, and of course that they cotnstituted elements so essential to the system titat it never would have existed without them. The Northern States, knowing all this, ratified the Con stitution. thereby pledging their faith, in .the most solemn manner, sacredly to ob serve them. How that faith has been -kept, and that pledge redeemed, we shall next proeeed to show. With few exceptions of no great import. ace, thbe South had no cause to complain prior to the year 1819-a year, it is to be feared, destined to mark a trait of event., bringing-with them many and great, and fatal disasters on the country, and its insti tutions. -With it commenced the agitating debate on the question of the admission of a,ssn,,i-ato tib1Tnin We shall pass by for the present this quesii6n. and others of the same kind, directly growing nut of it, and shall proceed to consider the effects of that spirit of discord, which it roused up between the two sections. It first disclosed itself in the North, by hostility to that por lion of the Constitution which provides ror the delivering up of fugitive slaves. In its progress it led to the adoption of hostile acts. intended to render it of non-effect, and with so much success that it may be regarded now as practically expunged from the Constitution. How tirs has been effected will he next explained. After a careful examination, truto con strains us to say, that it has been by a clear, and palpable invasion of the Constitution, It ii impossible for any provision to he more free from ambiguity or doubt. It is in the following words: "No person held Jo service, or labor in one State, under the laws therenf, escaping into another State, shall, in consequence of any law or regu lation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." All is clear. There is-not an uncertain or equivocal word to be found in the whole provision. What shall not be done, and what shall he done, are fully and explicitly set forth, The for mer provides that the fugitive slave shall not be discharged from his servitude by any law or regulation of the State wherein he is found; and the latter, that he shall be delivered up on claim of his owner. We do not deem it necessary to under. take to refute the sophistry and subterfuges by which so plain a provision of the Con stitution has been evaded, and, in effect, annulled. It constitutes an ebsential part of the ,constitutional compact, and of course the supreme law of the lar.d. As such it is binding on all the Federal and State Governments, the States and the individuals composing them. The sacred oblgation of compact, and the solemn in junction of the supreme law, which legis lators and judges, both Federal and State, are bound by oath to support, all unite to enforce its fulfilment, according to its plain meaning and -true iotener- What that meaning and intent are, there was no di versity of opinion about in the better days of the Republic,.priorto 1849. Congress, State Legislatures, State and Federal Judges iiid-1agistrates. and People. all :,ima . "1 -I d the isam e..inte .$9d ipedimetts'in the,way-of the owner seeking to recover his fugitive slave; nor did any deny his right to have every proper facility to enforce his claim to have him delivered up. It was then nearly as easy to recover one found in a Northern State. as one found it a neighboring South. ern State. But this has passed away, and the.provision is defunct, except perhaps in two States.* When we take into consideration tho importance and clearness of this provision, the evasion by which it has been set aside may fairly be regarded as one of the most fatal blows ever received by the South and the Union. This cannot be more con cisely and correctly stated, than it has been by two learned Judges of the Su preme Court of the United States. In one of his decisions t Jtidge- Story said : "Hi-torically, it is well known that the object of this clause was to secure to the citizens, of the slnveholding States the complete right and title of ownership in oheir slaves, as property. in every State of the Union. into which they might escape. from the State wherein they were held in servitude." "The full recognition of this right and title was indispensable to the security of this species of property, in all the slaveholding States, and, indeed, was so vital to the preservation of their interests and insatitutions. that it'cannot be doubted, that it constituted a fundamental article, without the adoption of which the Union would not have been for:ned. Its true design wvas to guard against the doctrines nd principles prevalent in the non-slave olding States, by preventing them from intermeddlitng with, or restricting, or abol. ishing, the rights of the owners of slaves." A gain: *'The clause was therefore of the last importance to the safety and security of the Southern States, and could not be surrendered bLy them withoutt endangering their whole property in'slaves. The clause w as accordingly adopted in the Constitution by the unanimous consent of the framers of it-a proof at once of its intrinsic and practical necessity,"' Again - "The clause manifestly con tempates the existence of a positive, un qualified right on the part of the dwner of the slave, which no SYat~e faw or regula., tion can in any way regulate, control, qualify, or restrain." The opinion of the other learned judges was not less emphatic as to the importance of this provision atnd the unquestionable right of the South under it. Judge Bald win, in charging the jury, said :t * If thero are any rightis of property which can be enforced, if otne citizen have any rights of property which are inviolable under the protection of the supreme law of the State, and the Union. they are those wvhich have been set at nought by some of these de defendants. As the owner of property. which he had a perfect right to possess protet. and take away-as a citizen of a sister State, entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens of any other States-Mr. Johnsotn stands before'you on ground which cannot be taken from under *Indiana and Illinois. t The ease of Prigg vs. the Commonwvealth of Pennsylvania. i The case of Johnsoa vs. Topmkins and nhe_s. him-it is the same ground on which the Government itself is based. if the de fendants cnn be justified, we have no lon ger law or government." Again,after refer ring more particularly to the provision for delivering up fugitive Slaves, he said: "Thus you see, that the foundations of the government are laid, and rest, on the right of property in slaves, The whole structure must fall by disturbing the cor ner-stone." These are grave and solemn and ad monitory worda, from a high source. They confirm all for which the South has ever contended, as to the clearness. importance, and fundamental character of this provi. sion, and the disastrous conseqnences which would inevitably follow from its violation. But in spite of these solemn warnings, the violation then commenced. and which ihey were intended to rebuke, has been fully and perfectly consummated. The citizens of the South, in their attempt to recover thesir slaves, now meet, instead of aid and co-operation, resistance in eve ry form; resistance friom hostile acts of legislation. intended to haffle and defeat their claims by all sorts of devices, and by interposing every description of impedi ment; resistance from judges and magis trates; and finally, when all these fail. from mobs, composed of whites and blacks, which, by threats or force, rescue the fu gitivc slave from the possession of his rightful owner. The attempt to recover a slave, in most of the Northern States, ,annot now'be mar6 without the hazard of insult, heavy pecuniary loss, imprison ment, and even of life itself,-Already has a worthy citizen of Maryland* lost his life in making an atte-npit to enfor-e his claim to a fugitive slave under this provision. But a provision of the Ccnstitution may be violated indirectly as well as directly by doing an act in its nature inconsistent with that which is enjoined to be done. Of this form of violation, there is a striking instance connected with the provision under consideration. We allude to secret combinations which are believed to exist in most of the Northern States, whose ob ject is to entice, decoy, entrap. enviegle. and seduce slsvei to escape fromtbeir owners, and >to pass i pidly. by means org; into Canada, wibere the reach of the pw% the :intention. to pli reach of the prbuisia covery,-by concealm completely reptigne violation would be, of doubt or to reqiA yet, as repugnant as theRe combinations are to the true ititent of the provision, it is believed that, with the above exception, not one of the States within whose limits they exist, has adopted any measure to suppress them, or to punish those by whose agency the object for which they were formed is carried into execution. On the contrary, they have looked on, and witnessed with indifference, if not with secret approbation, a great number of slaves enticed frotn their owners, and placed beyond the possibility of recovery, to the great annoyance and heavy peen. niary loss of the bordering Southern States. When we take into consideration the great importance of this provi,iou, the ab sence of oIl uncertainty as to its true mean ing and intent. the many guards by which it is surrounded to protect and enforce it, and then reflect how completely the object for which it wa inserted it the Constitu tion is defeated by these two fold infrac tions, we doubi, taking all together. wheth er a more flagrant breach of faith is to be found on record. We know the language we have used is strotng, but it is not less true titan strong. Tihere remains to be noticed another class of aggressive acts of a kindred char acter, bitt itnstead of striking at an express and specific provision of the Constit'.tion. aims directly at destroying the relation be Sween the t wo races at thie Bout h, by rheans subversive in their tendency of one of the ends for whictt t.he Constituiion was es tatblished. We refer to the systematie agitation of the question by the Abolition ists, which, commoencitng in 1835, is still continued in all possibile forms. Their avowed intention is to bring about a state of things that will fttrce emanctpatton on the South. To unite the North in fixed hosiility to slavery in, the South, and to excite discontent among the slaves with their condition, are among the means em ployed to eqfect it. With a viewv to bring about the fortmer, every means ore resorted to in order to render the South, and the relation between the two races there, odi ous and hateful to th'e North. For this purpose, societies and newspapers are everywvhere established, debatitng clubs opiened, lecturers employed, pamplets and other puplications, pictures and petitions to Congress, resorted to, and directed to that single point, regardless of truth or decency; while the circulation nf incendiary publi cations in the South, the agitation of the subject of abolition in Congress. and the employment of emissaries, are relied on- to excite discontent among the slaves. This agitation, and the use of these means, have been continued with more dr~ less activity for fiteen years, tnot wvithout doing much towards effecting the object intended. We regatd both object and means to be ag gressive and dangerous to the rights of the South, and subversive, as stated, of one of the etids for which the Constit ction was established. Slavery is a domestic insti tution. It belongs to the States, each for *Mr. Kennedy, of Hnaers,nwn. Mariannd. I be estah lislei lstablished, whet ed or n1ot. Such uesti-tnab right necesarilv that i faggression on r rights, and subv ze, for the Fed, a or more Stat indertake to forco r its slaves. But .ies, as well as It has a right to d cqnuot do dire, with equal trutil snee anoth er it .holitionists of their .inen tiot )st efficient me en attempt itig -tgs to firce the 2ipate their sn part or any Nc uppress the mf to accom pH ermitted to pu ;e whatever m aid or coun te . ce or disap p1 sper shade to ly i. at one of the IT lat of exciting d tends directly ie declares to the Constitu ished; "to en-, and that in the onjly way wT Iomestic tranquility is likelv ever 1o4 isturbed in the South. Certain it is, an agitation so syste matic,-havin' I an'lbject in-view, and sought to.be' d inntexec.lion bysich means, would tween. indepen:ent na lions, cons?i 'st cause or remonstrance by the partY a t which the aggression was direct'- if not heeded, an appeal to arms.fQr" Such being the case where any'g,R ion of the kind takes place -anifti6 dpendent nations.! how much mord:aRed must it he between confederati6 es, where the Union pre cludes an-appe to arms, while it affordq a mediumth th ih) it *an operate .ih-eased raree_and effect? ..--....en i nas directly led. I n thIlatter parior IS1I, the then territo ry of M i<souri applied to Congress, in'ihe usual form, for Iive to form a State Con stituiion and Glvernment, in order to be admitted into the Union. A hill was re ported for the purpose, with the usual pro viiionq in such cases. Amendments were offered, having for their oject to make it a condition of her admission, that her Constitution should have a provision to prohibit slavery. This brought on the agi tiing debate. which, with the effects that followed, has dofib so much to alienate the Snuth nod Nortb,nnd endanger our politi cal institutions. 7Those who objected to the amendments, rpsted their opposition on the high grotinds of the right of self govcrnment. They claimed that a territo ry, having reach*id the period whdu it is proper fur it to form a Constitution and Government foritself. becomes fully ves. ted with all the fights of self-government; and that even the condition imposed on it by the Federal Constitution, relates not to the formation ofaits Constitution and Gov ernment, but its aidmission intp the Union. 1or that purpose, it provides as a condi tion, that the Government must be Repub icant. They claimed that Congress has ho right to add to the condition, and that to assume it would;be tmntamnunt to thte as sumotion of the- right to make its entire Constitution and Government; as no limi tation votuld he imiposed, as 1o the extent of the right, if it.be admitted that it exists at all. Those svho-supported the amend ment denied theise grounds, and claimed the right of Co'ngress to impose. at discre tion, what conditions it psleased. In this agitating debate;2the two sections stond ar rayedagainst each other; the South in favor of the hill without amendment, and the North opposed to it without it. The debate antd agitation contitiued until the session -was prell advanced ;- but it became apparent, lowvatde its close, that the people of Missouri weie fixed and resolved tn theit opposition to thie proposed condi tioni, anti that (hey would certainly rejeCt it. and adopt a Constitution without it, should the bill pass with.the condition. Stuch be ing the case. if rgquired no great effort of mind to perceive,- that Missouri, onice in possession of a-Constitution and Govern met, not simply on paper, but with legis laors elected, and officers 'appointed, to carry them into effect, the grave questions would he preseuted. .whether she,was of right a Territory or State; andy if the lat ter, whether Congress had the rip,ht, and, if the right, ths powver, to abrogate het Costhution, disperse her Legislature, aud to t-emand her back to the territorial con. dition. These were greal, anid, urder the circumstances, fearful qutestions--too fear ful to be met- by. those who had raised the gitation. From that time the only qines thin was, how to0 escape from the difficulty. ortunately. a -means was afforded. .A Comprotoiise (%s-it,.was called) was offer ed, based otn the terms, that the North should cease -to oppose the admission oh Missouri: n Ani grons r which the South contended, and that the provisions of the Ordinance of 1787. for the govern ment of the Northwestern Territory, should be applied to all the territory acquired by the United States from France untler the treaty of Louisiana lying North of 36 30. exrept the portion lying in the State of Aissouri. The Nortlcn members embra ced it ; and, although not originating with them. adopted it as their o.vn. It wRs forced through Congress by the almost uni ted votes of the North, against a minority consisting almost entirely of members from the Sonthern States. Such was the termination of this, the first co)iflict under ite Consthtiion, be tween the two sections, in reference to slavery in connection with the territories. i Many hailed it as a permanent and final i adjustment that would prevent the recur- i rence or similar conflicts ; but others, less i sanguine, took the opposiie and more i gloomy view. regarding it as the precursor of a train of events which might rend the Union asunder, and prostrate our political I system. One of these was the experien- I ced and sagacious Je6'ersnn. Thus far, time would seem to favor his forebodings. May a returning sense of jtistice, and a proiccting Providence, avert their final ful filment. For many years the subject of slavery in reference to the territories ceased to ag itate the country. Indications, however, I connected with the question of annexing Texas, showed clearly that it was ready to break out !gain. with redoubled violence, on some future occasion. The difference in thte case of Texas was adjusted by ex lending the Missouri compromise line of 36 30, from its terminus, on the western boundary of lhe Louisiana purchase, to the westein boundary of Teas. The ag. itation again ceased for a short period. The war with 31exico, soon followed, and that terminated in the acquisition of New-Mexico, and Upper California, em bracing an area equal to about one-half of the entire valley of the Milssissippi. If to this we add the portion of Oregon ac knowledged to be ours by the,rtcent treaty with England. our whole terri!ory on the Pacific and West of the Rocky mountains will be found te be in extent bitt little less - prospect &4the ex 'tion.,it ired,more the dif na..and to ..- ile char acter to tneir conflict. The North no long er respects the Missouri compromise, line, although adopted by their almost unaoi mous vote. Instead of compromise, they avow that their determination is it exclude slavery from all the territories of the Uni ted States, acquired, or to be acquired , and of course, to prevent the citizens of all of the Southern States, from emi grating with their propeirty in slaves into r any of them. Their obeet, theyallege. is to prevent the extension, of slavery, and ours to extend it ; thus making the issue between them and us to be the naked question. shall slavery be extended or not? r We do not deem it necessary, looking to the object of thii addres., to examine the I question so 'dily discussed at the last ses sion, whether Congress has the right to I exclude the citieni of the South from immnigrating with their-property into Terri- i tories belonging to the confederated States of the Union. What we propose in this connection is, to make a few remarks on C what the North allege, erroneously, to be he issue between us and them. So far from maintaining the doctrine, which the issue implies, we hold that the C Federal Government has no right to extend or restrict slavery, no more tItan to estab- I lish or abolish it; nor has it any right what ever to distinguish between the domestic I institutions of one State, or section, and nother, in order, tra favor the one attdi discourage the other. As the fedleral rep- I reentative of each and all the States, it is bound to deal out, within the sphere of its powers, equaal and exact justice and favor to alht To act otherwise, to undertake to I discrimiunte between the domestic institu- I tions'of one and anot her, wouldl be to act in total~ subversion of the end for which it I was established-to be the comtmon pro tector andI guardian of all. Entertainingt these opinions, we ask tnot, as the North alleges we do, fur thte extension of slavery. That would make a discritnantion ini our favor, as unjust and unconstitutiom,pl as the discritminatiou thtey ask against us in theirI favor. It is not for them, nor for the Fed eral Government, to dertermine, wvhether our domestic institution is good or bad. or whether it should be repressed or preserv-i ed. It belongs to us, andi us only, to de cide sucht questiotns. What then we do insist on, is, not to extend slavery, but thtat we shall not be prohibited from imtnigra-I ting, with our property. into the Tcrrid- 1 ries of the United States, beca,use we. aro slaveholders; or, in other words, that we shall not on ihat account be dlisfranchised of a privilege possessed by all othters, citi zens n'nd foreigners, without discrimina ion as jo character, profession or color. All, whether savages, barbarian, or ci vilized, may freely enter and remain, wve only being excludedh. We rest our claim, not ontly on- the, high grouadu above stated, but al.so on the solid fotmndation of right,justice, and equali y. The Territories immediately in con troversy-Newv lexico and Califortia were acquired by the common sacrinice and jefforts of all the States,.towards which the South contributed: far more thtan fier rull share of men,* to say nothing of money, and is of course, on every prluci.; plc or right, justice, fatirness; and equall: y, enaied in participate fully in the hen its to be derived from their acquisitioil: But as impregnable as is this ground; here is nnotber no, less so. Ours is.. Federal Government; a government in vhich. not individuals, but Siate;,.as dis inct sovereign.communiti's, are the End ititutents. To them, as inembers of the Federal Union, the Territories.belong ind they are hence declared to lie Terri ories helonging, to the United States - Ie states then are the.joint owners. Now I is conceded by all writers on the stib ect, that in all such Governments their nembers are equal-equal rights and -qual in dignity. They also coiceede that his equaliiy constitutes the basis'of stih Government, and that it cannot be des rnyed without changiig. their hoiltre in1d character. To deprive. then the Southern States and their citizens ot their 'ull share iii the Territories deeiir'ed to - ielong to thpm in common with the other States would be in deiogation .oV the !quality belonging to then as me'tb'ers >r the F ederal Union, and sink them. frdtn >eing equals, into a subordinate and ile-a )endent contidition. Such are the solid and npregnable grounds on which we Miet iur demand to an equal participatioh in he Territories. But as solid and imp'egnabie at iliey - are in the eyes of justice and reason, ihey )ppose a feeble resistance t'o a majdrly, - - letermined to engross the- whole. At ihe ast session of Congress, a bill was pastbd, istablishing a territorial gbvernm'nt for )regon, excluding slavery therefrom. The President gave his sanction to the bill, ind ent a special message to Congress assign ng his reasons for doing so. Thes Fea ons pre-supposed that the Iisduri cbm. >romise was to be, and would be eitidiled vest of the Rocky mountains, to th's Pa tific ocenn. And the President inlim'ted iis intention in his message to ve'f6 ny uiure bill. that restriti ilavery.sodth of - lie line of that compromise. Assdd3ing i to bave een..the purpose and Fition - >f the North -to:extend theMlis.o'rioin - )ro'nise line as above iidicated, the-ase ige of th'e Oregpo bill c onIy:ly -Ie traded ai vinciiig tea 50611i lo.thei' But the-dvelogg na e I mont es o, ' WY'hb 'e -pkr, >oSt or intention noWe!istahitie kor h 1 o any c6nsiderabl, eieri'.df 11irt' . of this, we taiii a6ple bvideneiniit ias occurred already In the Hous-ofR iresentatiVes; where the popblar feelings ire soon*et and most intensely felt. Although Congress has been in session iut little nore than one month. a greater tumber of measures of an aggressivo char. - 4 icter have been introdticed, and the- inore - ggravated and dangerous than they have een for years beore. And what clearly iscloses whence they lake thei'r origin is he fact, that they all relate io the territo. - ial nbpect of the subject of.slaverv, or nme other of a nature and 'cha-acte'r in. imately connected with it. The first of this series oraggressions is a esolutian introduced by a niember from 4assachuselts, the object of which is to re. Peal all acts; which recognize the existence f slavery, or authorise the selling and dis. in-ing of slaves in this Distiict. Ott the niesiion of leave to bring in a Bill, the 'otes siood 69. for andS2agninsi leave. The ext was a resolution offered by a mem ier from Ohio, instructing the Committee n Territories to report forthwith bills for kcluding slavery from California and N. - vTexien.f It passed by a vote of 107 to 0. That was followed by a bill intro luced by another member from Ohio, to oke the votes of the inhabitatnts of this sisarict. ona the question whether slavery " vithin its limits should be abolished. The ill pjroidedl, according to the admission Cf the mover, that free negroes and slave. bouild vote. On the question to lay the ill on thte table, the vrmes stoedl, for 106, igainsa 79. To this succeeded the resolu- - ton o. a member from New York. in the-j ollowing words: -'Whereas the trafic now . trosecuted mr this metropolis of the Repube -.'s~ ic in huaa beings, as chattels, is contra y to unttural justice and the fundamentaf >rin.i ples of our political systern, nd it amorinusly a reproach to our. actntry~ broughout Christenadom, a serious hind atnce to the progress of republicanl liberty imong the tnatiotns of the earth, therefai-e, "Resolced, That the Committee for tho District of Columbia he instructed to re. tort a btill, as soon as pradticable, pro tibitinag the slave trade in said District." 3n the queostion of adopting the reqolution. he votes stood 99 for, and 88 against. He-. as followved by a member from Illinois. vho offered n resolution for abolishing lavery in thte Territories, aid all places vbere Contgress has exclusive p'owers o( egislationt; that is, in all forts, magazines, Trotal number of volunteers from the Souti:: Reaanments, 3.3 Blattalitons, 1$ Comupaiety 12 T'o' anmber of volunteers fronm the S. 45,6-00 Total number of volunteers front the Nor th: Regimnents, 22 Companies,p hrarnamber of vobite.ers from-the N'.308# Beingr near-l' two on thie part of the- Soath. A - La one on the pnrt of the North. Bait taking' = - mit considernatotn that the population or thea - ' North is two thirds greater thant the Sith, theo latter hans fnrmtshted tm.ore than ithree -timesiev dnte proptotion of voluanteers, -" .1 Sinace reptorted.to the IHose.. --