University of South Carolina Libraries
"We will cling to the pillars of the temple of our liberties, PIERRE F. LABORDE, Editor. and if it must fall we will perish amidst the ruins." VOLUTME IV. 1939. *Y IID QUfRT1?1L, Abbeville, 23th Feb. 1839. ORDE RS No.1. T HF, following Regiments and Corps of the Nlilitia ortii State, will parade for Review and Drill, ad tim Ollicers and Ser .geants will assemle in Encamtp''emt at the times and plac-s oillowim:. viz: Th- 15th 111P lifient of I1iitry will parade for rev iew anid drill, at. Will iiamsut's, on Tues day the 2d or April next. The 14111 Regiment of Infaitry, at Orang burg. on Thursday tihe 4th of April. The Officers and Sergeanitts of the 4th Bri gade will assemble in encampmeni,at Accahee, (Morrison's farm) near the Quarter House, on Monday the 8th of April next, to renmam ci camped six days, accordinp to law. The 16th and 17th ReimieniLt of infantry, the Charlestotu Anicieut Dattalion of Aroillery, and tihe Charieston Light Dragoons, wil parade for review ani drill. a the Chiarleston ratce field, .on rhrsday the 18ih of April next. The Officers and Sergeats of the Sth Briz ade will assemble in encamptmait, at smch place as the Grigadier General of ilit Brigade nay appoint, atid leport to the Commnmder-in-chiel, on ionday the 22d of April. The 33d Regiment of Imintry wl1 parade for review and drill, at Conwayhoroug-h, on Monday the 29th of April. The 1-4d itegimenmt of infantry, at Marion C H. on Thursday time 2d of MAy next. Time 31ist Regimuent of Infantry, at Black Mingo, on Saturday the 4t1 of may. TIe 13th itciment of Infantry, at Walter boro. on Saturday the 11th of m ay. The 12th (tegament of Infantiy, at Coosaw hatchie, on Tuesday the 14th of Alay. The 43d Regiment of Infantry, at Bford's Bridge, on Friday the 17th of May. The Officers anid Sergeants of the 3d Brig ade will assemble in etncamoptmett. at Barnwell C. 1-1. on Monday the 20th of Mily. The 3d IR, egiment of Cavalry wil parade for review and drill, at Barnwell C. H. on Satur day tihe 25th of Mav. The I di Ilegiment of Infantry, at Ashley's, on Mondav the 27th of May. The 7th Itefiment or Infantry, at the Old Wells on WegAsday the 29th of May. Tihe 10th Regiment of Infantry, at Richard eon's, on Satiurday the 1st of June next. The 9th Regiment of lufantry, at Lowe's, on Tuesday the 4th of June. The 2d Itegimen of Cavalry, at Abbeville C. IT. on Thmmsday the 6th of Jutie. The li Reaiment of Infatrv, at Morrow's Old Field, on Saturday time th of June. The 61th Regiment of infantry, at Lomax's, on Tuesday IIth of Junie. Tie 40th Regiment of Infantry, at Boyd's, on Thmrsday the 13th of Julie. IThe 4it Regiment of Itfan;r , at Park's Old Field. on Smtrdav the 15th of June. The 10th lie*iment of Cavalry, at snch place as the Brigadier General of the5th lirigade of Cavalry may appoint. and report to thme Adju tant and Intspector General, on Tuesday the 18th of June. The 33th Regimentn of llantay, at Keller's Old Field, on Thursdiay the 20th of June. Tme 39th Regiment of InFautry, at Long's, or such other conveiett pIlace in that neigh. borhood, as may be selected by the Command atit of that regiment. and reported to the Adtim tant General, on Satnirday the 22nd of June. The 24th Regiment of infantry, at Winis boro'. on Tuesday the 25th of June. * Tie 25th Regiment of Infantry, at Wins. boro', on Thursday tihe 27th of June. The 6th Regiment of Cavalry, at Yongue's, on Satudlav the 29th of June. The 27th' leriment of lnantry, at Oliver's Olh Field, nit Tuesday the -Id of July next. The 26th Regimmeut of Iiimntry, at Chester ville, on Thursday, ile 4h of July. The 34th Regiment of Infantry, at Yorkville on Monday, the 8th of July The 46th Regiment of Infantry, at Ebenezer on Wednesday the 10th of July. The 35th Regiment of Infantry, at Union Court Hotse ot Saturday the 13th of July,. The 45th Regiment of infantry, near the Burnt Factory, on Tuesday the 16th of July. The 37th Regiment of Infantry, at Wilkin's Old Field, on Saturday the 20th of July The Officers aid Sergeants of the 9th Brig. ade of imufammry, and 9th Regaitnent of Cavalry . will assemble in encampment at Gafiey's Old Field on Monday the 22d of Jtily. Tlte 9th Regiment of Cavalry ill parade for review and drill, at Gafaney's Old Field on Sairday the 27th ofiJuly. The ij6th Regiment of Irnfantry, at Timmtons' Old Field, on Monday the 29th of Jatlv. The 1st Rlegimnent of Infantry, at Brttton's on Thursday the 1st of August next. Thme 3rd Rtegiment of lnfanatry. at Toney's Old Store, on Strday the 3d of August. The Officers and Sergeants of the .1st Drig ade of Infantry, nndlm 1st regiment of Cavalry, will aoaemnble in encalpcmomt at Pickeasviiie, on Monday thc 5th of Anioust. Tile 1st Regitnett of Canvalry will parade for review and drill, on Saturday tihe 10th of Au gust, at Pickensville. Tihe 5th Regiment of Infantry, at Hunters, onlMonday the 12th of August. The 2d Regiment of Infantry, at. Hail's on* Thursday time 15th of August. The 42kl Regiment of lInfantry, at Minton, on Sattm-day the 17thm of August. The 4th Regiment of Infantry, at Verrennes, oi Ttuesday time 20th of Angust... Thme Officers amid Sergeants of the 2d Drigade of Inlfantry,.anld 2d Regiment of Cavalry, will assemble m encampment, at Longmiures, (Simi blevs) on Monday thme26th of August. Thle Officers and Sergeants of time 10th Drig ado of Infantry, and 10th [Regimnent of Cavalry, will assemble in encampment, at Belfast, (ma Monday the 9th of September next. The "Officers and Sergeants of the 6th Bri gade of Infantry,anfd 6tli Regiment of Cavalry, will assemble in encampment, at Yongume'sm, on M ~onday thle 1th of September. Tfhe Officers and Sergeants'of time 5th Bri gade of Inlfantry, and 5th Regiment of Cavalry, wdii assemble im encampment. near Camden, on Monday the 23d of September. The 5th'Regiment of Cavalry wvil parade for review and diri, at Camden, on Saturday the 28th of September. Te 21st Regitneat of Infantry, at Lancaster Court House. on Monday the :20th of Sept. The 28th Regiment of Infantry, at Chester feld Court House, on Timuraday thme 3d of October next. The 30th Regiment of Infantry, at Rennet ilIe. on Salturdaty the 5th of October. Tie 29th Reimenmt of Infantry,nat Darling ton Court House, 011 Tuesday the 6th of Oc The 22d1 Reu' ent of Infantry, at Camtden, onSurdnv th thl of October. The 121111 Rngiment o Inantry, at the Swim minw Pens, on'rTucday the 15th of October. The 44th Ileginient of Infantry, at Sumter ville. on Thnrsday the 17th of October. The Otlicers a aid Non-Commissioncd Officers of ihe 31ti lle-iment of infitntry. will assemble for drill. on Saurnav the 6th ofJily. The Oflic -ris and Seraean.s of the 11th, 36th, -th, and 2st Regimernt's of lufawgry, hwinng en camped the week previous to their revien s. are e.xcnsed. wih iheir Corporals, from assembling at their lIegimemnI parade grounds for drill, previoins. o their respective re. iews. All other Oflu-erq mnd Non-Comminssioned Olicers, (in citUing. the Corioral' of Cavalry Re-imnts VhJere the Oficers and Sergeants of sucl Regi ments anre eneumped) willl asAsemble ror drill and 1 insirnelion oni tie day previons to their respec. tive reviews. The Cavalry Cor's not otherwise ordered above, will pu'rade with nhe Infantry Regiments mosi conveieut. either lay Companuy, or Squa dron. The Commnandants of Regiments will be pre pared to answer promply, upoin the field, on the day of their respective reviews, any qInes tons relative to the efective aond field strength, the armus and eqnipments, of their respective Reimnents. The annal Brigade retnrns will be made up and Inrunnamitted Iv the Di ivadier Generxals, to the Aiannni and [easpector 'Gen-ral. at Edge field Cont I Innse. h) the ist of Novendber next, accordin. in the blaok forms heretofore fornaish ei io th-Iln. The Majior Generals and Staff, and Brign dier Generals ad Staff will attend the en cpaampntq and reviews or tiheir respective Di visions.1411( an frigades. The Dri-ndier Generals are charged with the exlenion. to their Commands. of so much of this order ns reliates toin their respective Brigades. Dv order of the Conmander-in-Chief. JAMES JONES, [C] 5 h Adj. % Insp. Gen. New -Spring and Sumnmer GO OODS. T U C Subscriber infiornq his friends and thne public generally, ia t he has just re ceived iromnn New York, a complete assort ineant of Staple Fnney, Sprinag and Sum iner Goods-amongwhich are. 3-4 4-4 5'-4 and 6-4 brown &. bleached Shirt ings nind Sheetings, A ha indsoie a-sortmnaennt glgta cnl'd Prints. 5t" pniece light conl'rd Loandon do. French printLsand printed Jaconet, louraning; anal half mourning prints and Muslinns, Siper printed Laivns, 44 iand 64 Cambric- annd cambric Muslins, Swi. and book .i uslins, Jaconiet. plaid aid n.ipe do. Lyoannise and hocade do. Lidics and ghnt's white and black, silk H. S. and kid Gloves, " Cotton and thread do. "s " Misses black ntnd white nelt, L-ace and Gantze do. A hndnnlsomne assortwnt of gauze and satin, and Mantsa Ribbons. Dest lInalinan sewings, black blue, black, and assoried by the quatntity, Hen-snitched, an:i super linen cambric Hfs. Mlen's and hoys Poangee do. Ladi:s' gansze, Hernani, gro-de-nap and sew - ing silk H krs. 44 Iri-lt linens and linen lawn, 1lai , scrIed and friIled bosoms and linen collr<, 8-4 and 10-4 table dinper, 3-4 birds eye and itussia Diaper, 64 t-4 and 10-4 diamak table covers, French am nkins &. towel., French browi and grss Linens. Whiie and brown linen Drillings Sniper rib'd do. A variety of Cotton do. col'd. and striped for Pants. Osnnburghns, Cases of palm leaf and willow Hoods, English Devon straw Bonnets, A large assortment of silk and cotton hose and half Hose, 3-4 and 4-4 plaid and striped domestic, Silk, satin, and larseilles Vesting, Parasols and Unbrellas. Fntrniinitre, dinitv and firiinge, Black bombazi nes and mnerianos for Coats, Pari needle workl muslin capes & onet caps French baskets. bieachedi ltu.-sia Sheenincs. Any dhing like a auen nl enumneinti-nn ofumr tices is imanractbe; bunt these in addition to his former stock, make it sanficiently extensive, and he trusts his prices are sufficientiy mioder are to be worthny the attention of all who wnsh to sunpply ahennselvesc with articles in his line. His lortaner censtcminers uand ali who bnuy in thas, nni-ken, will do hinm, and perhiapsn themselves a flavor, by examining his assortment before purchasiang. O N0..FRD Hamburg, March 13~, 1839. 7 tf . PROOLAMATIO1N. EXECUTIVE DE1PARLTMENT, 'coLUMxAt MAnRcH 13,1839.5 By His Excellency PA T RICE NOBLE, Esg. Governor and Co'muudaaver-in-chief, in ad oee thme Slate of Southi Carolina. 'J [IEI(EAS, information has been receiv V.ed in this Department, that a most at trociouts murder was comnmilled in Laurcns District, on the 6th'of this month, by Carter Parker on the body of Jetferson Reofatnd, and ht said Parker las fid from justice.s A ow, know ye, that no the eand justice may bec done, and tihat tihe said Carter Parker maiy be.e brouht to legal trial aind condign pumashmnentc for is oil'ence, as aforesaid. I do hereby offer a reward ofTHREE HUNDILL.D DJOLL4I1S, for his apprehenusion and deiivery into any jail. in the State. Carter Parker is describned as .1 being abont :nti years ofage, aboutfi feet Jj inch I high, light colored knnir, beard inclininng to red. dishness, rather a thin visage, sandy complexiond talks quick,ond cuts his words short; face tolera bly broad at tine eyes, but narrow at the chin; a s smll piece broken oir of one of his front teeth;a broadsholders, slender wvaist, has a habit of saucking his teeth, large knees and knock kneed; he is a blacksmith by trade, anad fond of ardent spjrifts. Given under my hand and seal of' the State, ' at Cohnambia, 13th dany of March, in tine c year of our Lord one thousand eight hn-.. p dred anad thirt -ninne, anad in thne sixty third 11 year of the I'ndepeandence of thne United c States of Amei'ica. PATRICK NOBLE. - Dy thne Governor. M. LisoanD., Secretary of State. Ma.rh 21, 1t5. - f 7 ar POLITICAL. REMARKS oF M1R. CALHOUN, OF S. CAROLINA, ON THE 1ill to prevent the interference of certain Federal Ojfcers in elections. Mr. Calhoun said: I belong, 31r. Presi lent, to that politeIal school which re ;ards with a jealous eye the patronage of :iiis Government, and believes that the ess its patronage the better. consistently ith the objects for which the Govern neat was instituted. Thus thinking,. I save made no political move of any ii portauce, for the last twelve or thirteen years, which had not for its object, direct ly or indirectly, the reduction of patron age. But, notwithstanding this, I cannot ring my mind to support this bill, deci Jedly as I approve of its object. Among ather difficulties, there is a constitutional >bjection, which I cannot surmount, and which I shall, without further remark, proceed to state and consider. This bill proposes to inflict the penalty )f dismission on a large class of ihe Mi :ers of this Government, who shall elec tioneer, or attempt to control, or influence the election of public functionaries either Ef the General or State Governments, without distinguishing between their ohli Dial And individual character, as citizens; and the question is, has Congress the con stitutional right to pass such a law? Tha; again, involves a prior, atid still more gen eral question: has this Government ihe authority to interfere with the electoral rights of the citizens of the States? ]n considering this general question, I shall assuume, in the First place, what none will deny, that it belonas to ihe States sep arately to determine who shall, and who shall not, exercise the right of suffirage; and, in the second, that it belongs to them, in like manner, to regulate that right; that is, to pass all laws that may be necessary to secure its free exercise, onl the one hand, and to prevent its abuse on the oth er. I next advance the proposition, which no one in tie least conversant with our institutions, or familiar with the con stitution, will venture to question, that as far as citizens are concerned, this right be. ongs solely to the States, to t/e enlire er. clusion of the General Government, which can in no wise touch or interfere with it, without transcending the limits of the con stitution. Thus far there can be no differ ence of opinion. But a citizen may be also anl officer oh this Government, which brings up the question, has it the right to nake it penal for him to use his ollicial power to control Dr influence elections? Can it, for instance, make it penal in a collector, or other ofli cer, who holds a bond, in his official character, on a citizen, to threaten to en force it, if ho sbeld refuse te vore for hit favorite candidate? I regard this proposi tion as not less clear than the preceding. % henever the Government investso an in dividual n ith power, which may be used to the injury of others, or the public, it it manifest that it not only has he right, hut that it is in duty bound to prevent its abuse, as far as practicable. But it must he borne in mind that a citizen does not cease to be one in becoming a Federal officer. The Government must, accordingly, take special care, in subjecting him to penal ties, for the abuse of his official"powers, that it does not interfere in any wise with bis private rights as a citizen, and which are, as has been stated, under the exclu ive control of the States. But no such care is taken lither in this bill or the sub stitute proposed by its author. Neither make any distinction whatever between |he ojicia l ad pri vute acts of the ojicer as i citizen. The broadest and most cotmpre bensive terms are used, comprehending ad subjecting all acts wit hout discrimina tion us to character, to the proposed pen alty. Under its provisions. if an oflicer ,bould express ne opinion of atny catndid ite, say ora Ptesident, who was a candid nte for re-election, whether favurable or unsfavorable, or to whisper an opinion re ating to his administration, whether good r had, he would subject hitmself to the yenalty or ibis bill, as certainly as if he iad brought the whole of his official powv ,r to hear directly on the freedom, of elec ion. That a bill, containing such btroad & adiscriminate provisions, transcends the >owers of Congress, and violates in the >slicer the electoral- rights of the citizen, seld under the authority of his State, and ;uarantied hy the provision of the consti ution, which secures the freedom of speech o all, is too clear, after what has been aid, to require additional illustration. It annot pass without the enlarging the pow r of the Government by the abridgeument if the rights of the citizen. Bunt, it may be replied, that these are ns'anees where the Government has sub ected its oflicers to penalties for acts of a irivate character, over which the constitu ion has given it no control. Such un loubtedly is the fact, and its right to do o, in the cases referred to in the discus ion, cannot be denied; but all such cases re distinguished from that under consid ration by lines too broad to be mistaken. u all of.them. the acts prohibited were in be first place, such as were incompatible ,ith the official duties enjoined; as in the aise of the prohibition of commissaries to urchase' or deal in articles similar to those lsat are made their official. duty to pur hose, in order to prevent fraud on the ublic. And in the tnext, the acts, prohibh ed involved only civil rights, which be mug to him as a citizetn. The former hie ay yie1 a nplnanure, w'ithout discredit or disgrace, but the latter he cannot sur tender without debasing himself, and giv ing up a sacred trust vested in him, by the State or which he is a member, for the common good; nor can this Government demand its surrender, without transcead ing its powers and infringing the rights of the States and their citizens. It may also be said that, in most cases, it would be impossible to distinguish be tween the official and the political acts of the officer, so as to subject the former to penal restraints, without ititerfering with the latter, and that it would in practice render ineffective the admitted right of the Government to punish its officers for the abuse of their official powers. It may be so, but little or no evil can result. What ever defect of right this Government may labor under, in such cases, is amply made up by the plenary power of ine States, which has an unlimited control over the electoral rights of its citizens, whet her offi cers of this Govern nent or not. To them ihe subject may be safely confided. It is they who are particularly interested in seeing that a right so sacred shall not be abused, nor the freedom ofelection he in. paired. We must not forget that States and the people of the States are our con stituents and superiors, and we but their agents, and that if the right in question be abused, or the freedom of election im paired, it is they. and not we, who must mainly suffer, and who of course are the best judges of the evil and the remedy. If the policy of the States demands it, they may impose whatever restraint they please on the Federal officers within their respective limits, in order to guard against their control or influence in elections; and, if it be necessary to divest theni entirely of the right of -snlrage. To those who are so much more interested and compe tent to judge and act on this subject than we are, I am for leaving the decision as to what ought to be lone, and the applica tion -of the remedy Entertaining these views, I am forced to the conclusion that this bill is unconstitutional. and if there were ro other reason to oppose its pas sage, would be compelled to vote against it. But there are others sufficiently decisive to compel me to wit hod my support. were it possible to remove the constitutional ob jection. So far from restricting the pat ronage of the President, should the bill become a law, it would, if I mistake not, greatly 'increase his influence. He has now the almost unlimited power of remo viug the olicers of this Government-a power. the abuse of which has been the Rubject of much and, in my opinion. of just complaint on the part of the chamber to which the mover of this bill belongs, on the ground that it was calculated to in crease unduly the power and influence of that department of the Government. Now what is the remedy this bill proposes for that evil ? To put restrictions on the re moving power? The very reverse. To make it the duty, an it is now the right of the President to remoce, and in discharging this high duty lie is made the sole judge, withoit limitation or nppenl. The f'te or the accused would be exclusively in his hand, whether charged with the ofence of opposing or supporting his adlministration. Can any one, the least conversant with party morals, or the working of the hit man heart, doubt how the law would tie executed ? Is it not certain, that it would be most rigidly enforced against all officers who should venture to oppose him, either in the Federal or State Governments, with a corresponding indulgence and lenity to wards those who supported him? A single view, without prolonging the discussion, will decide. Should there be a President of such exalted virtue and patriotism as to make no discrimination between frienad and foe, the law would be perfectly use less; tbut if not, it would be made the pre text for indiscrimintato removal of all, who may reruso to become his active amnd de voted piartisans; and it would thus prove eit her useless, or worse lhan useless. With the object which the mover of the hill has in viewv, it scems to me, he ought to take the very oppaite cotirse, and in stead of making it the dluty of the Presi dent to remnove, he ought to impose res trictiotns on the powver of removal, or to di-, vest him entirely of it. Place the of fice holders, with their yearly salaries he yond the reach of the Executive power, and they would in a short time be as mute and inactive as this bill proposes to make them. Their voice, I promise, would then he scarcely raised at elections, or their persons he found at t he polls. Butt suppose the immediate object of the bill accomplished, and the officers ren dered perfectly silent and passive; it might even then be doubted whether it would cause any diminution in the influence of patronage over elections. It twould, in deed, greatly reduce the influence of the 00cebldr. They would become the most insignificant portion of the commu nity, as far as ele'tions were concerned. But jutst in the same proportion as they might sink, the no less formidable corps of office seekers woukd rise in importance. The struggle for power het ween the ins & outs would not abate in the least, in vio lence or intensity, by the silence or inac tivity of the olIce-holdters, as-the amount of patronage, the stake contended for, would remain undiminished. Both sides, those in and those out of power, would turn from the passive and silent body of incumbents, and court the favor of the ac tive corps, dat panted to supplant them; and the result would be, an annual sweep of the former, after every election, to make room to rewvard the latter, and that an whiever sidrthe cal o ft victory might turn. The consequence would be rotation with a vengeance. The wheel would turn round with such velocity that any thing like a stable system or policy would be impossible.Each temporary occu pant, that might he thrown intoollice by the whirl, would seize the moment to make the most of his good fortune, before he might be displaced by his successor, and a system, (if such it might be called,) would follow, not less corrupting than unstable. With these decisive objections, I can not give my support to the hill, but I wish it to be distinctly understood, that in with holdihg it, I ineither retract nor modify any sentiment I huve expressed in relation to the patronage of this Government. I have looked over, since the commencement of this discussion, the report I made as chair man of a select committee on the subiect in 1835, and which has been so frequently referred to in debate by those on the oppo site side of the chamber, and I find nothing which I would omit, if I had now to draw it, but much, which time and reflection would induce me to add. to sirengthen the grounds I then assumed. There is not a sentence in it incompatible with the views I have presented on the present occasion I might here, Mr. President, terminate my remarks, as far as this bill is concern ed; hut as the general question of patron age is at all times one of importance under our system of Government, and especially so, in my opinion, at this present june ture, I trust that I shall be indulged it offering my opinion somewhat more al large in reference to it. if it be desirable to reduce the patron age of the Government, (and I hold it to be eminently so,) we must strike at the source-the root, and not the branches, It is the only way that will not in the end prove fallacious. The main sources ol patronage may be found in the powers, the revenue, and the expenditures of the Government; and the first and necesan step towards its reduction. is to restrict the powers of this Government within the Higid limits prescribed by the constitution. Every extension of its powers beyond would bring within its control sulbjects never intended to be placed there, follow ed by increased patrotage, and augmented expendiure and revenue. We must in the next place take care not to call the a-knowledged powers of the Government into action beyond the limits which the common interest mav render necessary, nor to pervert into means of doing what it was never intend ed by the constitution we should have the right to do. Of all the sources or power anid influence, prevention of the power of ite Government has proved in practice the most fruitful and dlangerous, of which our political history which furnishes ma ny examples, especially in reference to the money power, as will appear in the course of imy remarks. After restricting the powers of the Gov ernment within proper limits. the next important step womld be to bring downi the income and expenditures to the small est practicable amount. It is a primary maxim under our system, to collect no more money than is necessary to the eco. nomical and constitutional wants of the Goverumeut. We have, in fact, no right to collect a cent more. Nothing can tend more powerllly to corrupt public and private morals, or to increase the patron age of the Government, than an exces sive or surplus revenue, as recent and sad experience has abundantly proved. Nor is it less important to restrict the expendi tures within the income. It is, in fact, in dispensable to a restricted revenue, as the increase of the former must, in the end, lead to an increase of the latter. Nor must an exact administration, and a rigid ac. countability, in every department of the Government, he neglected. It 's among the most ellicient means of keeping dowtn patranage and corruption, as wvell as the revenue and expenditures, jnst as the op. posite is among thme most prolific sourcet of both. It is tis and thus only, that we cafi reduce effectually the patronage of the Government, to the leatst amount con sistent with the discharge of the few, but important duties, with which it is charged, and render it, what the constitution in tended shouild be a cheap and simple Go vernment, instituted by the States, for their mutual security, and more perfect protection of their liberty and tranquility. It is the way pointed ouit by Jeff'erson and his associates of the Virginia school, which has ever been distingnished for its jealous oppositioni to patronage, as the bane of eour political system, as is se powv erfully illustrated in the immortal docu muents so frequently referred to in this discussion-the report of the Virginia Le gislature, on the alien and sedition law, in the year '9 But there is, and ever has been, frm the first, another and opposing school, that regarded patronage with a very diff'erent eye, not as a bane but as an essential in gredient, without wvhich the Government woul be impracticable; and whose lead ing policy is, to enlist in its favor the more powerful classes of society, throughitheir interest, a. indispensable to their sapport. If we cannot take lessoas~ from this school, on the question of patronage, we may at least learn, what is of vast importance to be known, how and b~y what mean.this school has reared up a system, which has added so vastly to the power and patron age of the Government, beyond what was contemplated by its framers, as to alarm its wisest and best friends for its fate. With the view of furnishing this information, so intimately connected with the obfect of hrier and rapid narrative of the rise and progress of that system. At the head of this school stands the name of Hamilton, than which there is none more distingoished in our political hist.;ry. He is the perfect type and ird personation of the national or Federal school, (I use party names with reluc tance, and only for the sake of brevity,) as Jefferson is of the State Rights Republi can school. They were both me- of emi nent talent, ardent patriotism. great bold ness, and comprehensive and systematie understanding. They were bath met who fixed on a single object far ahead and converged all their powers towards its ac complishment. The difference between them is, that Jefferson had more genius, Hamilton more abilities; the former lean ed more to the side of liberty, and bis great rival more to that of power. They both have impressed themselves deeply on the movements of the Government, but, as yet, H amilton far more so than Jefferson, though the impression of the latter is destined in the end, as 1 trust, to prove the more durable of the two. It has .heen the good fortune of the school of which Mr. Jefferson is the headi to embody their principles and doctrines in written documents, (the report referred to, and the Vjrginia and Kentucky resolu tions,) which are the acknowledged creed of the party, and may at all times be re ferred to, in order to ascertain what they~ are in fact. The opposite school has leit no such written and acknowledged creed. but the declaration &acts of itsgreat lead leave litle doubt as to either its princi ples or doctrines. In tracing them a nar-' rative of his lire and acts need not be given. It will suffice to say, that he en tered early in life into the army of the revolution, add became a member of the military family of Washington, whose confidence he gained and retained to the. last. He next appeared in the convention which framed the econstitution wherie,-. with his usual boldness, ie advocated a President and Senate for life, and the ap pointment, by this Governrent, of the Governor of the States, with a veto on. State laws. These bold measures failioxv he retired from the convention, it is sid, in disgust; but afterwards, on more ra.' -ture reflection, became the zealous and able advocate of the adoption of the con stitution. He saw, as he thought,.in a: scheme of Government, which conferred the unlimited power of taxing and declar ing war, the almost unbounded sonrce "at power, in resolute and able hands; hence his declaration, that though the Government was weak in its organi zation, it would, when put in action, find the means of supporting itself; a profound reflection, proving that he clearly saw how to make it, in practice, what his'move meats in the convention had failed lto ac complish in its organization. Nor has he left it in doubt, as to what were the means on which he relied to effect his object. We all recollect the famous assertion of the elder 1dams, that the "British consti tution," restored to its original principle5 and freed from corruption, was the wisest and best ever formed by man; and Ham ilton's reply, that the Britisir constitution, freed from corruption, would beimpracti cable, )ut, with its corruption, was the best that ever existed. To realize what was intended by this great man, it must be understood, that he meant not corrup tion in its usual sense of bribery. He was too able and patriotic (o resort to such means, or to the petty policy this bill is intended to prevent. Either of these modes of operation was on too small a scle for him. Like all great and comprebensivo minds, he acted on masses, without.much regard to individuals He meant, by cor ruption, something far rnore powrerfulant: comp~rehensive; that policy, which sys.. temnatically favored the great and power-. foI classes of society, with the vie or binding them,- through theair interest t the support of the Goverrnet.~ This was the single object of his policy, and to which he slrictly and resolutely adhiered, throughout-his career, hut wyhich, whieth er suited or not, to the British system of Government; is, as time has showrbanu - congenial and dangerous to ours.4 After the; constitution was' adolited, he was placed at the_ head of theTreasury Department, a position which gavet fulfi scope to lida ahilitles, and placed ~ampre means at his disposal to rear up ths e tem he meditated. :Well and sakilfulyh did he 'use themt. His first mea'sire wa the adoption of the funding system, onethe British model; and on this the two schools, - which. have ever since,.under bene tdrme of another, divided the .couni-y,- and 'etver will divide it, so long as the. Governiet endures, came~ into conflict. They werid both in favor of keeping the pebliheliit but differed as to the mode of assiming he public debt,~and the amnount that ought tu he assumed. Th'e pubby of H arniltonpro' vailed. *The amount assumied was abhone $80,000O,000 a sdnm for a contry sd impoverisfied, and s ti's popelatoa ad inconsiderable, as we-then bad. T1hirEri ation of the system, ad dthe itsriiiu tn so large a.debt, gave a decided: and pow" erful impulse to the'Governmientp is~h direction in which it: hasisiifce continused to move? almost constatly dThis was followed- by a nesw~aw edon his own- respiouibifiyr itate face ofrlaw, bhut whteh, thotughs ihohita it eterced -little'aseibr oprto, has .proved -the iOst ptone is ottllel meatse employed in regi'hnpyand wan tabiig-his favorite-sysiiem-. ]refer to the Treusmry order- dreeting thne reeitpts of bank notes il'thedue. of the Government, and- which was the first link ,of that tin