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r i 2 Birthday of the Republic. J j Address of the Hon. R. G. J Rhett at the Senatorial ? Campaign Meeting in Lancaster, July the Fourth, in 1 which He Stands Fast for j the Faith of the Fathers. \ Mr. Chairman, Ladies and | Gentlemen: On this, the birth- ;1 day of the Republic, it will be ofi' interest, and perhaps of some;1 profit, to look back upou the1 past, and looking ask ourselves; in tbe South what ot J he luture? It is beyond my memory, and 1 suppose it is beyond that ol most of my hearers, when the voice of the South was felt, as! well as heard, in the councils of) the nation. With the exception ol the brief periods of Mr. Cleveland's administration the solid South has been in the national minority since '(55. and more thau one thirdof thearea and of the pop ulation of this country has been excluded Irom any real participation in its government. And yet 1 the issues between the two ^reaf parties have so shitted that it is ; a difficult task to keen un with the changes from year to yearForged into a compact union ( for self-preservation, the white populatiou has cast its polid vote 1 practically year in and year out 1 for the Democratic party. It has not mattered what were the plat- ' torm or policies announced by 1 that party, there were issues con trolling all, besides which quest- { ions of finance, tariff, trusts, cen- ; tralizatiou, imperialism and a multitude of others pale into insignificance?issues that involved * the very foundation ot our social ! structure; that threatened the in tegrity and stability ot our local government and the safety and : sanctity of our homes; issues the weight and significance of which our friends ot the iNorth andWest appear to be just beginning to understand and appreciate. Has any substantial progress 1 been made in these torty years towards the solution of the prob lems lacing uie south ? l think so; but in order that you may 1 have a clearer understanding of my reasous I shall ask you to go back with me while I brielly review the steps which have led up to the present. When the independence of the Provinces that united in war with Great Britain was finally assured, and they cast about for the means of reaping the fruits ol their victory aud of protecting themselves in the liberty lor which they fought, it is clear in 1 the light of every particieof his [' tory that has come to us that they I were not prepared lo form a na- M tion?that ihey wore not prepared to abandon their separate pro 1 vincial governments and join in the foundation of a national gov- 1 A I I OIlJLUOUl. : 1 It was equally clear they were 1 impressed with the necessity of j 1 some form ot union that would 1 avoid the perpetual series of con- i ; diets that must inevitably loliow a complete separation, or a;: breaking up into groups, the en i 1 of which no man couid tores-ee. 1 There is no doubt that some of 1 those who participated in the11 adoption of the Constitution, would have preferred to see it ' made a stronger compact, but it ' is certain that no .State was pre- * pared to peacefully surrender its 1 sovereignty and merge itself into a nation, and such a nronosition would have met unanimous rejection. It is equally clear that each r ? , State desired a more compact union than was entertained in the first instruments ot contederation. The experiment had demonstrated the weak points oi that compact and they were quite willing to strengthen it by dele gating additional powers to the central government, but there isj THE 10 evidence that auy State conemplated for one moment a nerger into a nation, or into a inion, from which it had not 'he right to withdraw whenever it should find it expedient to do no. The hope and fetreugth of the I 'ninn nnrtor tlio (IniiBtitntinn lnv v IIAVU UUV?V1 ' ? v WM"W?VUV?V?* * *7 ill the impracticability of any State exercising this right The Dnly conceivable m liner in which its exercise could be found expedient would be in the very event which occurred three j quarters ot a century la'er; that is, through '<n irreconcilable is-! sue between the entire North i and the entire South, and this was forecast by Madison as the only menace to the stability ot the Union at the very tune of its formation. . The Virginia and Kentuc ty resolutions as early as 1781i, the attitude and action ot New England in 1S03 upon the Louisiana Purchase, the Ilarfort Conven tion of 1S14 and, in fact, inuum erable evidences from every rnmrlor lnft n r? rlimlit 51c t r? tlio understanding and interpretation ot the Constitution by tho-e who trained it, those who signed it and those who ratified it. Hut I need go no further than to quote from the speech of Mr Charles Francis Adams, a New Englander of New Englanders, and a distinguished descendant r?f a Federal President, delivered before the New England Society of Charleston nearly six years ago, in which lie used the following wordc: "When the Fed eral Constitution was Iramed and adopted?an indestructible union of imperishable States'?what was the law of treason?to what or to whom, in case ot final is sue. did the average citizen owe allegiance ? Was it to the Uniou or to the State ? Asa practical question, seeing things as they then were?sweeping aside all incontrovertible arguments and meta physical disquisitions I do not think the answer admits of doubt. It put in 17SS, or, indeed, at any time anterior to lS.'S, the immediate reply of nine men ou' of ten in the Northern States and of ninoty-niue out of a hundred men in the Southern States would have been that, as between the Union and the State, ultimate allegiance was due to *he State." On the otin-r hand, there had been gathered into the hearts of the people ol the States a love for the wonderful Union and ai jjiil'c 111 us aciiioveiueiiih, out it was reserved to Webster in l?So to convert this growing love and pride into a Iixed allegiance. We cannot read the marvellous pro Auctions of * alhoun and We! ster without a reverence tor the genius of both of these great American giants, hut I cannot ri 1 myselt ot the tee ling that Mr. Webster was trying to tiu i hi the words oi t lie Constitution! that which He and hss environ- ! tnent wished them to in-an. and ; not that which the frainers and I the sjners and the ratitier- 01 it 1 actually did mean. The seed sown by that remark-| tble debate, however, was to bear j Fruit. The North, following the : loctrines ot Webster, beyan to; lorget that they ever had dreamed of State sovereignty, and to look more and more tow arils centralization The South bocame more and more firmly tixE?d in the iHitli of their toretathers Mr. Adams, m the address to which I have alluded, very charmingly pictures tiie unseen I .1.... 1 ... - 1! nnini nirt' ui'nru us mi tbe board of fa'e unconsciously, War Against Consumption All nations are endeavoring to check th< ravages of consumption, the "white plague" that claim* so many victims each vir I ' leys II >ney aud Tar cures coughs and colas perfectly and you are in no ?ji i;uun(iiii|?iiuu i nj uui rihK your L. ,tltli Ly taking some unknown prepara11 >n when Foley s lionet and Tar m *afe and certain in reatiU* Fnnderburk Pharmacy. E W Hammond. Heath Springs, s C a LANCASTER NEWS, JULY but unerringly, into the only po- si si'iou which evef practically tb threatened the existence or in- bt tegritv of the Union. States th might ditfer on tue question of tb the purchase of additional terri- gi tory, ot the extent of the power at of the iuterual improvement, of b: tariff and protection]and ot every tb conceivable question but one, to aud \el ilie Union was safe; but d( that one was at hand. to Curiously enough, Mr. Web- pi sier, upon whose utterances the as North builded its convictions w upon the questions of secessiou. A was pronounced in 1ns utteranc- ju es on the rights of the Sta'es al aloiiH to regulate the question of w slavery aud on the evil of the at abolition societies at the North, ol He sa>s in his speech ou "The hi Exclusion ol Slaves from the 'i Teiriiories,'' delivered in the u Senste in 1848 : "There is an n o'her principle, equally clear, by ts I ... .. 1.: ,4 * 1 .1 r. w IIRll 1 IllUttll tu liUIUt% HI1U inai It is that slavery in the States in tc which it exists is a matter of It State regulation exclusively, and w that Congress lias not the least r? power over it or right to inter- ? lere with it. Therefore, 1 say, tl that all agitations and attempts e: to disturb the relations between master and slave by persons not vi living in the slave States are tin- le constitutional in their spirit, u and are, in my opinion, produc _ tive of nothing but evil and mis ? ch el." And this from the apostle at wh<?se teet the North has sa* for more than a quarter of a century, and from whose genius it had builded its political faith. But his words fell upon deaf ears. The llame had been kin 1led and the fire had begun to spread that was to consume al most the entire North in the fixed determination to give immediate freedom to the slaves, if tlm ('nnatiftitinii l.orl In l.o un'/\r.( Wiw 11U-1 ? Vf WC O" U|H | away in the giving. No dei ty I was to be brooked?delay gave no promise and humanity de- = ma tided immediate action. It was clear that the recession 9 of the slave States would follow, B and it was inevitable that war L would result. Where lay tne ? tight and where the wrong? Who shall say? There is one thing beyond question, that both the North and the South acted from conviction, not lightly formed, hut, with the North, born of a laith that had no le-s than Webster as it? great apostle, and nurtured and ted by a love lor the great Union it would share with nothing else; while, with the South, the laith of the frum ers, signers and the ratifiers had been handed down unquestioned and the allegiance to the State, which the forefathers so caretul1 m i\rnc?.rr ri' o o ?? 1 ? ??* ?? ? pivuviwui * iiviuat and a sacred tiling by the logic and eloquence of Calhoun and his school. Mr. Adams, in the address io which 1 havejreferred above, has told you ho has reached the conclusion th tt both were right, and 1 hare it not in my heart to do! le*s homage and reverence than lie to the noble and heroic patri ots on both sides. The struggle is over, the I' uion is preserved and the slaves set free. The soldiers who lost have returned to what wis left of their hearths and homes, and the soldiei> who won have turned over their sceptre to the politician, i and the darkest pages of Ameri-i j v.uu 1J131" I> flIC W I lllfll. Not content with the? preserve- i tion of the 1 nion and t he liberation of the slaves, to accomplish which, however, he had borne none of the hardships, this politician proceeded to humiliate those brave, conscientious and patriotic ao'clier-i who fought for the prin I ciples they had been taught from | childhood, and in the struggle I 1 had been left crippled In estate, I Iin family,in friends and often in iM bo'ly?he proceeded to put them under tlie heel of those ignorant i i II, 1908 aves he had freed, and to hold I lem there at the point of the I iyonet. Poor, deluded mortals I iey. Armed with a weapon ley kn?w uot how to use?the ( eatbulwark of American liberty to id American enlightenment,! he E illot; wrought up to a belieij 1 tatouiv by u^ing it agaiust their , i? rmer mes'er* could their Iree-'* M>1 1 ... . - . . . ~ . . ,J .. ?.l lUn.. m.l I Oil J LU uc (Uracil v^'U. ikUU IUOU (Jill ^ the tutelage of as great exam- ^ es of white American depravity b? can be found in history. Thus fc as the negro race introduced to ? merican liberty. K>bbervf per- I iry, theft, embezzlement?aye. 1 the vices in the catalogue? * eie held up to him as custom- J y, if not essential, in American iicial life, ami the proper attri- utes o! this great American cit.ensliip which had been thrust pon him. Some of his race were ot slow to learn the lessons lught, and the cup was, indeed, ^ ill. No excuse can ever be found 0 >r this crime upon both racef. tl t created in the h.oarts of the bites a bitterness against this ice, whose destiny has to be N Arlrn/I nnf ulnno w i h i ^ ?'? v?uv\J "Ui niv/11^ ** ll/U I liril u ^ II lat never wouM have otherwise w sisleti. CI It pave to the negro a few tj Bars ot license, durinp which he 'amed more vice and wickedess than he could have otherWante i w 11 T. Y. W: j Lancaster, - MB? mn?.? 5 ' A great number of people ar reductions in prices we 1 close out our er Dress Noti and all Ladies' Goods (except to make another lower c THE GOODS. We have the r Shoes, C and Men We will posit at least ?3.00 to $10.00 you spei Yours ^ Williams-h Indigestion. Stomach trouble U hotn raptao ol end Ml lUulf a trus disease. We think XlDntwboL nertbura. and Indigestion u real dlsoaaea. M 7 art symptoms otilr of a certain specifls ? ff sickness?no thin* else. It was this tact that first correctly led Dr. Shorn th? creation of that now very popular Btoroaco jmodj?Dr. Bhoop Baetorutlve. Ootog direct the stomach nervae, alone brought that Suomm id (aror to Dr. 8hoop and his RcstorwUra, WUK it that original and highly vital prtndpla tw? ch lasting accomplishments were ever to be had. For stomach distress, bloating, biliousness, bad mth and sallow complexion, try Dr. Bhoop storatiy??Tablets or Liquid?ana see for roust If what It can and will do. We sell and cLsaa Uy reoommend Or. SHoop's Restorative UNDERBURK PHARMACY. SO MANY Have availed themselves of our Liberal Offer, viz; 15dlscount on 80 and $90 organs We have concluded to renew the ffer for a short wlii'e so as to get lese excellent organs introduced into very county and locality in South arolina Only $20 first payment, $20 ov. 1,1908, balance Nov 1.1909 These terms enable ioii to buy this rsi cuss, swe? i mneu vjrtjan wuicn ill prove a lasting treasure. Don't delay but write at once for atalog and price li*t to The Old Ksiblished Malone's Music House COLUMBIA, N. C. PIANOS AND ORGANS. S HHB n d.50 BUSHELS GOOD SOUND PEAS. illiams, ? s. c. | I e taking advantage of the lave made in order to itire stock of Goods one V/ 1 1 o shoes). We have decided ut in prices to MOVE i need and must oom for Clothing 's Wear ively save you $5.00 on every id with us. truly, MgM w wv y 1 1A1B