The Lancaster news. (Lancaster, S.C.) 1905-current, July 11, 1908, Page 2, Image 2
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2
Birthday of the Republic. J
j
Address of the Hon. R. G. J
Rhett at the Senatorial ?
Campaign Meeting in Lancaster,
July the Fourth, in 1
which He Stands Fast for j
the Faith of the Fathers. \
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and |
Gentlemen: On this, the birth- ;1
day of the Republic, it will be ofi'
interest, and perhaps of some;1
profit, to look back upou the1
past, and looking ask ourselves;
in tbe South what ot J he luture?
It is beyond my memory, and
1 suppose it is beyond that ol
most of my hearers, when the
voice of the South was felt, as!
well as heard, in the councils of)
the nation. With the exception
ol the brief periods of Mr. Cleveland's
administration the solid
South has been in the national
minority since '(55. and more thau
one thirdof thearea and of the pop
ulation of this country has been
excluded Irom any real participation
in its government. And yet 1
the issues between the two ^reaf
parties have so shitted that it is ;
a difficult task to keen un with
the changes from year to yearForged
into a compact union (
for self-preservation, the white
populatiou has cast its polid vote 1
practically year in and year out 1
for the Democratic party. It has
not mattered what were the plat- '
torm or policies announced by 1
that party, there were issues con
trolling all, besides which quest- {
ions of finance, tariff, trusts, cen- ;
tralizatiou, imperialism and a
multitude of others pale into insignificance?issues
that involved *
the very foundation ot our social !
structure; that threatened the in
tegrity and stability ot our local
government and the safety and :
sanctity of our homes; issues the
weight and significance of which
our friends ot the iNorth andWest
appear to be just beginning to
understand and appreciate.
Has any substantial progress 1
been made in these torty years
towards the solution of the prob
lems lacing uie south ? l think
so; but in order that you may 1
have a clearer understanding of
my reasous I shall ask you to
go back with me while I brielly
review the steps which have led
up to the present.
When the independence of the
Provinces that united in war with
Great Britain was finally assured,
and they cast about for the
means of reaping the fruits ol
their victory aud of protecting
themselves in the liberty lor
which they fought, it is clear in 1
the light of every particieof his ['
tory that has come to us that they I
were not prepared lo form a na- M
tion?that ihey wore not prepared
to abandon their separate pro 1
vincial governments and join in
the foundation of a national gov- 1
A I I
OIlJLUOUl. : 1
It was equally clear they were 1
impressed with the necessity of j 1
some form ot union that would 1
avoid the perpetual series of con- i ;
diets that must inevitably loliow
a complete separation, or a;:
breaking up into groups, the en i 1
of which no man couid tores-ee. 1
There is no doubt that some of 1
those who participated in the11
adoption of the Constitution,
would have preferred to see it '
made a stronger compact, but it '
is certain that no .State was pre- *
pared to peacefully surrender its 1
sovereignty and merge itself into
a nation, and such a nronosition
would have met unanimous rejection.
It is equally clear that each
r ? , State desired a more compact
union than was entertained in
the first instruments ot contederation.
The experiment had demonstrated
the weak points oi
that compact and they were quite
willing to strengthen it by dele
gating additional powers to the
central government, but there isj
THE
10 evidence that auy State conemplated
for one moment a
nerger into a nation, or into a
inion, from which it had not 'he
right to withdraw whenever it
should find it expedient to do no.
The hope and fetreugth of the
I 'ninn nnrtor tlio (IniiBtitntinn lnv
v IIAVU UUV?V1 ' ? v WM"W?VUV?V?* * *7
ill the impracticability of any
State exercising this right The
Dnly conceivable m liner in
which its exercise could be found
expedient would be in the very
event which occurred three j
quarters ot a century la'er; that
is, through '<n irreconcilable is-!
sue between the entire North i
and the entire South, and this
was forecast by Madison as the
only menace to the stability ot
the Union at the very tune of its
formation. .
The Virginia and Kentuc ty
resolutions as early as 1781i, the
attitude and action ot New England
in 1S03 upon the Louisiana
Purchase, the Ilarfort Conven
tion of 1S14 and, in fact, inuum
erable evidences from every
rnmrlor lnft n r? rlimlit 51c t r? tlio
understanding and interpretation
ot the Constitution by tho-e who
trained it, those who signed it
and those who ratified it.
Hut I need go no further than
to quote from the speech of Mr
Charles Francis Adams, a New
Englander of New Englanders,
and a distinguished descendant
r?f a Federal President, delivered
before the New England Society
of Charleston nearly six years
ago, in which lie used the following
wordc: "When the Fed
eral Constitution was Iramed and
adopted?an indestructible union
of imperishable States'?what
was the law of treason?to what
or to whom, in case ot final is
sue. did the average citizen owe
allegiance ? Was it to the Uniou
or to the State ? Asa practical
question, seeing things as
they then were?sweeping aside
all incontrovertible arguments
and meta physical disquisitions
I do not think the answer admits
of doubt. It put in 17SS,
or, indeed, at any time anterior
to lS.'S, the immediate reply of
nine men ou' of ten in the Northern
States and of ninoty-niue
out of a hundred men in the
Southern States would have been
that, as between the Union and
the State, ultimate allegiance
was due to *he State."
On the otin-r hand, there had
been gathered into the hearts of
the people ol the States a love
for the wonderful Union and ai
jjiil'c 111 us aciiioveiueiiih, out it
was reserved to Webster in l?So
to convert this growing love and
pride into a Iixed allegiance. We
cannot read the marvellous pro
Auctions of * alhoun and We! ster
without a reverence tor the
genius of both of these great
American giants, hut I cannot
ri 1 myselt ot the tee ling that
Mr. Webster was trying to tiu i
hi the words oi t lie Constitution!
that which He and hss environ- !
tnent wished them to in-an. and ;
not that which the frainers and I
the sjners and the ratitier- 01 it 1
actually did mean.
The seed sown by that remark-|
tble debate, however, was to bear j
Fruit. The North, following the :
loctrines ot Webster, beyan to;
lorget that they ever had dreamed
of State sovereignty, and to
look more and more tow arils
centralization The South bocame
more and more firmly tixE?d
in the iHitli of their toretathers
Mr. Adams, m the address to
which I have alluded, very charmingly
pictures tiie unseen
I .1.... 1 ... - 1!
nnini nirt' ui'nru us mi
tbe board of fa'e unconsciously,
War Against Consumption
All nations are endeavoring to check
th< ravages of consumption, the "white
plague" that claim* so many victims each
vir I ' leys II >ney aud Tar cures coughs
and colas perfectly and you are in no
?ji i;uun(iiii|?iiuu i nj uui rihK your
L. ,tltli Ly taking some unknown prepara11
>n when Foley s lionet and Tar m *afe
and certain in reatiU* Fnnderburk Pharmacy.
E W Hammond. Heath Springs, s
C a
LANCASTER NEWS, JULY
but unerringly, into the only po- si
si'iou which evef practically tb
threatened the existence or in- bt
tegritv of the Union. States th
might ditfer on tue question of tb
the purchase of additional terri- gi
tory, ot the extent of the power at
of the iuterual improvement, of b:
tariff and protection]and ot every tb
conceivable question but one, to
aud \el ilie Union was safe; but d(
that one was at hand. to
Curiously enough, Mr. Web- pi
sier, upon whose utterances the as
North builded its convictions w
upon the questions of secessiou. A
was pronounced in 1ns utteranc- ju
es on the rights of the Sta'es al
aloiiH to regulate the question of w
slavery aud on the evil of the at
abolition societies at the North, ol
He sa>s in his speech ou "The hi
Exclusion ol Slaves from the 'i
Teiriiories,'' delivered in the u
Senste in 1848 : "There is an n
o'her principle, equally clear, by ts
I ... .. 1.: ,4 * 1 .1 r.
w IIRll 1 IllUttll tu liUIUt% HI1U inai It
is that slavery in the States in tc
which it exists is a matter of It
State regulation exclusively, and w
that Congress lias not the least r?
power over it or right to inter- ?
lere with it. Therefore, 1 say, tl
that all agitations and attempts e:
to disturb the relations between
master and slave by persons not vi
living in the slave States are tin- le
constitutional in their spirit, u
and are, in my opinion, produc _
tive of nothing but evil and mis ?
ch el."
And this from the apostle at
wh<?se teet the North has sa* for
more than a quarter of a century,
and from whose genius it
had builded its political faith.
But his words fell upon deaf
ears. The llame had been kin 1led
and the fire had begun to
spread that was to consume al
most the entire North in the fixed
determination to give immediate
freedom to the slaves, if
tlm ('nnatiftitinii l.orl In l.o un'/\r.(
Wiw 11U-1 ? Vf WC O" U|H |
away in the giving. No dei ty I
was to be brooked?delay gave
no promise and humanity de- =
ma tided immediate action.
It was clear that the recession 9
of the slave States would follow, B
and it was inevitable that war L
would result. Where lay tne ?
tight and where the wrong?
Who shall say? There is one
thing beyond question, that both
the North and the South acted
from conviction, not lightly formed,
hut, with the North, born of
a laith that had no le-s than
Webster as it? great apostle, and
nurtured and ted by a love lor
the great Union it would share
with nothing else; while, with
the South, the laith of the frum
ers, signers and the ratifiers had
been handed down unquestioned
and the allegiance to the State,
which the forefathers so caretul1
m i\rnc?.rr ri' o o ?? 1 ? ??* ?? ?
pivuviwui * iiviuat
and a sacred tiling by the logic
and eloquence of Calhoun and
his school.
Mr. Adams, in the address io
which 1 havejreferred above, has
told you ho has reached the conclusion
th tt both were right, and
1 hare it not in my heart to do!
le*s homage and reverence than
lie to the noble and heroic patri
ots on both sides.
The struggle is over, the I' uion
is preserved and the slaves set
free. The soldiers who lost have
returned to what wis left of their
hearths and homes, and the soldiei>
who won have turned over
their sceptre to the politician, i
and the darkest pages of Ameri-i
j v.uu 1J131" I> flIC W I lllfll.
Not content with the? preserve- i
tion of the 1 nion and t he liberation
of the slaves, to accomplish
which, however, he had borne
none of the hardships, this politician
proceeded to humiliate those
brave, conscientious and patriotic
ao'clier-i who fought for the prin I
ciples they had been taught from |
childhood, and in the struggle I
1 had been left crippled In estate, I
Iin family,in friends and often in iM
bo'ly?he proceeded to put them
under tlie heel of those ignorant
i i
II, 1908
aves he had freed, and to hold I
lem there at the point of the I
iyonet. Poor, deluded mortals I
iey. Armed with a weapon
ley kn?w uot how to use?the (
eatbulwark of American liberty to
id American enlightenment,! he E
illot; wrought up to a belieij 1
tatouiv by u^ing it agaiust their , i?
rmer mes'er* could their Iree-'*
M>1 1 ... . - . . . ~ . . ,J .. ?.l lUn.. m.l I Oil
J LU uc (Uracil v^'U. ikUU IUOU (Jill ^
the tutelage of as great exam- ^
es of white American depravity b?
can be found in history. Thus fc
as the negro race introduced to ?
merican liberty. K>bbervf per- I
iry, theft, embezzlement?aye.
1 the vices in the catalogue? *
eie held up to him as custom- J
y, if not essential, in American
iicial life, ami the proper attri- utes
o! this great American cit.ensliip
which had been thrust
pon him. Some of his race were
ot slow to learn the lessons
lught, and the cup was, indeed, ^
ill. No excuse can ever be found 0
>r this crime upon both racef. tl
t created in the h.oarts of the
bites a bitterness against this
ice, whose destiny has to be N
Arlrn/I nnf ulnno w i h i ^ ?'?
v?uv\J "Ui niv/11^ ** ll/U I liril u ^ II
lat never wouM have otherwise w
sisleti.
CI
It pave to the negro a few tj
Bars ot license, durinp which he
'amed more vice and wickedess
than he could have otherWante
i w
11 T. Y. W:
j Lancaster, - MB?
mn?.?
5
' A great number of people ar
reductions in prices we 1
close out our er
Dress
Noti
and all Ladies' Goods (except
to make another lower c
THE GOODS. We
have the r
Shoes, C
and Men
We will posit
at least ?3.00 to
$10.00 you spei
Yours
^ Williams-h
Indigestion.
Stomach trouble U hotn raptao ol end Ml
lUulf a trus disease. We think XlDntwboL
nertbura. and Indigestion u real dlsoaaea. M
7 art symptoms otilr of a certain specifls
? ff sickness?no thin* else.
It was this tact that first correctly led Dr. Shorn
th? creation of that now very popular Btoroaco
jmodj?Dr. Bhoop Baetorutlve. Ootog direct
the stomach nervae, alone brought that Suomm
id (aror to Dr. 8hoop and his RcstorwUra, WUK
it that original and highly vital prtndpla tw?
ch lasting accomplishments were ever to be had.
For stomach distress, bloating, biliousness, bad
mth and sallow complexion, try Dr. Bhoop
storatiy??Tablets or Liquid?ana see for roust
If what It can and will do. We sell and cLsaa
Uy reoommend
Or. SHoop's
Restorative
UNDERBURK PHARMACY.
SO MANY
Have availed themselves of our
Liberal Offer, viz;
15dlscount on 80 and $90 organs
We have concluded to renew the
ffer for a short wlii'e so as to get
lese excellent organs introduced into
very county and locality in South
arolina
Only $20 first payment, $20
ov. 1,1908, balance Nov 1.1909
These terms enable ioii to buy this
rsi cuss, swe? i mneu vjrtjan wuicn
ill prove a lasting treasure.
Don't delay but write at once for
atalog and price li*t to The Old Ksiblished
Malone's Music House
COLUMBIA, N. C.
PIANOS AND ORGANS. S
HHB
n
d.50
BUSHELS GOOD
SOUND PEAS.
illiams,
? s. c. | I
e taking advantage of the
lave made in order to
itire stock of
Goods
one
V/ 1 1 o
shoes). We have decided
ut in prices to MOVE
i need and must
oom for
Clothing
's Wear
ively save you
$5.00 on every
id with us.
truly,
MgM w wv y
1
1A1B