Columbia telescope. (Columbia, S.C.) 1828-1839, June 16, 1838, Image 2
From the. Pendleton Messenger.
Was hi >"6 Tax, May *24, 1833.
* ? A writer in a late number of your
paper propounds certain questions to me
which I have neither the right nor the incli
nation to refuse to answer. The respectful
character of the article, as well as the obvious
ly respectable source from which it comes,
forbid me to -do. so. I therefore send you a
speech whfch I delivered in Congress before I
saw "the article in your paper. I believe all
the questions are answered in the speech.
Lest they may not be with sufficient dis
tinctness, f new add that I am opposed to en
trusting the keepingwof the public. money to
agents appointed by the President and remov
al at his pleasure. I am opposed to >Ir.
Rwes* substitute, as being but a revival of the
exploded Pet Bank system. I am also op
posed to the charter of a United States
Bank. I am in favour of special deposites with
Banks properly selected, preferring in all
cases where they exist, Banks owned in whole
or in part by the States; in such manner that
the money is not to be used by the Banks in
which it is deposited. I believe this plan, in
every particular, the best. The money will
be kept at less expense, will be more safe,
more easily transferred, and it will cut down
it not entirely destroy this great source of
Government patronage.
I am unalterably opposr 4 to the rejection
of Bank notes and the demand of gold and
silver for all public dues. No possible com
bination of circumstances can induce me to.
vote for a measure which I believe will caus(>
so much ruin and misery.
Whatever may. be my opinion on the gen
eral question of the right of the constituent to
instruct his representative, I do not hesitate
to say that such is mv peculiar relation to
my constituents, that f would not throw ray
self ra the way of their deliberately formed
opinions on any subject. That "kindness
and liberality" on their part to ^hich your
correspondent allu4es, I am fwHy conscious
of, and have endeavored to repay it in a man
ner more substantial thii professions ? by a
stern and constant devotion to their interests,
of such poor powers as God has given me. I
am ready in their service, to sacrifice that,
which I value far, very far beyond all other
honors? th?r confidence and support. I
have cal aly and deliberately re-examined my
opinions on the great question now agitated,
and I am only the more confirmed in their
correctness. Until convinced that I am in
error, no human power can force me to change
ray course. If such shall not be (as I do not
doubt that in time they will be) the opinions
of my constituents, it will give me much pain
?nothing so much, however, as would the
consciousness that any combination of cir
cumstances should have farced me to sacri
fice my own settled convictions of duty. I
believe the system proposed will be injurious
to the whole country, and more so to the
South than to any other section. If these
opinions, honestly entertained and fearlessly
expressed, shall forfeit me the confidence
of valued friends, it will not be the first time
that I have sacrificed popularity and office to
a sense of public duty. I am aware of the
powerful influences which have operated in
my district to produce different opinions, and
of the small hope thererfis of my being able
successfully to resist these influences. This
in no wise diminishes the obligation to at
tempt it. I shall most assuredly by all the
raoans in my power vindicate my course as
yonr representative, relying on the intelli
gence, firmness and justice of those who sent
me here. I therefore ask the favour of you
to publish the speech which I send you, and
I refyupon the 44 liberality and kindness" of
each and all of my constituents to read it dis
passionately and form their own conclusions;
and I leave it to them to decide whether the
systematic and fierce denunciation of which
I hare been the subject, results more from a
regard to the public good than from feelings
of private-aad personal hostility.
Itespectfulfr-, your ob't. serv't.,
W. THOMPSON,
Proclamation .
"EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT. )
-Columbia, Jvhz 6, 1838. S
Bf His ExceUency PIERCE M. BUTLER, Esq ,
Governor and Commander-in-chief in and over the
State of South Carolina,
WHEEE AS information has been received by
this Department that a most atrocious mur
der was committed irt^ the District of Orangebureh
on the<6th day of May last, about dark, on the body
of Johjt Bonxxt, while sitting by the fire in his own
home, who was th?n and there shot dead by some
person as yet unknown? -
NOW KNOW YE, That to 'he intent that jus
tice may be done, and that the perpetrator of this
torrid crime may be brought to legal punishment,
I do hereby offer a reward of TWO HUNDRED
DOLLARS to any person or persons who will give
information against the perpetrator of the said mur
der, so that the offender, his aiders, and abettors
may be apprehended and suffer the penalty of the
law for the said crime.
And it it hereby further proclaimed and made
known, that the informant, on his appearing and giv
ing evidence on the trial of the said murderer, his
aiders, and abettors, shall s*and free and discharged
of and from any prosecution or legal proceedings
against himself, for or on aceount of the said mur
der.
Given under my hand and the seal of
the State, at Columbia, 6th June,
1838.
P. M. BUTLER.
By Order.
B. H. Saxon, Secretary of State. 24
Gi
In Equity.
LEXINGTON DISTRICT.
Sarah Howard and others )
vs. [ Bill for Partition.
Wm. Howard and others. ;
"WWY virtue of a decree of the Court of Equity in
-O the above case, I will expose for sale at public
outcry, at Lexington Court House, on the first Mon
day in July next, the following tracts of land, viz : .
one tract contaiuiitg four hundred and eighty-five
acres, more or less, situated on Light-wood Creek, in
Lexington District, bounded by lands belonging to
John Ruext, John K. Johnston, Walter Gantt, and
others. One other tract, containing four hundred
and ninety-six-acres, more or less, situated on Light
ivood Creek, bounded by lands belonging to John
Quartiebaum, Banks Gnnter, and others.
Terms of Sale^ ? Cash enough to pay the costs of
the suit, and the balance on a credit of twelve months
from the day of sale, without interest ? the purcha
ser to give bond with security, and a mortgage of
the premises. J. A. ADDISON, C. E. L. D.
June 9, 1838 24 4t
20 Dollars Reward.
A LARGE black MARE and two dark MARE
MULES left my plantation on the 26th April.
The above reward * ill be given for their appre
hension, czr injonnaiion of them so that 1 can get
iheTtt' J. L. CLARK.
May y I8
Coluititofo ?elesscope. |
SATURDAY, JUNE 16, 1838.
INSTRUCTIONS.
We have never believed in the doctrine of
the Constituent's right to direct the vote of
his Representative in the Legislature. We
have always regarded it as a notion set up,
by demagogues, in order to gain an advan
tage for themselves over men of less pliant j
principles. No intelligible theory can be
brought to sustain it ; and its practice scarce- I
ly exhibits a trait, except of folly and par
ty fury, on the one side, and of corruption
and servility on the other.
The practical effect of instructions is en
tirely at variance with the private honour,
faith, consistency, and independence, of the
member instructed. It makes the blind, or
even dishonorable will, of other persons, his
guide of thought and action. It transforms
him into mere senseless glass, to reflect
each fresh contortion of party folly, each
new grimace of popular levity. It banish
es conscience, self-respect, personal dignity,
from the bosom of every public agent, and
substitutes facility to degrade himself, ?
promptness to prefer popular favor to the
solid good of the country?pliancy to all
doctrines ? servility to all power.
Instructions evidently tend to dishonour
and demoralize the representative, without
any gain or security to the constituents.
For how can the latter have any confidence
that the man who has shown himself capable
of acting contrary to his principles, for
their favour, will not be equally ready to be
tray his constituents themselves, whenever
he may find it convenient or profitable ?
So much for the immediate parties. Let
us now look at the matter in regard to the
community in general.
When that community assembles, by
means of a Legislature, to settle the mode
in which they shall pursue their common
good, what right can any portion claim, of
putting what interests they please apart from
the rest, and pre-determining that these
shall not be open to legislation ? They as
semble for purposes with which such a claim
is incompatible ? to deliberate, that is to
say, upon their interests, as a stock held in
common; with a perfect equality; and where
all minor advantages or wishes shall yield
to the common good cf the whole society.
In a word, they aie a deliberative body, and
instructions take away the ryht of delibe
ration ; they are parts of a society ; and yet
claim to be exempt from that mutual com
promise, without which society cannot ex
ist.
It is obvious, then, that primary constitu
ents have no right of instruction. Still less,
therefore, can secondary constituents, such
as a Legislature, possess it. These latter
are constituents in point of form ? by virtue
of office. They are merely the agents for
appointing another set of popular agents. ?
That function being performed, they have
nothing further to do with the matter; no
more than with directing how a Governor
shall proceed in his official trust; or & Judge
in the trial of every case brought before
him.
Those who contend for the doctrine of
instruction, say that the Legislature of course
possess the right to instruct the Senator in
Congress, because they elect him. Accord
ing to this notion, it would follow that Mi
litia officers, and Sheriffs, and Judges, and
Constables, and Presidents, are all equally
bound to the orders of those whose Totes ap
point them !
What possible reason can be given why
the Legislative agent of the people should
stand, as to this matter, in a different pre
dicament from any other ? His functions
are just as broad and general as the Judge's
or the Executive's. Their authority is de
rived from the same source as his; their
functions not a whit more overturned than
his, by interference with their exercise.
Why may not the Judge go upon the
bench, pledged to listen to no evidence nor
argument, as the Legislator enter an assem
bly, convened for general purposes, where
he has vowed to disregard all interests ex
cept those of a part ? Legistation supposes
the comparison of each interest, in the com
munitv, with all others; the weighing them,
one against another; and the deciding that
the greater ones, shall prevail. As each
section knows only its own interests, it can
only make this comparison or ascertain how
far the public good permits the adoption of
its local wishes, by meeting the other sec
tions, in open and equal deliberation. If it
attempts to decide every thing upon its own
local views alone, and sends its pageant re
presentative but to witness the deliberation
of questions already decided for liim, what
is it but to render a verdict first, and hear
the testimony afterwards? or, having your
selves given sentence in a case, to appoint,
afterwards, a man who shall go to hear the
evidence ?
Again ; the tenure of representative office
is, by the Constitution, definite; and no
more depends' on popular pleasure than does
the office of a Judge, the Executive, or any
body else, supposed to have been set high
est above democratic caprice. The Senato
rial body is specially composed (through a
longer period of service and by a provision
to prevent the change of more than one
third of the members at a time) for the pur
pose of rendering one great part of the Go
vernment a regular check to mere popular
humors.
If this coercive right of instruction ex
ists, it totally over hrows the carefully or
ganized difference of structure in the two
bodies ; one of which, by short terms of ser
vice, is placed within the frequently-recur
ring eontr&ul of the people; the other, by
its permanent character, studiously placed
beyond such eontroul.
PRESIDENT MAKING. |
We are sorry toNsee in certain quarters in-v
dications of a growing desire to enlist this
State in the Presidential contest. For some
time past she has followed the policy (enjoin
ed by humiliating experience) of leaving that
matter to be settled by the tricks of the pol
itical hazard table abroad ? convinced that it
is a game in which, gain who may, the peo
ple, honesty, and freedom, are sure to suffer
damage.
At present, there are two candidates so
prominent as to eclypse all others, and tne
event is to be decided by a violent struggle
between Van Buren and Clay. We need not
discuss the comparation qualities of these
gentlemen. .There are abundant reasons
why South Carolina cannot vote for either of
them, ^without the utmost discredit to her
self.
It has always been our endeavour, in our
feeble manner and humble sphere, to recall
the thoughts of our people from foreign hopes
and objects, and to fix them steadily on our
domestic institutions. The Statey at last,
forms the only sure resort to which her citi
zens should look for both safety and respec
tability.
We- have no confidence in this process of
saving the country by President-making . If
nothing but a President can save the country,
then most assuredly the country will go un
saved. It is really a sort of dreaming in day
light, to imagine, after our late experience,
that security and liberty, for the States, are
to come from the central power; or that
liberty and security can ever be essentially
and effectively such, for the domestic govern
ments, unless self-derived, self-dependent,
self-upheld ? the gift of no power, and far less
of any man or office, abroad.
We exceedingly doubt whether, under our
institutions, a State can ever be placed in
greater jeopardy than by obtaining the elec
tion of a president whom she has mainly served
to advance. Strong and perpetual jealousy
of the General Government is the only safety i
for the States; and a discriminating opposi
tion far better than support upon any terms.
If such is the geueral truth, the existing con
juncture is surely the very last in which to
abandon it. Good principles, every thing that
does not leave honesty aud freedom amongst
us a mere name, have been driven from com
promise to compromise, from loss tr loss,
from one weak surrender to another, untill a
single further concession is the extinction of
all public liberty. If we aie content to,put
out that last light, we had as well strike the
State Rights and Nullification flag at once
Our remarks of last week on the origin of
the sub-Treasury caucus yet stand undenied.
We knew they would ; but this is no,t
enough. Gentlemen who hold such conduct
to be fair and honorable should avow their
participation at once, lest public opinion,
groping in uncertain light, may rest the im
putation on the wrong heads? -on heads that
may not deem themselves adorned by such
a garland.
But, for the present, the proceedings in
caucus, their bitter personality and indecent
haste, are enough for our contemplation.
The tone of some of the gentlemen who ad
dressed this conclave, while firm and manly,
was calm and reasonable ; but these were
heard without enthusiasm. The speech of
Mr. Rhett, in particular, was marked by a
dignity and freedom from coarse personality
which his temper, unhappily, did not permit
him to retain through the subsequeqt de
bate in the House. But Mr. Rhett's
speech was endured only with patience,
while a blustering, noisy gentleman, sur
charged with boisterous abuse and personal
]
vituperation, was haiied with cheers by the
delighted multitude. More especially did
the Hall tremble with applauding thunder, j
when the orator, in his own peculiar style of
eloquepce, exclaimed, of one of our honora
ble Senators, " Colonel Preston a Carolini
au ? No, sir ! ? He is no Carolinian ! He is
no more of a Carolinian, sir, than I am of a
Frenchman !" I
Citizens of Carolina! this multitude, "thus
consulting," was your Legislature! This
conclave overtopped your Legislature! for
here were members pledged to sustain in the
Halls of Assembly, by the sober light of day,
the eructations of alight of moral intoxica
tion.
A dashing, headlong, inconsiderate haste
is stamped on every thiug. The very ety
mology of the resolutions bears the brand
of 44 Harry Co" (and that Co. includes a
long list of names from the families of fol
ly and injustice, with bitter repentance as
a sleeping partner to share the proceeds at
leisure.) They would hardly pass inspec
tion in a first-class composition at a respect
able grammar school. They begin with a
" whereas," that members have mixed with
their, constituents and find that they ap
proveMhe resolutions past last session ; and
then dispensing with the usual stepping
stone of a 44 therefore, v they at once re~
solve in favour of an Independent lieasu
ry with the specie provision. Wise men
have held that even unnecessary incumbran
ces of foimal language, in the drawing up
of laws and solemn documents, 'were of es
pecial advantage, as demanding more delib
eration in a business where there never
could be too much. But an undue diffidence
of their own abilities does not appear to have
been the besetting sin of our members in
caucus assembled; and doubtless they con
ceived their fulminations to be of weight suf
ficient to crush trembling senators in their
seats at Washington, even tho' wanting in the
fine point and extra polish of good grammati
cal English.
Be that as it may, in two hours the finan
cial system of the United States was settled,
members were pledged to the support of cer
tain resolutions, and.the ceremony of deliber
! ation put off to the next day. Some five
hours consumed in the formality of a debate
evinced the unflinching faith of the party.
They trampled down in solid column every
shadow of amendment.
But piesently a voice is heard from a quar
ter haying authority; an entire new set of res
olutions are read, to be substituted for the
old. Pledged members are ordered to un
pledge and tackle to the new measure. The
resolutions, as finally adopted, were the result
of a deliberation of exactly three quarters of an I
hour. Yet a correspondent of the Mercury
bitterly laments the waste of time in superflu- |
ous discussion. This correspondent forgets j
to do honour to the zealous effort of a mem
ber to smother the expostulations of the mi
nority under a motion for the previous ques
tion. Unhappily, the rules of the house for
bid the application of this panacea. But we
cauuot too much admire the boldness of the
mover, when we consider that, odious as this
measure has become in the hands of ttie pre
sent dynasty at Washington, the Administra
tion have never, (even at the time when that
gentleman held his present friends in avowed
contempt) had so little regard for their char
acter as to presume upon that resort after a
debate of no more than six hours.
On the resolutions themselves we shall
have something to say in our next.
At the request of Mr. Cunningham, we
publish the following, on behalf of the wri
ters.
Philadelpaia, May 28th 1838.
Dear Sir. ? We received this morning the
Columbia Telescope of the 19th inst. which
you were kind enough to forward us, and for
which we feel deeply indebted, as, but for
your attention, we should have suffered un
der a charge, which we are sure we can sat
isfy you we do not merit.
Our business being extensive and requir
ing all our attention, we determined, on un
dertaking the publication of the 4' Periodical"
in question, (which has been discontinued
18 months,) to place the Editorship jn the
hands of a gentleman fully competent to the
task, and one whom we knew to be quite as
strongly opposed to the doctrines ofabolition
as ourselves. Of many of the books contain
ed in the " Library" we have never read a
page to this day, and " Rankin's Sierre
Leone," the work refered to we presume, is
of the number. ? So well acquainted are we
with the sentiments of the Editor on this
subject, that we feel assured nothing was
farther from his wishes or intentions than to
publish a work which could, by any possibil
I ity, create the least feeling in the South.
For ourselves, we can only say, that we have
| offended unintentionally ; for so anxious have
we been to avoid doing aught which would
be likely to engender any ill feelings, that
we have invariably zefused to print a line
which we knew to touch on the subject.
As an evidence of this, we had the offer of
an early copy of Miss Martineau's retrospect
of Western Travel, ? her former work had
been highly successful, and we thought this
likely to prove equally so ? but being well
aware of the opinion expressed in her first
work, we asked for a few hours time to de
cide ? we read the work through hastily, and
declined undertaking the publication on the
ground that we would not publish any work
which reflected on a large portion of the
Union, and with whose rights no one should
interfere.
To those who know us this explanation i
would be unnecesary, as we have never hesi
tated to express our opinion freely on the
subject ; but as we are most anxious to re
move a wrong impression, may we beg the fa
vor of ycru to make this statement to the edi
tor of the Telescope and ask him to make
the same to his readers.
Yours very truly,
E. L. CAREY, <fc A. HART.
To W. Cunningham, Esq.
Columbia S. C.
| The department of our Correspondents
will be found quite rich this week.
MR. MYERS'S SPEECH.
On Thursday, the 31st day of May, the
House of Representatives, on motion of Mr.
Davie, took up the following resolution, of
j fered by him, and made the special order of
the day, to wit :
" Whereas, we have lately mixed with our
constituents, and believe tfeat they are deci
dedly in favor of the sub-Treasury system,
| and approve of the Resolutions past last
session of the Legislature, which resolutions
declare it expedient to separate the federal
revenues from banks and banking operations,
and dangerous and unconstituticnal to mcor- j
porate a National Bank
? Resolved , That we earnestly request our
Senators and Representatives in Congress to
vote for the bill to establish the Independent
Treasury, with the specie provision."
The adoption of the resolution having been
opposed by Messrs. Adams and Pktigru,
and advocated by Mr Davie, Mr. MYERS,
of Fairfield, spoke in substance as follows : |
Mr. M. said that before he presented the
views which it had been his intention to sub
mit in opposition to this measure, he would
prefer to take his course with all the lights
before him. If any superior, but concealed
influence, which could induce gentlemen,
by this extraordinary movement, to u cover an
adversary, or hold an ally in checlc , was op
erating here, he would be glad to know it.
Mr. M. said that he was informed that the
member from Chester was the mere instru
ment in submitting a resolution which had
been adopted by a legislative caucus, which
caucus, he was also informed, had been held
in obedience to instructions from Washing
ton, which had reached here three days ago.
Was his information right, or was it wrong ?
If ri^ht, was it in obedience to an edict or a
manifesto; and if the latter, what were the
reasons set forth 1 If they were satisfactory I
they might command his concurrence, and
he paused that gentlemen might assign them;
for as yet he had heard none.
He said that, at the session in December, the
resolutions submitted by the same member
who was now the instrument for proposing this
had left to those members of^the delegation in
Congress who opposed the divorce and the
metallic currency, ?? the rightful exercise of
their independent judgment and if inde
pendence of judgment was rightful then, why
js it wrongful now ? Is it that gentlemen
have siace tak >n their soundings and estima
ted their strength ? Is intolerance the attri
bute of organized and ascertained majori
ties ? If numbers alone are the received cri
teria of rights, the member would do well to
reflect that the verdict which is rendered by
this tribunal must abide the censure of the
country at large ; and how infinitely paltry
will be his array of strength, when confront
ed with the legions by which he will be
overwhelmed ! Gentlemen had not answered
him, however, as to the rumors of which he
had asked. (Mr. Thompson, of Spartan
burgh, having said that he had not heard of
any communication from Washington, Mr.
Myers resumed.) The orders of. the chief
are not usually directed to the whole camp;
but as none who are understood to be in
command can speak in reference to the ru
mor, we are to presume that the directions
had either not been given, or, if given, that
confidence had been enjoined.
Turning then (said Mr. M.) from the mo
vers to their measures, 1 propose to inquire
what practical result is to be attained by the
resolution before you? If my information
is correct, sir, the sub-Treasury bill, in its
present form, passed the Senate of the Uni
ted States with the votes of both of the Sena
tors from South Carolina recorded against it.
In that form it has gone to the lower House,
where it now lies upon the table. It is un
derstood that upon its passage the votes of
the Representatives from this Slate will be di
vided. Is it in reference to their course that
this proceeding is devised ? To instruct Mr.
Legare, Mr. Campbell, or General Thomp
son, you do not pretend to arrogate the right.
This power, if belonging to any, rests prop
erly with their constituents. If, then, you
do not assume the right to instruct these gen
tlemen as to their course, upon what ground
do you undertake to request them to change
it ? 1 do not profess, sir, in the ordinary
course of things, to be embarrassed with un
usual. modesty ; but I must confess myself
startled at the presumptuousness of this re
quest ! From September till" May (eigh cal
endar months) the constituents of these mem
bers had forborne to instruct, or even to re
quest them to sustain this measure of the
administration ; and yet, sir, this House,
having had no agency in their election, has
the unblushing hardihood to request them to
bow down and do homage to the golden calf
of that guileless Israelite, Thomas H. Ben
ton.
Mr. Speaker, (said Mr. M.,) how other
wise are we to interpret this resolution than
that these members of Congress are request
ed to surrender to us the exercise of their
judgment, and to defer to our superior wis
dom that which we have no right to claim
from superior authority. If I were to re
quest the honorable member from Cheste/
to surrender his judgment and his consciencfc
into.my keeping upon the subject matter of
this debate, and permit me to direct him how
his vote should be given, in what unmeasur
ed terms of indignation would I not be justly
rebuked I Yet, sir, a request which be would
resent as insolence when proposed to him
self, he regards 44 an act of grace" when sub
mitted to another; with'this manifest differ
ence against him, th,at he, in the case sup
posed, could be regarded in no other light
than as an interloper between the Representa
tives to be affected and their proper constitu
ents. What agency, suffer me to ask, has
the honorable member had in the election of
General Thompson, for example ? If none,
might not a Representative of Greenville and
Pendleton, in Congress, with equal proprie
ty, enlighten the conscience of a member of
the Legislature from Chester, as the latter
might claim to indoctrinate him with his na
tions of finance ? If either can with propri
ety assume to be the teacher of the other, it
appears to me that all usage as well as prin
ciple is in favor of that party instructing, the
duties of whose station oblige him to inform
himself in reference to the subject matter.
If, however, (said Mr. M.,) we refer to the
preamble to this resolution, it would seem
that the missive is directed, not on the pre
text of superior intelligence or superior au
thority on the part of those who send it, but
because they have " lately mixed with their
constituents, and believe them to be decidedly
in favor of the sub-Treasury system, specie
provision and all !" If this (said Mr. M.) is
to be regarded the predicate of the very mo
dest request which follows, and if it should
turn out that the gentlemen have been un
fortunate in establishing this fact, what be
comes of the request which is the corollary ?
Of course it must be disregarded. What ev
idence have gentlemen adduced to sustain
them in this statement ? A people decidedly
in favor of a pending measure whose fate is
known to have been doubtful, and the course
of whose representatives is also known to be
adverse to what is here represented to be
their views, would hardly have reposed in
silence for eight months, and even then have
left to others the statement of their opinions,
without a syllable ever uttered by them in
their collective capacity. Decidedly is the
word, sir; no less forcible one would have
sanctioned this proceeding ; and yet gentle
men are incapable of pointing you to a single
manifestation to convince you that the peo
?ple of this Slate, in their aggregate capacity,
have ever formed or uttered opinions upon
the subject. Sir, said Mr. M., it would re
quire stronger proofs than the uncorrobora
ted statements of heated and committed par
tisans upon this floor to induce me to believe
that, at a time when the people are strug
gling against a heavy and unusual accumu
lation of debt, they are dccidedly in favor of
lowering the price of their produce, and of
thus diminishing their ability to pay ; the
necessary and unavoidable consequence of
bringing all payments to a specie standard,
the measure which this resolution is cast to
vindicate. But, sir, the member does- not
venture, in the preambl? to his resolution, to
affirm that he has consulted his constituents.
No, sir, he has " mixed' ' with them, and be
hold the mongrel progeny ! I too, Mr.
Speaker, have 44 mixed" with my constitu
ents, but (perhaps with less sagacity for de
tecting the inclination of majorities than the
member from Chester) I have made no such
discovery of their opinions as would warrant
me in voting here that the people of Fairfield
are dccidedly in favor of a sub-Treasury sys
tem, with a provision for the payment of Go
vernment dues in specie. So faf as I have
conversed with intelligent gentlemen there,- 1
confess that I have found much contrariety
of opinion ; but as to ever having submitted
the matter to the people of my district, so- a*
even to be informed of the opinion of a ma
jority, I confess that I have not, as I was ne
ver aware that, as their representative here, .
I had any proper concern with the question.
Perhaps, said Mr. M., the District of Fair
field has not the right geographical position
to receive upon trust the money projects of ,
the great Humbugger and the Little Magi- *
cian and their illustrious coadjutor.
Mr. M. said that it was a singular comment .
tary upon the consistency, of the principle
of the member from Chester, that while his
resolution and preamble were still upon the
table, affirming in such unqualified terms his
adhesion to a metallic currency , a bill was al
so before the House, reported by him, for
the relief of Charleston, providing tn effect
for the issue of two millions of bank notes ;
and it was further to be observed, that where
as he and his coadjutors would have no oth
er sort of treasury for the Federal Govern
ment than an Independent Treasury, yet the
financial project reported by them for the re
lief of Charleston, has, as a prominent and
leading feature, the agency of a Bank to car
ry out the details of what he must of course
regard an Independent State Treasury as in- ?
competent to. In the same breath he " di
vorces " the one, and binds the other, by the
most solemn and formal ties of connection,
to 44 banks aud banking operations." I crave
to know, said Mr. M., why banks and bank
ing operations are not as necessary to the re
ceipt, safe custody, and payment of Federal
as of State funds, and why the intervention
of banking facilities is introduced into the
bill on your table, if an independent treasury
could have answered the purpose as well,
without the interposition of a bank ?
In fact, said Mr. M., trace the member
from Chester throughout his whole financial
course, and his flagrant inconsistency and
blunders admonish him to less assured confi
dence in his own opinions, and a more free
tolerance of the differences of others. fw.
find him, in his memorable communication
to the Columbia Telescope of the 15th of
July last, signed "Chester," affirming that '
The Bank of the United States must be re~
chartered , with the right to enlarge its capi
tal fifteen or twenty millions, that its power
to accommodate and it s influence (mark the
word) may be increased and in December
reporting a resolution to this Legislature,
44 that it would be unconstitutional^ inexpedi
ent, and dangerous to incorporate a national
Bank. So complete, sudden, and radical
a change of opinion is without precedent or
parallel in the history of the public men and
measures of any country or of any age with
which I am acquainted, and the member has
not even left himself the defence, that the
choice presented in July was between the
pet bank system and a Hank of the United
States, and that he vindicated it then under
au alternative which no longer exists since
the proposal of the Independent Treasury
system in September by the President J
for no choice between opposing systems
could excuse a statesman in selecting that
which he has solemnly and religiously pro
nounced to be not only dangerous , but a vio
lation of the Constitution of his country !
Butf sir, as though determined. to be true
to his character for inconsistency, the mem
ber, in his letter of July, '37, pronounces a
studied panegyric upon the credit system, in
opposition to a metallic currency ; and now,
in May, '38, (only eight short months,) ap
proves, in this resolution, the sub-Treasury
system 44 tenth its specie provision*11 I read
from his letter, sir: 44 What then (asks the
member)* must be done ?" 44 Make the issue
to the people, between the credit system and
the metallic currency. Shall we, at {he haz
ard of a revolution, and the certainty of a
still greater depreciation of property, abandon
a system , the greatest discovery in modern
civilization , and which has done more for the
developement of this country than any other
influence, when well regulated, and return to
the crude , clumsy , and inadequate one of a me
tallic currency ?" And yet, sir, this clumsy
and crude scheme of J uly becomes the fa
vored and fostered one of May ; and the
greatest discovery of modem civilization is to
be sacrificed to a " specie provision /" This
transformation is so quick and so thorough
as absolutely to astound the sense, so that
we can scarcely believe what our eyes con
vey to us. Nothing, for suddenness, can
compare with it, unless it be the growth of
Jonah's gou*d in a single night. The mem
ber should reflect that probably others, who
have less versatility of talent than himself,
cannot perform these magic transformations
"with the same thrift or with the same dexte
rity ; and I therefore appeal to his magnani
mity if it would not be kind in him to forbear
to press the resolution which he has reported
INSTRUCTIONS.
Mr. Editor ? I said in my last, that I had
no evidence of the communications from
members of Congress, that gave rise to the
resolutions of the last short session. But I
hear, as yet, no'contradiction to the common
rumors; which, if true, I consider as an un
fair attempt to render the Legislature of this
State, and its members, the tools and inotru
ments of political partizans at Washington.
The means proposed and put in force, that