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From the. Pendleton Messenger. Was hi >"6 Tax, May *24, 1833. * ? A writer in a late number of your paper propounds certain questions to me which I have neither the right nor the incli nation to refuse to answer. The respectful character of the article, as well as the obvious ly respectable source from which it comes, forbid me to -do. so. I therefore send you a speech whfch I delivered in Congress before I saw "the article in your paper. I believe all the questions are answered in the speech. Lest they may not be with sufficient dis tinctness, f new add that I am opposed to en trusting the keepingwof the public. money to agents appointed by the President and remov al at his pleasure. I am opposed to >Ir. Rwes* substitute, as being but a revival of the exploded Pet Bank system. I am also op posed to the charter of a United States Bank. I am in favour of special deposites with Banks properly selected, preferring in all cases where they exist, Banks owned in whole or in part by the States; in such manner that the money is not to be used by the Banks in which it is deposited. I believe this plan, in every particular, the best. The money will be kept at less expense, will be more safe, more easily transferred, and it will cut down it not entirely destroy this great source of Government patronage. I am unalterably opposr 4 to the rejection of Bank notes and the demand of gold and silver for all public dues. No possible com bination of circumstances can induce me to. vote for a measure which I believe will caus(> so much ruin and misery. Whatever may. be my opinion on the gen eral question of the right of the constituent to instruct his representative, I do not hesitate to say that such is mv peculiar relation to my constituents, that f would not throw ray self ra the way of their deliberately formed opinions on any subject. That "kindness and liberality" on their part to ^hich your correspondent allu4es, I am fwHy conscious of, and have endeavored to repay it in a man ner more substantial thii professions ? by a stern and constant devotion to their interests, of such poor powers as God has given me. I am ready in their service, to sacrifice that, which I value far, very far beyond all other honors? th?r confidence and support. I have cal aly and deliberately re-examined my opinions on the great question now agitated, and I am only the more confirmed in their correctness. Until convinced that I am in error, no human power can force me to change ray course. If such shall not be (as I do not doubt that in time they will be) the opinions of my constituents, it will give me much pain ?nothing so much, however, as would the consciousness that any combination of cir cumstances should have farced me to sacri fice my own settled convictions of duty. I believe the system proposed will be injurious to the whole country, and more so to the South than to any other section. If these opinions, honestly entertained and fearlessly expressed, shall forfeit me the confidence of valued friends, it will not be the first time that I have sacrificed popularity and office to a sense of public duty. I am aware of the powerful influences which have operated in my district to produce different opinions, and of the small hope thererfis of my being able successfully to resist these influences. This in no wise diminishes the obligation to at tempt it. I shall most assuredly by all the raoans in my power vindicate my course as yonr representative, relying on the intelli gence, firmness and justice of those who sent me here. I therefore ask the favour of you to publish the speech which I send you, and I refyupon the 44 liberality and kindness" of each and all of my constituents to read it dis passionately and form their own conclusions; and I leave it to them to decide whether the systematic and fierce denunciation of which I hare been the subject, results more from a regard to the public good than from feelings of private-aad personal hostility. Itespectfulfr-, your ob't. serv't., W. THOMPSON, Proclamation . "EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. ) -Columbia, Jvhz 6, 1838. S Bf His ExceUency PIERCE M. BUTLER, Esq , Governor and Commander-in-chief in and over the State of South Carolina, WHEEE AS information has been received by this Department that a most atrocious mur der was committed irt^ the District of Orangebureh on the<6th day of May last, about dark, on the body of Johjt Bonxxt, while sitting by the fire in his own home, who was th?n and there shot dead by some person as yet unknown? - NOW KNOW YE, That to 'he intent that jus tice may be done, and that the perpetrator of this torrid crime may be brought to legal punishment, I do hereby offer a reward of TWO HUNDRED DOLLARS to any person or persons who will give information against the perpetrator of the said mur der, so that the offender, his aiders, and abettors may be apprehended and suffer the penalty of the law for the said crime. And it it hereby further proclaimed and made known, that the informant, on his appearing and giv ing evidence on the trial of the said murderer, his aiders, and abettors, shall s*and free and discharged of and from any prosecution or legal proceedings against himself, for or on aceount of the said mur der. Given under my hand and the seal of the State, at Columbia, 6th June, 1838. P. M. BUTLER. By Order. B. H. Saxon, Secretary of State. 24 Gi In Equity. LEXINGTON DISTRICT. Sarah Howard and others ) vs. [ Bill for Partition. Wm. Howard and others. ; "WWY virtue of a decree of the Court of Equity in -O the above case, I will expose for sale at public outcry, at Lexington Court House, on the first Mon day in July next, the following tracts of land, viz : . one tract contaiuiitg four hundred and eighty-five acres, more or less, situated on Light-wood Creek, in Lexington District, bounded by lands belonging to John Ruext, John K. Johnston, Walter Gantt, and others. One other tract, containing four hundred and ninety-six-acres, more or less, situated on Light ivood Creek, bounded by lands belonging to John Quartiebaum, Banks Gnnter, and others. Terms of Sale^ ? Cash enough to pay the costs of the suit, and the balance on a credit of twelve months from the day of sale, without interest ? the purcha ser to give bond with security, and a mortgage of the premises. J. A. ADDISON, C. E. L. D. June 9, 1838 24 4t 20 Dollars Reward. A LARGE black MARE and two dark MARE MULES left my plantation on the 26th April. The above reward * ill be given for their appre hension, czr injonnaiion of them so that 1 can get iheTtt' J. L. CLARK. May y I8 Coluititofo ?elesscope. | SATURDAY, JUNE 16, 1838. INSTRUCTIONS. We have never believed in the doctrine of the Constituent's right to direct the vote of his Representative in the Legislature. We have always regarded it as a notion set up, by demagogues, in order to gain an advan tage for themselves over men of less pliant j principles. No intelligible theory can be brought to sustain it ; and its practice scarce- I ly exhibits a trait, except of folly and par ty fury, on the one side, and of corruption and servility on the other. The practical effect of instructions is en tirely at variance with the private honour, faith, consistency, and independence, of the member instructed. It makes the blind, or even dishonorable will, of other persons, his guide of thought and action. It transforms him into mere senseless glass, to reflect each fresh contortion of party folly, each new grimace of popular levity. It banish es conscience, self-respect, personal dignity, from the bosom of every public agent, and substitutes facility to degrade himself, ? promptness to prefer popular favor to the solid good of the country?pliancy to all doctrines ? servility to all power. Instructions evidently tend to dishonour and demoralize the representative, without any gain or security to the constituents. For how can the latter have any confidence that the man who has shown himself capable of acting contrary to his principles, for their favour, will not be equally ready to be tray his constituents themselves, whenever he may find it convenient or profitable ? So much for the immediate parties. Let us now look at the matter in regard to the community in general. When that community assembles, by means of a Legislature, to settle the mode in which they shall pursue their common good, what right can any portion claim, of putting what interests they please apart from the rest, and pre-determining that these shall not be open to legislation ? They as semble for purposes with which such a claim is incompatible ? to deliberate, that is to say, upon their interests, as a stock held in common; with a perfect equality; and where all minor advantages or wishes shall yield to the common good cf the whole society. In a word, they aie a deliberative body, and instructions take away the ryht of delibe ration ; they are parts of a society ; and yet claim to be exempt from that mutual com promise, without which society cannot ex ist. It is obvious, then, that primary constitu ents have no right of instruction. Still less, therefore, can secondary constituents, such as a Legislature, possess it. These latter are constituents in point of form ? by virtue of office. They are merely the agents for appointing another set of popular agents. ? That function being performed, they have nothing further to do with the matter; no more than with directing how a Governor shall proceed in his official trust; or & Judge in the trial of every case brought before him. Those who contend for the doctrine of instruction, say that the Legislature of course possess the right to instruct the Senator in Congress, because they elect him. Accord ing to this notion, it would follow that Mi litia officers, and Sheriffs, and Judges, and Constables, and Presidents, are all equally bound to the orders of those whose Totes ap point them ! What possible reason can be given why the Legislative agent of the people should stand, as to this matter, in a different pre dicament from any other ? His functions are just as broad and general as the Judge's or the Executive's. Their authority is de rived from the same source as his; their functions not a whit more overturned than his, by interference with their exercise. Why may not the Judge go upon the bench, pledged to listen to no evidence nor argument, as the Legislator enter an assem bly, convened for general purposes, where he has vowed to disregard all interests ex cept those of a part ? Legistation supposes the comparison of each interest, in the com munitv, with all others; the weighing them, one against another; and the deciding that the greater ones, shall prevail. As each section knows only its own interests, it can only make this comparison or ascertain how far the public good permits the adoption of its local wishes, by meeting the other sec tions, in open and equal deliberation. If it attempts to decide every thing upon its own local views alone, and sends its pageant re presentative but to witness the deliberation of questions already decided for liim, what is it but to render a verdict first, and hear the testimony afterwards? or, having your selves given sentence in a case, to appoint, afterwards, a man who shall go to hear the evidence ? Again ; the tenure of representative office is, by the Constitution, definite; and no more depends' on popular pleasure than does the office of a Judge, the Executive, or any body else, supposed to have been set high est above democratic caprice. The Senato rial body is specially composed (through a longer period of service and by a provision to prevent the change of more than one third of the members at a time) for the pur pose of rendering one great part of the Go vernment a regular check to mere popular humors. If this coercive right of instruction ex ists, it totally over hrows the carefully or ganized difference of structure in the two bodies ; one of which, by short terms of ser vice, is placed within the frequently-recur ring eontr&ul of the people; the other, by its permanent character, studiously placed beyond such eontroul. PRESIDENT MAKING. | We are sorry toNsee in certain quarters in-v dications of a growing desire to enlist this State in the Presidential contest. For some time past she has followed the policy (enjoin ed by humiliating experience) of leaving that matter to be settled by the tricks of the pol itical hazard table abroad ? convinced that it is a game in which, gain who may, the peo ple, honesty, and freedom, are sure to suffer damage. At present, there are two candidates so prominent as to eclypse all others, and tne event is to be decided by a violent struggle between Van Buren and Clay. We need not discuss the comparation qualities of these gentlemen. .There are abundant reasons why South Carolina cannot vote for either of them, ^without the utmost discredit to her self. It has always been our endeavour, in our feeble manner and humble sphere, to recall the thoughts of our people from foreign hopes and objects, and to fix them steadily on our domestic institutions. The Statey at last, forms the only sure resort to which her citi zens should look for both safety and respec tability. We- have no confidence in this process of saving the country by President-making . If nothing but a President can save the country, then most assuredly the country will go un saved. It is really a sort of dreaming in day light, to imagine, after our late experience, that security and liberty, for the States, are to come from the central power; or that liberty and security can ever be essentially and effectively such, for the domestic govern ments, unless self-derived, self-dependent, self-upheld ? the gift of no power, and far less of any man or office, abroad. We exceedingly doubt whether, under our institutions, a State can ever be placed in greater jeopardy than by obtaining the elec tion of a president whom she has mainly served to advance. Strong and perpetual jealousy of the General Government is the only safety i for the States; and a discriminating opposi tion far better than support upon any terms. If such is the geueral truth, the existing con juncture is surely the very last in which to abandon it. Good principles, every thing that does not leave honesty aud freedom amongst us a mere name, have been driven from com promise to compromise, from loss tr loss, from one weak surrender to another, untill a single further concession is the extinction of all public liberty. If we aie content to,put out that last light, we had as well strike the State Rights and Nullification flag at once Our remarks of last week on the origin of the sub-Treasury caucus yet stand undenied. We knew they would ; but this is no,t enough. Gentlemen who hold such conduct to be fair and honorable should avow their participation at once, lest public opinion, groping in uncertain light, may rest the im putation on the wrong heads? -on heads that may not deem themselves adorned by such a garland. But, for the present, the proceedings in caucus, their bitter personality and indecent haste, are enough for our contemplation. The tone of some of the gentlemen who ad dressed this conclave, while firm and manly, was calm and reasonable ; but these were heard without enthusiasm. The speech of Mr. Rhett, in particular, was marked by a dignity and freedom from coarse personality which his temper, unhappily, did not permit him to retain through the subsequeqt de bate in the House. But Mr. Rhett's speech was endured only with patience, while a blustering, noisy gentleman, sur charged with boisterous abuse and personal ] vituperation, was haiied with cheers by the delighted multitude. More especially did the Hall tremble with applauding thunder, j when the orator, in his own peculiar style of eloquepce, exclaimed, of one of our honora ble Senators, " Colonel Preston a Carolini au ? No, sir ! ? He is no Carolinian ! He is no more of a Carolinian, sir, than I am of a Frenchman !" I Citizens of Carolina! this multitude, "thus consulting," was your Legislature! This conclave overtopped your Legislature! for here were members pledged to sustain in the Halls of Assembly, by the sober light of day, the eructations of alight of moral intoxica tion. A dashing, headlong, inconsiderate haste is stamped on every thiug. The very ety mology of the resolutions bears the brand of 44 Harry Co" (and that Co. includes a long list of names from the families of fol ly and injustice, with bitter repentance as a sleeping partner to share the proceeds at leisure.) They would hardly pass inspec tion in a first-class composition at a respect able grammar school. They begin with a " whereas," that members have mixed with their, constituents and find that they ap proveMhe resolutions past last session ; and then dispensing with the usual stepping stone of a 44 therefore, v they at once re~ solve in favour of an Independent lieasu ry with the specie provision. Wise men have held that even unnecessary incumbran ces of foimal language, in the drawing up of laws and solemn documents, 'were of es pecial advantage, as demanding more delib eration in a business where there never could be too much. But an undue diffidence of their own abilities does not appear to have been the besetting sin of our members in caucus assembled; and doubtless they con ceived their fulminations to be of weight suf ficient to crush trembling senators in their seats at Washington, even tho' wanting in the fine point and extra polish of good grammati cal English. Be that as it may, in two hours the finan cial system of the United States was settled, members were pledged to the support of cer tain resolutions, and.the ceremony of deliber ! ation put off to the next day. Some five hours consumed in the formality of a debate evinced the unflinching faith of the party. They trampled down in solid column every shadow of amendment. But piesently a voice is heard from a quar ter haying authority; an entire new set of res olutions are read, to be substituted for the old. Pledged members are ordered to un pledge and tackle to the new measure. The resolutions, as finally adopted, were the result of a deliberation of exactly three quarters of an I hour. Yet a correspondent of the Mercury bitterly laments the waste of time in superflu- | ous discussion. This correspondent forgets j to do honour to the zealous effort of a mem ber to smother the expostulations of the mi nority under a motion for the previous ques tion. Unhappily, the rules of the house for bid the application of this panacea. But we cauuot too much admire the boldness of the mover, when we consider that, odious as this measure has become in the hands of ttie pre sent dynasty at Washington, the Administra tion have never, (even at the time when that gentleman held his present friends in avowed contempt) had so little regard for their char acter as to presume upon that resort after a debate of no more than six hours. On the resolutions themselves we shall have something to say in our next. At the request of Mr. Cunningham, we publish the following, on behalf of the wri ters. Philadelpaia, May 28th 1838. Dear Sir. ? We received this morning the Columbia Telescope of the 19th inst. which you were kind enough to forward us, and for which we feel deeply indebted, as, but for your attention, we should have suffered un der a charge, which we are sure we can sat isfy you we do not merit. Our business being extensive and requir ing all our attention, we determined, on un dertaking the publication of the 4' Periodical" in question, (which has been discontinued 18 months,) to place the Editorship jn the hands of a gentleman fully competent to the task, and one whom we knew to be quite as strongly opposed to the doctrines ofabolition as ourselves. Of many of the books contain ed in the " Library" we have never read a page to this day, and " Rankin's Sierre Leone," the work refered to we presume, is of the number. ? So well acquainted are we with the sentiments of the Editor on this subject, that we feel assured nothing was farther from his wishes or intentions than to publish a work which could, by any possibil I ity, create the least feeling in the South. For ourselves, we can only say, that we have | offended unintentionally ; for so anxious have we been to avoid doing aught which would be likely to engender any ill feelings, that we have invariably zefused to print a line which we knew to touch on the subject. As an evidence of this, we had the offer of an early copy of Miss Martineau's retrospect of Western Travel, ? her former work had been highly successful, and we thought this likely to prove equally so ? but being well aware of the opinion expressed in her first work, we asked for a few hours time to de cide ? we read the work through hastily, and declined undertaking the publication on the ground that we would not publish any work which reflected on a large portion of the Union, and with whose rights no one should interfere. To those who know us this explanation i would be unnecesary, as we have never hesi tated to express our opinion freely on the subject ; but as we are most anxious to re move a wrong impression, may we beg the fa vor of ycru to make this statement to the edi tor of the Telescope and ask him to make the same to his readers. Yours very truly, E. L. CAREY, <fc A. HART. To W. Cunningham, Esq. Columbia S. C. | The department of our Correspondents will be found quite rich this week. MR. MYERS'S SPEECH. On Thursday, the 31st day of May, the House of Representatives, on motion of Mr. Davie, took up the following resolution, of j fered by him, and made the special order of the day, to wit : " Whereas, we have lately mixed with our constituents, and believe tfeat they are deci dedly in favor of the sub-Treasury system, | and approve of the Resolutions past last session of the Legislature, which resolutions declare it expedient to separate the federal revenues from banks and banking operations, and dangerous and unconstituticnal to mcor- j porate a National Bank ? Resolved , That we earnestly request our Senators and Representatives in Congress to vote for the bill to establish the Independent Treasury, with the specie provision." The adoption of the resolution having been opposed by Messrs. Adams and Pktigru, and advocated by Mr Davie, Mr. MYERS, of Fairfield, spoke in substance as follows : | Mr. M. said that before he presented the views which it had been his intention to sub mit in opposition to this measure, he would prefer to take his course with all the lights before him. If any superior, but concealed influence, which could induce gentlemen, by this extraordinary movement, to u cover an adversary, or hold an ally in checlc , was op erating here, he would be glad to know it. Mr. M. said that he was informed that the member from Chester was the mere instru ment in submitting a resolution which had been adopted by a legislative caucus, which caucus, he was also informed, had been held in obedience to instructions from Washing ton, which had reached here three days ago. Was his information right, or was it wrong ? If ri^ht, was it in obedience to an edict or a manifesto; and if the latter, what were the reasons set forth 1 If they were satisfactory I they might command his concurrence, and he paused that gentlemen might assign them; for as yet he had heard none. He said that, at the session in December, the resolutions submitted by the same member who was now the instrument for proposing this had left to those members of^the delegation in Congress who opposed the divorce and the metallic currency, ?? the rightful exercise of their independent judgment and if inde pendence of judgment was rightful then, why js it wrongful now ? Is it that gentlemen have siace tak >n their soundings and estima ted their strength ? Is intolerance the attri bute of organized and ascertained majori ties ? If numbers alone are the received cri teria of rights, the member would do well to reflect that the verdict which is rendered by this tribunal must abide the censure of the country at large ; and how infinitely paltry will be his array of strength, when confront ed with the legions by which he will be overwhelmed ! Gentlemen had not answered him, however, as to the rumors of which he had asked. (Mr. Thompson, of Spartan burgh, having said that he had not heard of any communication from Washington, Mr. Myers resumed.) The orders of. the chief are not usually directed to the whole camp; but as none who are understood to be in command can speak in reference to the ru mor, we are to presume that the directions had either not been given, or, if given, that confidence had been enjoined. Turning then (said Mr. M.) from the mo vers to their measures, 1 propose to inquire what practical result is to be attained by the resolution before you? If my information is correct, sir, the sub-Treasury bill, in its present form, passed the Senate of the Uni ted States with the votes of both of the Sena tors from South Carolina recorded against it. In that form it has gone to the lower House, where it now lies upon the table. It is un derstood that upon its passage the votes of the Representatives from this Slate will be di vided. Is it in reference to their course that this proceeding is devised ? To instruct Mr. Legare, Mr. Campbell, or General Thomp son, you do not pretend to arrogate the right. This power, if belonging to any, rests prop erly with their constituents. If, then, you do not assume the right to instruct these gen tlemen as to their course, upon what ground do you undertake to request them to change it ? 1 do not profess, sir, in the ordinary course of things, to be embarrassed with un usual. modesty ; but I must confess myself startled at the presumptuousness of this re quest ! From September till" May (eigh cal endar months) the constituents of these mem bers had forborne to instruct, or even to re quest them to sustain this measure of the administration ; and yet, sir, this House, having had no agency in their election, has the unblushing hardihood to request them to bow down and do homage to the golden calf of that guileless Israelite, Thomas H. Ben ton. Mr. Speaker, (said Mr. M.,) how other wise are we to interpret this resolution than that these members of Congress are request ed to surrender to us the exercise of their judgment, and to defer to our superior wis dom that which we have no right to claim from superior authority. If I were to re quest the honorable member from Cheste/ to surrender his judgment and his consciencfc into.my keeping upon the subject matter of this debate, and permit me to direct him how his vote should be given, in what unmeasur ed terms of indignation would I not be justly rebuked I Yet, sir, a request which be would resent as insolence when proposed to him self, he regards 44 an act of grace" when sub mitted to another; with'this manifest differ ence against him, th,at he, in the case sup posed, could be regarded in no other light than as an interloper between the Representa tives to be affected and their proper constitu ents. What agency, suffer me to ask, has the honorable member had in the election of General Thompson, for example ? If none, might not a Representative of Greenville and Pendleton, in Congress, with equal proprie ty, enlighten the conscience of a member of the Legislature from Chester, as the latter might claim to indoctrinate him with his na tions of finance ? If either can with propri ety assume to be the teacher of the other, it appears to me that all usage as well as prin ciple is in favor of that party instructing, the duties of whose station oblige him to inform himself in reference to the subject matter. If, however, (said Mr. M.,) we refer to the preamble to this resolution, it would seem that the missive is directed, not on the pre text of superior intelligence or superior au thority on the part of those who send it, but because they have " lately mixed with their constituents, and believe them to be decidedly in favor of the sub-Treasury system, specie provision and all !" If this (said Mr. M.) is to be regarded the predicate of the very mo dest request which follows, and if it should turn out that the gentlemen have been un fortunate in establishing this fact, what be comes of the request which is the corollary ? Of course it must be disregarded. What ev idence have gentlemen adduced to sustain them in this statement ? A people decidedly in favor of a pending measure whose fate is known to have been doubtful, and the course of whose representatives is also known to be adverse to what is here represented to be their views, would hardly have reposed in silence for eight months, and even then have left to others the statement of their opinions, without a syllable ever uttered by them in their collective capacity. Decidedly is the word, sir; no less forcible one would have sanctioned this proceeding ; and yet gentle men are incapable of pointing you to a single manifestation to convince you that the peo ?ple of this Slate, in their aggregate capacity, have ever formed or uttered opinions upon the subject. Sir, said Mr. M., it would re quire stronger proofs than the uncorrobora ted statements of heated and committed par tisans upon this floor to induce me to believe that, at a time when the people are strug gling against a heavy and unusual accumu lation of debt, they are dccidedly in favor of lowering the price of their produce, and of thus diminishing their ability to pay ; the necessary and unavoidable consequence of bringing all payments to a specie standard, the measure which this resolution is cast to vindicate. But, sir, the member does- not venture, in the preambl? to his resolution, to affirm that he has consulted his constituents. No, sir, he has " mixed' ' with them, and be hold the mongrel progeny ! I too, Mr. Speaker, have 44 mixed" with my constitu ents, but (perhaps with less sagacity for de tecting the inclination of majorities than the member from Chester) I have made no such discovery of their opinions as would warrant me in voting here that the people of Fairfield are dccidedly in favor of a sub-Treasury sys tem, with a provision for the payment of Go vernment dues in specie. So faf as I have conversed with intelligent gentlemen there,- 1 confess that I have found much contrariety of opinion ; but as to ever having submitted the matter to the people of my district, so- a* even to be informed of the opinion of a ma jority, I confess that I have not, as I was ne ver aware that, as their representative here, . I had any proper concern with the question. Perhaps, said Mr. M., the District of Fair field has not the right geographical position to receive upon trust the money projects of , the great Humbugger and the Little Magi- * cian and their illustrious coadjutor. Mr. M. said that it was a singular comment . tary upon the consistency, of the principle of the member from Chester, that while his resolution and preamble were still upon the table, affirming in such unqualified terms his adhesion to a metallic currency , a bill was al so before the House, reported by him, for the relief of Charleston, providing tn effect for the issue of two millions of bank notes ; and it was further to be observed, that where as he and his coadjutors would have no oth er sort of treasury for the Federal Govern ment than an Independent Treasury, yet the financial project reported by them for the re lief of Charleston, has, as a prominent and leading feature, the agency of a Bank to car ry out the details of what he must of course regard an Independent State Treasury as in- ? competent to. In the same breath he " di vorces " the one, and binds the other, by the most solemn and formal ties of connection, to 44 banks aud banking operations." I crave to know, said Mr. M., why banks and bank ing operations are not as necessary to the re ceipt, safe custody, and payment of Federal as of State funds, and why the intervention of banking facilities is introduced into the bill on your table, if an independent treasury could have answered the purpose as well, without the interposition of a bank ? In fact, said Mr. M., trace the member from Chester throughout his whole financial course, and his flagrant inconsistency and blunders admonish him to less assured confi dence in his own opinions, and a more free tolerance of the differences of others. fw. find him, in his memorable communication to the Columbia Telescope of the 15th of July last, signed "Chester," affirming that ' The Bank of the United States must be re~ chartered , with the right to enlarge its capi tal fifteen or twenty millions, that its power to accommodate and it s influence (mark the word) may be increased and in December reporting a resolution to this Legislature, 44 that it would be unconstitutional^ inexpedi ent, and dangerous to incorporate a national Bank. So complete, sudden, and radical a change of opinion is without precedent or parallel in the history of the public men and measures of any country or of any age with which I am acquainted, and the member has not even left himself the defence, that the choice presented in July was between the pet bank system and a Hank of the United States, and that he vindicated it then under au alternative which no longer exists since the proposal of the Independent Treasury system in September by the President J for no choice between opposing systems could excuse a statesman in selecting that which he has solemnly and religiously pro nounced to be not only dangerous , but a vio lation of the Constitution of his country ! Butf sir, as though determined. to be true to his character for inconsistency, the mem ber, in his letter of July, '37, pronounces a studied panegyric upon the credit system, in opposition to a metallic currency ; and now, in May, '38, (only eight short months,) ap proves, in this resolution, the sub-Treasury system 44 tenth its specie provision*11 I read from his letter, sir: 44 What then (asks the member)* must be done ?" 44 Make the issue to the people, between the credit system and the metallic currency. Shall we, at {he haz ard of a revolution, and the certainty of a still greater depreciation of property, abandon a system , the greatest discovery in modern civilization , and which has done more for the developement of this country than any other influence, when well regulated, and return to the crude , clumsy , and inadequate one of a me tallic currency ?" And yet, sir, this clumsy and crude scheme of J uly becomes the fa vored and fostered one of May ; and the greatest discovery of modem civilization is to be sacrificed to a " specie provision /" This transformation is so quick and so thorough as absolutely to astound the sense, so that we can scarcely believe what our eyes con vey to us. Nothing, for suddenness, can compare with it, unless it be the growth of Jonah's gou*d in a single night. The mem ber should reflect that probably others, who have less versatility of talent than himself, cannot perform these magic transformations "with the same thrift or with the same dexte rity ; and I therefore appeal to his magnani mity if it would not be kind in him to forbear to press the resolution which he has reported INSTRUCTIONS. Mr. Editor ? I said in my last, that I had no evidence of the communications from members of Congress, that gave rise to the resolutions of the last short session. But I hear, as yet, no'contradiction to the common rumors; which, if true, I consider as an un fair attempt to render the Legislature of this State, and its members, the tools and inotru ments of political partizans at Washington. The means proposed and put in force, that