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Page 4 ? JuJy 11, 1984 Opinion THE GAMECOCK Mondale campaign larlrc PYnitpmont "Walter Mondale's fundamental problem is that few of his so-called supporters really support "Walter Mondale." The special interests he has been castigated for advocating support him due to perceived selfinterest. While this seems an obvious point, it holds in Mondale's case a major pitfall. The former vice president has not generated any excitement for the idea of a Mondale presidency. Unlike his mentor, Jimmy Carter, who in 1976 represented to his supporters a return to clean government, Mondale has been unable to project a coherent image of what his election would mean to America. His image is one assigned to him by others: ob soiescent lioerai, seeking, as ne accuses ^resident Reagan of attempting to turn back the clock. Saddled with this, he remains at the mercy of the groups supporting him, and that are presumably able to deliver their membership's votes. The leaders of those groups, though, have their own interests and constituencies. As Mondale continues to be weak in the polls relative to the President, these leaders may decide that their interests should no longer be subor dinated to those of a probable loser. Supporting this idea is a recent article in Newsday suggesting that the National Organization for Women's demands for a female running mate are the result of internal conflict in the organization, between current NOW president Judy Goldsmith and former president Eleanor Smeal. Left unstated is any suggestion that Mondale's interests or those of the Democratic Party come before their narrow power struggle. But NOW's demands create painful problems for Mondale: he can cave in and nominate a woman for vice president, or he can resist and lose an important element of his support for reasons irrelevent to his plight or the task of defeating Ronald Reagan. Another point of serious weakness is with black voters. Mondale made no inroads with this group in the primaries, and Jesse Jackson's support is needed to correct this situation. That support may not be forthcoming. Jackson's public posturing until this point has given him freedom of action. He has asked for everything, but in a way so ambiguous that it was possible for him to reach a settlement with Mondale when the time came. Jackson has apparently decided that his interests, i:~ : ? u:? 1 ^ _ J* * ... wiuv.li iic in in?, appeal 10 uisencnantea Dlacks, require that he continue to be seen as an attacker of the Democratic mainstream. Organized labor is the only group steadfast in support for Mondale. But its influence generates hostility among the electorate that is more a liability than an asset, particularly in the South, where Jackson's impact could cost Mondale the black votes that would offset this weakness in a region essential to a Democratic victory. TA t ? * 4 uiscora among Mondale's 'supporters," and among other vital parts of the Democratic coalition, might have already doomed his candidacy. Gamecock Editor in Chief i Leslie J. Dun son Copy Desk Chief Ann Farmer Copy Editor Herb Reeves News Editor Marisa Porto General Manager Ron Emler Entertain. Editor . . Robert O'Connor Ad Manager Ron Emler Sports Editor Tracy Mixson Business Manager . . Carolvn Griffen Dateline Editor Margarita Pate Production Mgr Mark McEwart Photo Editor Drew Pearson Graduate Asst Wanda M. Hite Copy Editor Cal Harrison Adviser Mark Ethridge Jr. Copy Editor Hal He well Newsroom. 777 7181 Advertising 7774249 Business Office 7773888 Production 777 2833 The Gamecock welcomes letters and guest editorials. All letters and guest editorials must be typewritten, triple spaced on a 65-space line. I attAr# chnnM Ka nn I Ann or than Iflfi uiavHc an/I .M l? I?1 MO nv rvuywi imhii wwu VTUiua a i iu yuu?i DUIIUIIOI3 3MUUIU UU III III I t7ii to one newsworthy subject no longer than four typed pages. Letters and guest editorials MUST be signed with the writer's name, telephone number, mailing ad dress, class standing or faculty position and major. Pseudonyms are unacceptable, but the writer's name may be withheld upon request if the circumstances warrant. We reserve the right to edit guest editorials and letters. Address letters and columns to: Opinion Page Editor, Gamecock, Drawer A, USC, Columbia, S.C. 29208. ^ vsw Letl Drinking age law discrii To the Editor, As a 73-year old USC Special Studies student, I request as many will of our 18- to 21-year old citizens to mount a class action suit to overthrow our unconstitutional "age to drink" laws, and get a real law taking all drunk drivers of all ages off the road. Sweden seeks to do this with, I think, an inadequate law of six months and one .year in prison for first and second drunk driving offenses. 1 would make it one and two years. We cannot lawfully abridge the citizenship of any national category of citizens by age or any other classification simply because some of them violate a particular law. Interc Proposed bill three As the once distant shorehnes became distinct, and as the blurry statue marking the entrance to this country finally became focused to reveal Freedom's Lady standing as a beacon to the poor and homeless of the world, the European immigrants at the turn of the century first gazed upon the land in which they would make their fortune. Indeed, the waves of immigrants provided in part the economic manpower that lifted America to unprecedented prosperity. But, a "rising tide" truly does lift all ships, including the ones that would be better off left sunken. The Hood of immigrants provoked a nasty and most distressine neriod of racial animn<;itv nnd nrpinHirp Americans felt their security threatened. Today, as the tide of immigrants once again swells, this time with mostly illegals entrants, disturbing ships again begin to surface. It is clear that this country has "lost control of its borders," especially the Mexican border. It appears as though our attempts to control illegal immigration have become virtually useless as the number of unlawful aliens continues to soar. It is out of this atmosphere of confusion that the SimpsonAzzoli Bill has been proposed. The bill, already passed by the Senate and currently being debated in the House, would grant amnesty to many of the illegals currently residing in the U.S., but freedom always has a price. The bill would also impose a stiff fine on those who knowingly hire illegal aliens, a very common practice. Needless to say, the proposed legislation has created quite a furor and even more confusion. Racism, possibly the ugliest of all ships, once again has surfaced. Rep. Robert Garcia was recently quoted by newsweek as saying that "the brownskinned, dark-skinned or yellow-skinned people who would come in under a-nnesty are people that some people don't want," a suggestion of what he understands to be the real motivation behind opponents of the bill. But, Garcia himself vs|s|svs.->va 111v i^giaiauiMi IUI uuin icci^uu^. The immigrants of New York City have been thrown into a state of near panic as the bill creeps through Congress. The New York Times recently quoted Lourdes Santiago of the Committee for Fair Immigration Legislation: "One in four New Yorkers is foreign born, and we fear employers will turn away foreign-looking workers." In general, most liberals fear that the bill would spawn widespread discrimination. Many of the city's foreign employees are uncertain whether thev should reDort to work. That's how deep the confusion runs. It's hard to make any sense out of the controversy and confusion the bill has inspired. But regardless of whether the bill will perpetuate discrimination, or whether amnesty for illegal aliens is just compensation for cracking down on illegal employment, 01 whether the incentive for the many people seekino nnlawfnl entrv will hp deterrpri mjc chrmM r?#?v/?r Iac? O J ? " V tiv ? VI IVJV r I mm TtiEJ^ HAPTDBP k^wmmwmv Iflfifli i WKlHECDVERXAlDfmGE IBfBlt AMTn A Cl IMMCP VtfK Rlf I VB Vlv ters minates, student says If proportionately more citizens of any category violate a particular law more than the rest of us, then that proportion of them should suffer sure and swift punishment, along with the rest of us who do likewise; adequate to "control," if not eliminate, the crime. If we allow this unlawful discrimination against one category of citizens, what is to prevent our indecisive, indirect leaders from going on to discriminate against other categories of citizens. James Galloway Special Studies Freshman ampus itens immigrants sight of the original purpose behind our immigration policy ? to provide security, freedom and a better way of life for as many people as the country can possibly absorb. The debate is not about how many people can be granted amnesty to appease those who oppose a fine on employers of illegal aliens. It is not about how many jobs would be created for Americans once the illegal hiring practices are stopped. The debate is about how this country can effectively continue its traditional role as a haven for the homeless and oppressed of the world. There is no way that we could absorb every single person in the world that wants a better life, but we should always strive for ways to absorb as many as this nation can provide for. It would behoove us all to remember that this country was founded by immigrants and that the legacy they left was one with open arms. There is clearly a need for immigration reform today, but never should we lose touch with that which is often the first casualty of controversy ? compassion. The Chronicle Duke University DUNAGIN'S PEOPLE i 12ffl IM4 IktOllKlNMM"# m?l Anwicl Syn*c?M ?* "&i 60U.V,yoo'RE RI6MT -. THE 6^C*? l?> CCMINfe FROM A 6l)Y IN A "TRACK. SOIT RUMMlMG WITH A TORCH "