University of South Carolina Libraries
We will cling to the pillars of the temple of our liberties, W . . Os PIERRE F.LABORDE, Editor.W.WDilSE and if it must fall we will perish amidst the ruins." VOLIUME IV. TAgb1A U01.r O-UtS. U. ayi' -it. 10,c BEJD 9QVJR TERH.1 Abbeillic, 23th Feb. 1839. ORDERS No.]. HIE fllowing Regiments and Corps of tile Militia ofthis State, will parade for Review and Drill, :d the (lliers and Ser geantsi will assenle in itcneuploient at the tines and places followmt-. viz: Th 15th Regimelnt of Inatt trytI wdil parade for review nal drill. at.Williamsont's, on Tues day the 2d of April next. The 14th Regiment of Infadtry, at Orange burg. on Tharsday the 4th of April. The Officers and Ser-eonts of the 4th Bri gade will assemble in encampmnti, r Accahee, (Morrison's farm) near the Quarler lonse, on MIonday the Sih of Alpril next, to remain en camped six days, according to law. The 16th and 17th Regimnents4 of Infantry, the Charlestu Ancient Dattniot f Ari illery, and the Charieston Light Dragiois. will parade for review andl drill.at the Cirieston race field, -n huArsdny the .t lI of April next. The Officers and Sergeants of the 80h Brig ade will assemble in eicampmnt, at such place as the Brigadier General of thnt Brigade mtay appoint, and report to the CoTunimider-in-hiel, onionday the 22d or April. The 33d Regiment or inantey wail parade for review and drill, at Conwayhiorough, on Monday the 29th of April. The 34d Hlegimnt of infitutry, at Marion C H. on Thursday the 2d of Alny net. Tihe 31st Itegiment of lufantry, at Black MIingo, on Saturday the 4th of may. Tie 13th Itegiment of Inrantry, at Walter boro. on Saturday the 11th of muy. The 12th tegiment of Inflant v, at Coosaw hatchie, on ruesday the 14th of llay. The 43d Regiment of Itfanitry, at Buford's Brid-e, on Friday the i7tl of M1ay. The Officers and Sergeatits of the 3d Brig ade will assemble in encampnent. at Barnwell .(. 1-. on Monday the 20tl of May. The 3d Itegiment of Cavalry will parade for review and drill, at Darnriwel C. H. on Satur day the 25th of May. The I ith Regiment of Inlantry, at Ashley's, o.. Monday the 27th of May. The 71l; Iteziment of Infantry, at the Old Wells on Wellnesday the 29th of' 3iny. The 10th Regiment of iniumry, at Richard ,on's, on Saturdauy the 1st o' June text. The 9th Rtegiment of luantry, at Lowe's, on Tuesday the 4th of June. Thte 2d tegimetm of Cavalry, at Abbeville C. II. onl Thitsday the tith of'June. The sihi Rteaiment of infiattry. at Morrow's Old Field, on Saturday the 6th of June. The 61 itegiment of Infantry, at Lomax's, on Tuesday lith of Jne. The 40th1 Itegiment of Infantry, at Boyd's, on Thur.aday the 13th of Juie. The 41t Regitment of Inftury, at Park's Old Field, ot Sainrday tle 15th of June. The 10th 6egiiment of Cavalry, at such place as the Brigadier General of the 5th Driande of Cavalry may appoint, and report to the Adju tatnt and Inspector General, on Tuesday the 18th of June. The 3ith Regiment of Inlantty, at Keller's Old Field, on Thursday the 20th of Jtite. The 39th Regiment of lueutry, at Long's, or such other convenient iice in that neigh. borhood, as may be selected by the Comumatnd ant of that regiment. and reported to the Adjn tant General, on Santrday the 22nd of June. The 24th Regiment of Infantry, at Wills boro'. on Truesday the 25th oh Junie. ~ The 25th Regiment of Infatitry, at Win,e. boro', on Thursday lte 27th ol June. The 6th Ritegiment of Cavalry, at Yongne's, on Sattedav the 29th of Junie. The 27th 1te..iment of infantry, at Oliver's Old Field, oni Tuesday the -!nd oftJuly ntext. The 20th RIeriment of 1,iiintry, at Chester. ville, on Thuriday, tle 4Jh of July. The 34th Itegiment of Infantry, at Yorkvil.e on Monday, the 8th of July The 46th Regiment of Infantry, at Ebenezer on Wednesday the 10th of July. The 35th Regiment of Infautry, at Union Court House on Saturday the 13th of July,. The 45th Regimet of infantry, near the Burnt Factory, on Tuesday the ititi of July. The 37th Regiment of lat'antry, at Wilkin's Old Field, on Saturday the 20th of July The Officers and Sergeants of the 9th Brig. ade of Infantry, and 9th Iegimtentof Cavalry will assemble in encanpmentt at Gafitey's Old Field on Monday the 22d of July. The 9th Regetmentt of Cavalry will parade for review and drill, at Gafrney's Old Field on Saitrday the 27th of July. Thte 3.0th Regiment of Inafanttry, at Timmuons' Old Field, ott Monday the 29th of ,ihy. The 1st Regimtent of Iufantry, at Brtuton's on' Thursday thte 1et of Augttst next. The 3rd Rtegiment of Infantry, at Toney's Old Store. od Satutrday the 3d of Augnu-t. The Officers and Sergeaats of the 1st Brig ade of Infiatry, tnnd 1st regiment of Cavalry, will assemble int encampnun t at Pickeniville, ont Mondaty thte 5th of Augtust. The 1st Regimnent of Cavalry will parade for review and drill, on Saturday thte 10th of Au gst, at Pickensville. Thne .ith Regiment of Infantry, at Hunters, on 'Monday the 1'2tha of August. The '2d Regiment of Infantry, at~ Hall's on Thrsday thte 15th of August. Thte 42hl Regiment of Infantry, at Minton, on Satturday the 17th of August. The 4th Rtegimeat of Infantry, at Verrennes, on Tuesday the 20th of Angust. .. The Officers and Serg.iants of the 2d Dlrigade of Ifantry, and 2d Regiment of Cavairy, will assetble in encampment, at Longutires, (Shi bles) ont Monday the 26th of Augutst. Tte Oflicers end Sergeants of thte 10th Brig ode of Infantry, and 10th Regiment of Carnlry, will assomble in encampment, at Belfast, 'in Monda y the 9th of September next. The'Officers and Sergeants of the 6th Bri gade of Infantryt,and 6di Regimtent of Cavalry, will assemble in encampment, at Yonute's, on Monday the 16th of September. The Officers and Sergeants of thte 5th Bri gade of Infantry, and 5th Regiment of Cavalry, will assemble mn encampment, near Camden, on Motdayv the 23d of September. The 5th'Regiment of Catvalry will parade for review and drill, at Camden, on Saturday the 28th of September. Te 21st Regideont of Infatry, at Lancaster Court House. on Monday the :30th of Sept. The 28th Regiment of Infantry, at Chester %ield Court House, on Thtursday the 3d of October next. The 30th Regiment of Infantry, at Bennet .lle, on Saturday the 5th of October. The 29th Regi'ment of Infiantry, at Darking ton Court Hlouse, on Tuesday the 6th of 0O: e 221 R e 'ent of Infantry, at Camden, on Satrday th th of October. Tihe 12Ola RngjmetorlfImamtrym tthe Swim mitn Pens, on tuesday the 15th of October. The 44th legiment of infantry, at Suntor v;lle. on Timrsdav the 17th of October. Tile Otiicers aid Non-Conmmissioncd Oflicers of iihe lih lietiment of Infantry. will assembk for drill. on Sainirdlay the 6th nfJuily. The Ollic'rs and Ser-catis of the 11th,36th Uth, and 21-t Regimneit's of inuinhmry, beinig en enmnpced thoe week previons to theirreviews. are excused. wit iteir Corporals, from assenbliho at thcir elgimectitni parade groemods for drill previonsm to their reipectite reuiews. All othe Oleers nmd N aon-CommIssioned Ollicers, (in ciMdinlg the Corporals of Cavalry Re;:imet where the Officer zand Sergeants of such Regi tments are em-amped) will assemhle for drill and insirnetion on the day previous totheir zespece tive reviews. The Cavalry Corsis not otherwise orderec above, will pu'rade witi tihe limttry Regiment most couveoiemt. either biy Compatny, or Squa dron. The Comminrdants of Reaiments will be pre pared to answmr prompily, upon the field, on the d:mv of their respective reviews, any qnes tions relative to the effective and field strength the arms and equipments, of their respective Regiments. The ammal Drigade retnrns will benadenp nnd iranmitted iy the Diandier Geoerals, to the .\dinimid ilspector General. at Edge field Comnt I litmon. hv the 1st mmf November next acconin. in the blamk firtns Ieretofore furnish eml io themmt. The .Alajor Generals and Star, and Briga dier Geenls and Staff will attend the en campmelnis nad reviews or their respective Di visinimm tid rigades. The Dri*madier Gemerals are charged with the extemsion. to their Coimmaids. of so much o this order as relates to their respective Bri orades Dy order of the Comminander-in-Chief. JAMES JONES, [C] 5 h Adj.& A Insp. Gen. New Sipriug and Sunune GOODS. T H C Subscriber informs his friends at tie public generally, timt lie has just rc ceived irominm New York, a complete assort iutit mef Staple Fancy, Spriig and Sui mer Goods-among which are. 3-4 4-4 5-4 aid ti-4 brow & bleached Shirt ing and Sheetiigis, A andsone assortuii-t liglt co'd Prmts. 50 pictes liald col'rd Lodonm do. Freiehm prits and printed Jamcutet, Monruin and half mourning prints ant Mnlslills, Siper pritcd Lawns, 4-4 and i-4 Cambrics and cambric Muslins Swiss and book 31 uslimis, Jaconet. plaidtiimd sirime do. Lvommti. and brocade do. Ladies nmmd tant's white and black, silk H. S almd kiml Gloves, " " Cotton and thread do. SMisses black atid white neit Lace aid Ganze do. A iadmie assnnortment of gauze and satin and Alantia Ribbons. Dest t1aliatit scwinmgs, black blue, black, ant assorted by the quantiity, Hemm-stitchied, smper linmen cambric Hkfs 1lens and boys Pongee do. Ladie:s' gauze, Heranni, gro-de-nap and sew - ing ilkiHk's. 4-4 Irishlinens and linen lawn, Plain, :tsertcd and frilled bosoms and line collar<c, C-4 and 10-4 tahe diaper, 3-4 birds eye ant Itiasaia Diaper, 6-4 ?4t.4 and 104 damask table covers, French ina pins &. to%% els, French brown umd grass Linets. Whiie and brown linen Drillirgs Siper rib'd do. A variety of Cotton do. col-d. and striped fo: Paints. Omtnaburghs, Cases of palm leaf and willow Hoods, English Devon straw Bonnets, A large assortment of silk and cotton hose and hall H ose, 3-4 a nd 4-4 plaid and striped domestic, Silk, satinm, and Mlarsilles Vestig, Parasols anl Umbrellas. Feirniture,dimity and frimnge, Black bomibazioes ani mierimnos for Coats, Pari- mmedle wtorki muslin capes & inet cap Frenicha baskets, bleachiem Ru.sia Shmeetimnes Anmy asing like a g~tee nii enmetatiom of ar tics is iamt1rmcticmnble; bnai these in additiomn tc is formter stock, miake it memmiciently extemnsive and lie trusts his prices are sufficiently mioder ate to be worthy the attention of all who wasd to smtpply thnemmseves with articles in his lime. His lormer custmmaners anmd all who buy in thu market, wvili do hmimm, and perhmaps theanselvem a favor, by examininig his assortment before purcusiig. JO[N 0. B. FORD. Hatmburg, Mfarch 13, 1839. 7 tf. PROCLAMATIONV. EXECUTIVE DEkPARtTMENT, 'corxxsuA macu 13,1839.5 By His Excellcueyj PA TRICEK NOBLE, Est. Governor amid Cormnsuuder-in-ekief, in and oe time Slate of &,aulk Caroun~a. ' HIEIfEAS, imnformation has been receivi eI d itn this Deportmnent, that a mnost at trciouts murder wvas commintted in Lauremu District, on the 6th of this month, by Carter Prker on the body of Je!ferbon Reofland, and ta~tsaid Parker has fled froma justice. A ow, knmow ye, that mu time cnd justice may be done, and that time said Carter Parker maty be boght to legal trial amid condiga poushament for hiEs offence, as aforesaid. I do hereby offer a rwamrd of TH REE HUN DRL-D DOLLA 11S, for his apprehesiomn and delivery into any jail in the State. Carter Parker is described as being about :iti years of age, about 6feet 14 inch Iuig, light colored kanir, heard incling to red dishaess, rther a thin visage, sandy complexion talksqaick,and cuts his words short; face tolera bly broad at the eyes, but narrow at thme chim; a small piece broken off of ne of his front teeth; broahoulders, slenider waist, hmas a habit of mckig his teethm,large knees and k nock kneed; he is a blacksmith by trade, anid fund of ardent spiirits. Given under my hand and seal of' the State, at Colmimbia, 13th any of March, in the year of oar Lord one thousand eight hiun-. dred amid thmirty-nimne, antd in ahe sixty third year of the Inde penidence of the United States of Amnerica. PATRICK NOBLE. y thme Governor. 31. Lanon. Secretary of Sita. POLITICAL. REMARKS OF MR. CALHOUN, OF S. CAROLINA ON THE Bill to prevent the interference of certain Federal Ofcers in elections. Mr. Calhoun said: I belong, Mr. Presi dent, to that political school which re gards with a jealous eye the patronage o ttis Government, and believes that the less its patronage the better, consistentli with the objects for which the Govern ment was instituted. Thus thinking,. I have made no political move of any im portanuce, for the last twelve or thirtect years, which had not for its object, direct ly or indirectly, the reduction of patron age. But, notwithstanding this, I canno bring my mind to support this bill, deci dedly as I approve of its object. Among other difficulties, there is a constittiona objection, which I cannot surmount, ant which I shall, without further remark proceed to state and consider. This bill proposes to inflict the penalt: of dismission on a large class of tie offm cers of this Government, who shall elec tioneer, or attempt to control, or inflinence the election of public functionaries eithe of the General or State Governtnents without distinguishing between their olli cial bad individual character, as citizens and the questinn is, has Congress the conti stitutional right to pass such a law! That again, involves a prior, and still more gen eral question: has this Government t i authority to interfere with the electora rights of the citizens or ihe States? Ja considering this general question, shall assume, in the first place, what non will deny, that it belonas to the States sep arately to determine who shall, and wh shall not, exercise the right of suffrngc and, in the second, that it belongs to them in like manner, to regulate that right; tha is, to pass all laws that may be necessar; to secure its free exercise, otn the oni hand, and to prevent its abtse on the oth er. I next advatce the proposition which no one in the least conversant witi our institutions, or familiar with the con stitution, will venture to question, that a far as citizens are concerned, this right be longs solely to the States, to the entire e. clusion of tie General Government, whic\ can in no wise touch or interfere with it without transcending the lim its of the con stitution. Thus far there can be no differ ence or opinion. But a citizen may be also an officer o this Government, which brings up th question, has it the right to make it pena for him to use his official power to contro or influence elections? Can it, for instance make it penal in a collector, or other oWli cer, who holds a bond, in his oflicia character, on a citizen, fo thireaten to en force it, if he sheuld refuse te vote for hi favorite candidate? I regard this proposi tion as not less clear than the preceding % heuever the Government invests an in dividual n ith power, which may be use( to the injury of others, or the public, it i manifest that it not only has the right, hui that it is in duty bound to prevent its ahuse as far as practicable. But it must he born( in mind that a citizen does not cease ti be one in becoming a Federal officer The Government must, accordingly, takc special care, in subjecting him to penal ties, for the abuse of his oflicial-powers that it does not interfere in any wise witl his private rights as a citizen, and whicl are, as has been stated, under the exclu sive control of the States. But no sucl care is taken gither in this bill or the sub. stitute proposed by its author. Neithe make any distinction whatever betweet t he ojicial (and private acts of the ojicer a. a citizen. T(he broadest and tnost compre hensive termas are used, comprehendinj and subjecting all acts wit bout discrimina tion as to character, to the proposed pien alty. Under its prorvisious. if an otlice abould express an opinion or any candidl ate, say ofta President, who was a candid ate for re-election, whether favorable oi ufavorable, or to whisper an opinion re lating to his administrationi, wvhether gooc or had, he would subject himnself to th< penalty of this bill, as certaittly as if he had brought the whole of his oflicial pow. er to hear directly on the freedom of elee. tion. That a bill, containing such broad &i indiscriminate provisions, transcends the powers of Congress, and violates in the officer the electoral- rights of the citizen, held under the authority of his State, and guarantied by the provision of the consti tution, which secures the freedom ofspeeely to all, is too clear, after what has been said, to require additional illustration. It cannot pass without the enlarging the pow. er or the Government by the abridgenmen1 of te rights of the citizen. But, it may be replied, that'these are ins'ances where the Government has sub jected its ollicets to penalties for acts of a private character, over which the constitu tion has given it no control. Such un doubtedly is the fact, and its right to do so, in the eases referred to in the discus sion, cannot be denied; but all such cases are distinguished from that under consid eration by hines too broad to be mistaken. In all of them. the acts prohibited were in the first place, such as were itncompati~ble with the official duties enjoined; as in the ease of the prohibition of commissaries to purchase or deal in articles similar to those that are made their official- duty to pur chase, in order to prevent fraud on the public. And in the tnext, the aeta prohib ited involved only civil rights, which be long to hitn as a citizetn. The former hte may yield at nplnanure. without disedi. or disgrace, but the latter he cannot sur tender without debasing himself, and giv ing up a sacred trust vested in him, by the State of which he is a member, for the common good; nor can this Government denand its surrender, without transcead ing its powers and infringing the rights of the States and their citizens. It may also be said that, in most cases, it would be impossible to distinguish be tween the official and the political acts of the officer, so as to subject the former to penal restraints, without interfering with the latter, and that it would in practice render ineffective the admitted right of the Government to punish its officers for the abuse of their official powers. It may be so, but little or no evil can result. What ever defect of right this Government may labor under, in such cases, is amply made up by the plenary power of Ine States, which has an unlimited control over the electoral rights of its citizens, whet her offi cers of this Government or not. To them the subject may be safely conlided. It is they who are particularly interested in seeing that a right so sacred shall not be abused, nor the freedom orelection he in paired. We must not forget that States and the people of the States are our con stituents and superiors, and we hut their agents, and that if the right in question ,e abused, or the freedom of election im paired, it is they. and not we, who must mainly suffer, and who of course are the best judges of the evil and the remedy. If the policy of the States demands it, they may impose whatever restraint they please on the Federal officers within their respective limits, in order to guard against their control or influence in elections; and, if it be necessary to divest them entirely of the right of-sniffrage. To those who are so much more interested and compe tent to judge and act on this subject than we are, I am for leaving the decision as to what ought to be done, and the applica tion .f the remedy Entertaining these views, I am forced to the conclusion that this bill is uticonstitutional. and if there ivere no other reason to oppose its pas sage, wotild be compellea to vote against Iit. But there are others sufficiently decisive to compel me to witibold my support. were it possible to remove the constitutional ob jection. So far from restricting the pat ronage of the President, should the bill become a law, it would, if I mistake not, greatly increase his influence. He has now the almost unlimited power of remo ving the officers of this Government-a r power. the abuse of which has been the nubject of much and, in my opinion, of I just complaint on the part of the chamber to which the mover of this bill belongs, on the ground that it was calculated to in crease unduly the power anti influence of I that depariment of the Government. Now what is the remedy this bill proposes for that evil ? To put restrictions on the re moving power? The very reverse. To mnke it the duty, as it is now ihe right of the President to remove, and in discharging this high duty he is made the sole judge, i without limitation or nppeal. The fate of the accused would be exclusively in his hand, whether charged with the off'ence of opposing or supporting his administration. Can any one, the least conversant with party morals, or the working of the bu man heart, doubt how the law would be executed ? Is it not certain, that it would be most rigidly enforced against all officers who should venture to oppose him, either in the Federal or State Governments, with a corresponding indulgence and lenity to wards those who supported him? A single view, without prolonging the discussion, will decide. Should there be a President of such exalted virtue and patriotism as to make no discrimintation between frietnd amnd foe, the law would be perfectly use less; but if not, it would he tnade the pre text for indiscriminate removal of all, who mnay refuse to become his active atnd de voted partisans; and it woukd thus prove either useless, or worse thian useless. With the object which the mover of the hill has in view, it seems to me, lhe ought to take the very oppa3ile conifse, anri in steadi of making it the duty of the Presi dlent to remove, he ought to impose res trictiomns on the power of removal, or to di vest him entirely of it. Place the of flee holders, with their yearly salaries be yond the reach of the Executive power, and they wouldl in a short time be as mute andI inactive as this bill proposes to make them. Their voice, I promise, would then be scarcely raised at elections, or their persons he found at the polls. Butt suppose the immediate object of the bill accomplished, and the officers ren dered perfectly silent and passive; it might even then be doubted whether it would cause any diminution in the idfluence of patronage over elections. It ivould, in deed, greatly reduce the influence of the oficee holders. They would become the most insignificant portion of the comnmu nity, as far as elections were concerned. But just in the same proportion as they might sink, the no less formidable corps of office seekers woul rise in importance. The struggle for power bet ween the ins & outs would not abate in the least, in vio lence or intenbity, by the silence or inac tivity of the office-holders, as the amount. of patronage, the stake contended for, would remain undiminished. Both sides, those in and those out of power, would turn from the passive and silent body of incumbents, and court the favor' of the ac tive corps, tat panted to stapplant them; and the result wonld be, an annual sweep of the former, after every election, to make room to reward the latter, and that on whirchever sird the ale of vicetory might turn. The conscquence would be rotation with a vengeance. The wheel would turn round with such velocity that any thing like a stable system of policy would be inpossible.Ench temporary occu pant, that might ie thrown into oflice by the whirl, would seize the moment to make the most of his good fortune. before he might be displaced by his successor, and a system, (if such it might be called,) would follow, not less corrupting than unstable. With these decisive objections, I can not give my support to the hill, but I wish it to be distinctly understood, that in with holdihg it, I teither retract nor modify any sentiment I have expressed in relanion to the patronage of this Government. I have looked over, since the commencement of this discussion, the report I made as chair man of a select committee on the subject in 1835, and which has been so frequently referred to in debate by those on the oppo site side of the chamber, and 1 find nothing which I would omit, if I had now to draw it, but much, which rtime and reflection would induce me to add, to strengthen the grounds I then assumed. There is not a sentence in it incompatible with the views I have presented on the present occasion. I might here, Mr. President, terminate my remarks, as far as this bill iq concern ed; but as the general question of patron age is at all times one of importance under our system of Government, and especially so, in my opinion, at this present junc ture, I trust that I shall be indulged in offlering my opinion somewhat more at large in reference to it. If it be desirable to reduce the patron age of the Government, (and I hold it to be eminently so,) we tnust strike at the source-the root, and not the branches. It is the only way that will not in the end prove fallacious. The main sources of patronage may be found in the powers, the revenue, and the expenditures of the Government; and the first and necessary step towards its reduction. is to restrict the powcers of this Government within the i-igid limits prescribed by the constitution. Every extension of its powers beyond, would bring within its control sulbjects never intended to be placed there, follow ed by increased pairotange, and augmented expenditure and revenue. We must in the next place take care tint to call the a-knowledged powers of the Government into action beyond the limils which the common interest may render necessary, nor to pervert into means of doing what it was never intend ed by the constitution we should have the right to do. Of all the sources of power and influence, prevention of the powers of the Government has proved in practice the most fruitful and dangerous, of which our political history which furnishes ma ny examples, especially in reference to the money power, as will appear in the course of my remarks. A fLer restricting the powers of the Gov ernment within proper limits, the next important step wotil be to bring down the income and expenditures to the small est practicablc amount. It is a primary maxim under our system, to collect no more money than is necessary to the eco nomical and constitutional wants of the Govertitnent. We have, in fact, no right to collect a cent more. Nothing can tend more powertlly to corrupt public and private morals, or-to increase the patron age of the Government, than an exces sive or surplus revenue, as recent and sad experience has abundantly proved. Nor is it less important to restrict the expendi tures within the income. It is, in fact, in dispensable to a restricted revenue, as the increase of the former must, in the end, lead to an increase of the latter. Nor must an exact adlministration, atnd a rigid ac countability, ini every department of the Governmettt, be tneglected. it is among the most ellicient means of keeping down patronage and corruption, as well as the revenue and expenditures, just as the op posite is amotng the most prolific sources of both. It is tlit, and thtus only, that we can reduce elfectuatly the patronage of the Government, to the least amount con sistent with the dlischarge of the few, but important duties, with which it is charged, and render it, what the constitution in tended should be a cheap and simple Go vernment, instituted by the States, for their mutual security, and more perfect protection of their liberty and tranquility. It is the way pointed out by Jefferson and his associates of the Virginia school, which has ever been distinguished for its jealous opposition to patronage, as the bane ofa ttr political system, as is so pow erfully illustrated in the immortal docu muents so frequently referred to in this discuission-the report of thme Virginia Le gislature, on the alien and sedition law, in the year '99. But there is, and ever hans been, from the first, another and opposing schtool, that regarded patronage with a very different eye, not as a bane but as an essential in: gredieut,-.withtout which the Government would be impracticable; and whose lead ing policy is, to enlist in its favor the more pnwerful classes of society, through-their interest, as indispensable to their-support. If we cannot take lessoke from this school, on the question of patronage, wve may at least learn, what is of vast importance to be known, how and by what mean. this school has reared up a system, which has added so vastly to the power and patron age orthe Government, beyond what was contemplated by its framers, as to alarm its wisest and best friends for its fate. With the view of furnishing this information, so intimately connected with thme object of thee remnrksa. T nennso tinea .. brief and rapid narrative of the rise and progress of that system. At the head of this school stands the name of Hamilton, than which there is none more distinguished in our pUlificat histery. He is the perfect type and iri. personation of the national or Federal school, (I use party names with . re!ue tance, and only for the sake of brevity,) as Jefferson is or the State Rights Republi can school. They were both me- of emi nent talent, ardent patriotism. great bold nessi and comprehensive and systematie understanding. They were both meet who fixed on a single object far ahead and converged all their powers towards its ac complishment. The difference between them is, that Jefferson had more genius. Hamilton more abilities; the former lean ed more to the side of liberty, and his great rival more to that of power. They both have impressed themselves deeply on the movements of the Government, but, as yet, Hlamilton far more so than Jefferson, though the impression of the latter is destined in the end, as I trust, to prove the more durable of the two. It has been the good fortune of tlif school of which Mr. Jefferson is the head# to embody their principles and doctrines in written documents, (the report referred to, and the jrginia and Kentucky resolu tions,) which are the acknowledged creed" of the party, and may at all times be re ferred to, in order to ascertain what they are in fact. The opposite school has leit no such written and acknowledged creed. but the declaration & acts of itsgreat lead leave little doubt as to either its prinei pies or doctrines. In tracing them a nar rative of his life and acts need not be given. It will suffice to say, that he en tered early in life into the army of the revolution, add became a member of the military family of Washington, whose--. confidence he gained and retained to the. last. He next appeared in the conventiot which framed the pconstitution wherie.', with his usual boldness, he advocated a" President and Senate for life, and the ap pointment, by this Governient, of the Governor of the States, with a veto on. State laws. These bold measures failiof he retired from the convention,it is said in disgust; but afterwards, on more tea ture reflection, became the zealotis and able advocate of the adoption of the con stitution. He saw, as he thought, in t scheme of Government, which conferred the unlimited powerof taxing and declar ing war, the almost unbounded source :of power, in resolute and able hands, hence his declaration, that though the Government was weak in its organi zation, it would, when put in action, find the means of supporting itself; a profound reflection, proving that he clearly saw how to make it, in practice, what his move ments in the convention had -failed to ac complish in its organization. Nor has lie. left it in doubt, as to what were the means on which he relied to effect his object. We all recollect the famous assertion of the elder 1dams, that the "British consti tution," restored to its original principles, and freed from corruption, was the wisest and best ever formed by man; and Ham ilton's reply, that the British constitution, freed from corruption, would be impracti cable, hut, with its corruption, was 11h. best that ever existed. To realize what' was intended by this great man, it must be understood, that he meant not corrup. tion in its usual sense of bribery. He was too able amd patriotic to resort to such means, or to the petty policy this bill is intended to prevent. Either of these modes of operation was on too small a scale for him. Like all great and 'comprehensivo. minds, tie acted on masses, withoit.much' regard to individuals He meant, by .ot ruption, something fatr more 'poiwerful antd comp~rehensive; that policy, which' sys. temnatically favored the 'great and power ful classes of society, with the view or binding them,- through thetnt interest; 'to the support of the Government. This' was the single object of big policy, and @ wvhich he strictly and resolutely adhieradp throughout'-his career,' lhnt which, wheth' er-suited or not, to the British syistern o1' Government, is, as time has show'aus congenial and dangerous to ours. - After the -constitution was' ado'ted, he was placed at the head of- the Treasury' Department, a position which gave fulf scope to liise abilities, and plaed -am'pe means at his disposal to rear up the 'sy-s tem he meditamed. . Well and akiJfully did he -use themt. His first mea'stre was the adoption of the funding system, ottthe British model; and on this the two schools, which have ever since,. under .one fdrm o anotlier. divided. the counify,- 'ad 'nee will divide it, so long as the. Givensin ' endures, came into conflict. 'They were both in favor of keeping the'"publicetfttb - but differed as to the mode afussu'atingihe public debt,'and the ainount thatogh t be assumed. The pohtey of Hsaailiou pre. vailed. - The amoumnt assumied was ab' ne $80,000,000. a' vast sum for h codutfs6 impoverishied, imd witt& a popidatioat-so inconsiderable, us we then bad.2 T1hirdr ation of'the system, addthe iaesdgilietio so larae a~debt,~ gave a decided, and pow erful impulse 'to the'Governme'dt, iji-tho direction in which it -has' sided co'ilin'ned to mover almost consatif. This was Ibllowed- by a meae a iF ed on his own' resposibiiiyd ti'z face of'law,-but which, thougb[ihitw# it ttttractedl little aIseatioi ot ' nA*t~o has proved. the ifos10 pwetfs ol-ti means employed in. rarii ny and ntn ainaing' his favorite-systemn.:' :refer'to the Treas'soy :ordeor directing time receipt of bank notes iu'the dues of'the-Government, and-'which was the Oirst link of that un