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■ ! - ^ - - _ — ^ DEVOTEB TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY. AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE. AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. JAMES H. NORWOOD, EDITOR.] To thine jpttuelf bfjf true; And it must follow as the night the day; Thou const not then be false to any man.—Hamlkt. VOL. 1. DARLINGTON C. H., S. C., WEDNESDAY MORNING AUGUST 6, 1851. [NORWOOD k DE LORRK. PUBLISHERS. NO. 23. THE DARLINGTON FLAG, IS PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING, AT DAHLINGTOJT, C. H., 8. C., BV NORWOOD & DE LOR HE. ML" TERMS OF subscription: In advance, (per annum,) - - - $2 00 At the expiration of six months - 2 60 At the end of the year ... - - 3 00 ADVERTISING : Advertisements, inserted at 75 cents a square (fourteen lines or less,) for the first, and 37$ cts. for each subsequent insertion. Business Cards, not exceeding ten lines, POMTECAfr, SUBSTANCE OF THE . T ' S 0 * Again : She has a larger slave popula> tion in proportion to her white, than any other State. But the chief cause for this state of forwardness on the part of South Carolina, is the entire absence of party division within her borders. This gives her an advantage over her sitter States, and is not set up as a title to superior merit. Not at all. Every one knows how party divisions and party contests color and control all questions. In our sister States the people have been drawn away from the calm and uipassed considera tion of great Federal questions, and have been engaged in eager strife tor party as cendancy. But with us there has always been a “ unify of sentiment,” which has emphatically “constituted us one people.” Hence we have been able to look at these great questions through a clearer and more correct medium, and in this way the popular mind has been sooner informed = and sooner set in motion. But South | Carolina has manifested no disposition to | aspire to the leadership of the South.— Ix’t the records of her Legislature for the of past fifteen years be searched, and it will ns- be found that she has invariably preferred to give the lead to others. Good taste, as well as sound policy, require this of her. Her nullification contest placed hersuf ficieutly far in the van to forbid her voluuta rily assuming that position again, and ac cordingly she has ever exercised all proper deferrence and respect towards her sister States, and is even now doing so by in viting them to meet her in a Southern REM ULUAM CO DelireVeiT^efore the Convention Sotithenfk Rights Associations, semblea^in the Military Hail, Charleston, S. C., May 7,1851. [COSCLUDED.] President, I sometimes fear that fight of secession and the im* 6f the measure when adopted, rated. To my mind this right Edliar and incalculable value to ember of a sectional minority of ^ ? 8 ' ierated States. To us, who are, as 11 .['. . . • • . our senior Senator says, “ proscribed po- responsible for the present agitation than “ - the last anchor al ! n06 Lany other Southern State. Vir- ways been this: Will the Adpiinistration,' It is true, that we have all been taught to 1 sword, with the powers they no\v T poseess, un- believe that “ this government, created dertake, on their own responsibility, to by compact, was not made the exclusive oppose the secession of South Carolina or final judge of the extent of the pow- in any way; or, supposing Congress to ers delegated to itself.” So said Thomas be in session, will they ask for its author- Jefferson, in the Kentucky resolutions ; ity to coerce us, and for an increase of but the good old wine has been poured power for that purpose! Now the an- into new bottles, and they have burst.— swers to these questions must of course The moderns, I fear, have forgotten the be wholly conjectural. I doubt very faith of their fathers, much if the Cabinet itself is prepared But we are not left to speculation as to answer them without qualification.— to the opinions, at least, of the head of Events must control the judgments and cabinet on the character of secession.— the actions of all men. But still it is wise In a letter addressed, during the last win- resistance “at and proper, with the lights before us, to ter by Mr. Webster, to a dinner party in * last extremity. Now, I think think this objection is only the blockade idea in another form, and may as well be classed under th|Al head. 1 cannot see how our commerli can be effectually restricted, except by such measures as must ultimately result in a practical blockade of our ports, and refer to what I have already said on that head. But if something less that this is meant—if a sort of peaceable coercion is intended—then I ask if its hazards or ex tremities are too great to l>e encountered in defence of a cause which is worthy of! every hazard and to the But I think that with endeavoi to ascertain w hat are the prob- New York, he declared that “ secession is ten or fifteen abilities that be in our path. No issue war.” By this is meant, I presume, that ducts of the earth ibr sale, it would lx would ever be brought to an arbitrament, secession on the part of a .State is ipso difficult to destroy our commerce by any if each party waited to know with cer- facto a declaration ol war by her. Then measure of practical coercion. If we tainty, the plan of his adversary’s opera- supposing that the Administration deter- will be content to realize moderate profits tion. Whether the Administration may think it possesses the right and the power to coerce a seceding State or not, I can not pretend to say. We all know' it did not think it had sufficient power to coerce a Boston mob, and asked for more, but did not obtain it. Now, I do not intend to speak in terms of disrespect of the Ad ministration, or to excite unfounded pre judices. Our cause is not to be strength ened by throwing dirt at any one. It spurns the aid of such missiles. Let them be used by those who hax'e a taste is not improbable that I may be mistaken for ' mine to use coercion, in what form will it be attempted ? I have been one of those who have conjectured, for as 1 have al ready ol»served, everything on this sul>- ject is conjectural, that a blockade of our ports would be attempted. In this opin ion I find our senoir Senator, (Judge But ler) if I understand him correctra does not concur,! whilst our junior Senator, (Mr. Rhett) pronounces it in very em phatic terms, an “unmitigated humbug.” With such high authority against me, it tom houses? Will not slavery become hemmed in, and localized within the l*or- ders ofyour confederacy! Will your power of recapture be perfect and complete! Mav not the commerce of Charleston, and your other ports, be harassed and driven away? Who shall have the Mouth of the .Missis sippi ! I have heard many brave words uttered by Western men on this subject on the floor of Congress, and high claims upt into this right. Speak kindly, therefore, I pray you, of secession, for it is the first born—the law ful offspring of disunion doctrines. Such, be assured, will Hb judgment of a candid ten or fifteen millions of the richest pro- world, the record of impartial history. 1 admit, however, that our friends have one advantage over us. Their echeme lies in the future; ours is at hand. They have the chapter of accidents on their and to offer a cheap market to the world, side; we have only the chapter of history. I am aware it may be said, that if. ac cording to my argument, there is no dan ger of any overt acts of aggression against the South on the part of the Government in our day, then there is no danger to us if we remain in the Union; that in this respect my argument is contradictory. Hut the reply is obvious. The argument on thu othef snje w, that our destruction is inevitable if we remain in the Union; that it is the Government of our enemies. ijamari I venture to assert that ft cannot he closed by a war of custom hdnses. But these are but speculations at best, and if we wait to ascertain the exact cost of every hazard in dollars and cents, we will never resist either separately or conjointly. Supjxising, how ever, that coercion in no form whatever is attempted, and that South Carolina is permitted peaceably to secede, still our friends contend that she cannot maintain a separate existence. Now this objection seems to me to amount The truth is, that South Carolina is less litical communities,” it is the last anchor now ment, and their friends, we must speak do not mean to say that the Government of them according to their known opin- will call the measure a “ blockade.’ — ions, principles and conduct. The school , They will merely term it enforcing the of politicians, to which the Administra- revenue laws—collecting the customs; tion belongs, is the school of consolida- but by whatever name it may be called, n i tijui _ tionists. Its most prominent members the attempt must very soon result in no- 0 f )j 0 p e t h e | ast gjjieid of our defence' g illia > Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama : are thoroughly anti-slavery in their feel- thing more nor less than actual block- - ■ w ere certainly in advance of her. If itigs, their principles, and their policy.— ade. It will soon become an interception then she now appears to be in advance The President believes that Congress has of all communication, commercial or of others, it is the result of causes for the power not only to abolish slavery in which she is responsible. But, I freely 1 the District of Columbia, but also the admit, that if she retires from her present slave trade between the States, and that position she should always in futiixp pre- this power ought to be exercised, at what serve the dignity of silence. SB8 must he calls a projier time. His opinions are . _ , . _ who will annihilate us, but that further them. But in speaking of those who in my conjecture, but it is always better to nothing more or less than this: That it aggressions will soon he committed which v wield the power of this Govern- to be prepared than to be surprised. I South Carolina should resume those now- will unite the South, in conjoint seces- Sectional majorities need no such protec tion. They can always take care of them selves, and hence they seldom seek or per- dl^lt mit amciidnihits to Constitutions, for they can always take more by usurpation than they can obtain by amendment. In my judgment, secession will jiever be re-i . _ i • - —r sorted to except in the defence of the »ow act, or “ forever after hold her peace, on record, and will lie found to be extreme • 1 Again: It is said that the cause ot dis- 1 on this subject. Mr. Webster believes and “ regrets ex- exists in tfle Southern eminent, the creature of the States, form-1 B, k d wait for , ’ ur,he . r developments—that States;” and whilst he admits that Con- institution of slavery. All other subjects . - . . . . , , of difference may be Hdjusted without union is making nrogre«, and we ought slavery to be an evil, appealing to this remedy If this Gov- P[ esent a . <lva !L c °: I o.^I"5! y . ,h J at J l t : 1 " 18 ' eminent, the .creature of the States, form ed chiefly to hike care of our external re lations, can deny this right, and by the mere (tower of its arm hold a sovereign State to this Union, like a victim to the. steke, then the sooner we know it the better. It is surel^fogh time, at the end of seventy yearsj^Hmow the form of Government under which we are living. Let no one suppose that the secession of ers which she Ims delegated to the Gen eral Government, and become, what we have always contended she was, when she came into this Union, a free, sovereign, and independent State, then that moment she perishes. I must be permitted to say, with due respect to those who urg«' this argument, it proves too much, and gives up everything in dispute. It is a fatal concession to the Consolidationists, and will be regarded by them as a complete surrender. They have always contended vS'onjh Carolina can be looked upon with indifference anywhere. Politicians and veMlpwsses may den'ounM and deride «« We have no other is- if ’ arrow a few years ago there was no disunion | gress has no power to act upon it there, party in South Carolina, whilst now there ! still he suggests, to use his own words, is scarcely any other. To this, I reply, “ that in the dispensation of Providence, that if it is meant to be said that onr some remedy for this evil may occur, or i fi'-d as blockade. But blockade is a biy- fiiends iu the other States have “ kindled may be hop'd for hereafter.” The truth hgerent measure, and must be made pul>- their fires at our altars,” shall we now is, that both the President and Mr. Web- lie, so that neutrals may have notice ol abandon our position and expect them to ster, like many other advocates of the it and act accordingly. War, then, pule advance? Some of them are now telling : Compromise, are responsible for much lie war, must be declared against Nouth us, “ we w'ant a measure to unite us—we of that Ary agitation they are seeking to Carolina, and Congress must be called are beating the empty air—we speak to quell. They have sown broadcast anti- on, for Congress only has power to leve the idle winds.” Let us then give them slavery doctrines in the Northern mind, war. and now behold the fruit. “Theengi-j I think therefore, that the question of otherwise, between us and all other States and nations, maintained by a be sieging force sufficiently powerful to ren der any intercourse with us dangerous that the sovereignty of the .States is an to third parties, and expose them to seiz- j “abstraction,” a mere thing of words; that tire. To render their coercion effectual it has no practical value, and cannot pro- tlieir measure must come to this: it may tect the citizen, who therefore, imvcs it no commence in overhauling vessels at a allegiance. They say that this is not a distance from shore, and inspecting their Confederacy of sovereign States, hut a manifests, or iu attempting to erect float- Government of one people—a unit, of ing custom houses, but it must end, I re- pect, in what, through respect to the rights of foreign nations, must be justi- which the States are the fractions, and that, therefore, the majority must govern, for there is no legal remedy against its acts. From all this, it follows that our only remedy is that which belongs to us in common with our slaves—revolution, and no more. I cannot but think, therefore, that if South Carolina declines to secede for a reason like this, she «ill give a death-blow to the great cause of State Rights, for which she has hitherto perilled so much, sion. The first branch of the 1 admit,but the latter 1 deny. How, then, you ask, will our destruction come? I answer, by the gradual, but certain advan ce of abolition; by the process of sapping and mining; by immigration; by the spread of anti-slavery opinions; by degrading State Rights and exalting Federalism; by combining measures of justice with mea sures of wrong—a fugitive slave bill with an anti-slave trade bill; by dividing the South; by party contests; by denouncing slavery as an evil, and hoping for a reme dy through the dispensation of Divine Providence; by going on step by step in this way, until Consolidation and Abolition become so strong that (if I may lie par- tinned the quotation) the “ one shall hold whilst the other skins.” This is the way your destruction will come, and there is no contraction whatever in the argument. It will stand the test of any scrutiny.— Hear whalihe leading journal of Europe 11 nfa i says ot i subject: as a most impressifferevent. The great popular heart of the South will be moved to its inmost recesses, stripped of all the i disguises with which false issues may surround it; the naked fact will be ure- sented to the people, that South Carolina has made her choice between slavery and the Union 1 That, nurtured in the doc- trines of V trines quiver—it is the only native to submission. Mr. President, a state of high excite ment is not a natural condition, either in men or nations. We must not expect to keep up this agitation always. The peo ple become wearied with long continued and fruitless exertions; they become fa tigued into compliance,and yield a strug- of Virginia, stimulated by the doc- "k u 1 * » } • TT of Georgia, encouraged by the ex- 8 le 4 ,hat “ out 1,0 ho P e °‘ »>..ned.ate of Mississippi, and sustained by v,C Ory ' ^ “*r. « our danger. I*t ama, jjie m the love of Alabama, nfre has planted her self in the P at ^4Ni|v t lie Abolitionists, and resolved to dNfoim her institutions “atevery hazard and to the last extremi ty.” A spectacle like this, by every law and instinct of our nature, must com mand the sympathy and respect of every free people. Our sister States may say that we are rash, that we are precipitate ; but. if they themselves have fixed a Unfit to. their forbisftiiM, can they say that wo are withouPNostifiration, or that our rortn us bew are how we lose our opportunity. Another objection urged against us, is, that our friends in Congress liqm other Southern Stab's, have not counselled se cession, and I am appealed to by my friend and colleague (Mr. Orr) to say if this is not the case. I answer it is, so far as my intercourse extends. But, the same time, I must be permitt say, that I am inclined to think these gentlemOn, who are worthy of all our ad miration and esteem, would make the most uncompromising secessionists if they were, as 1 wish w ith all my heart they were, citizens of South Carolina.— IP, PW it lut^gt v to*'to I e Very A ^ is unwortny of success? A new issue will be presented. It must be met and decided. A right as dear to them as , , .. ..... , . , • . • . .... .J In all questions ol this kind, involving to us is at stake. It will be the first strug-1 nf gle in that conflict which, all admit, must tion and slavery. ;e place Detween aboli- The manner in which the contest is begun, whether by too has- le centre, ty a movement on the rigb_ or the left, will soon be forgHften, and all hearts wiUJje turned to the great issues involved, res, sir, be assured that the OgSp^an of a single State of this Union I wiubring up for judgment the mightiest ® . fundamental changes of government, we generally find that the people are ahead of their Representatives, and it is wise and proper that they should be so. Iu the ordinary administration of public af fairs, the Representative may rightfully assume all responsibility—but the respon sibility of altering their form of govern ment belongs to the people,«nd cannot :ed. Hence we frequently hear bring up for judgment the mightiest ~ uc,c 6“" u ' questions ol a modern age. Statesmen, i £ mark > c , ve “ 1,1 our 0 *'\ , siTnot venal politician!, not hireimg ll . le Ri'presen.at.ves are behind the peo- not* pension^ libellers, b.Tt 1 P ,e °- n . ,he ‘^ ue8, . , - 0 " of dlaumon State, that talesmen, will find materials for the ex-‘ I our C . on ^ thertfore ’ ver > mrc The London Times tints describe* what is to be jhe result of the Union lo the South, if it goes on as it has been doing. “Slavery is but a question of time. It is scarcely possible to conceive that a hundred years hence there will lie one D . . . , . . slave in the United States, not to say in neers have been hoisted hy their own pe- | coercion must be referred to that body, and with which her name is so proudly the whole continent of America. The tard.” The Pope taught republicanism j The Administration will be compelled to i associated. 4k 1 slave owners see the ramparts rising, the ilicanism drove him from | do so. But when the question conies, ; Ix t us glance however at some of the trenches opened, the commnni. aiions es- then no human sagacity can predict difficulties which it is urged lie in our tablished,and the blockade closing around what course things will take. The I way as a free sovereign and indejieiident them, that is one day to reduce them to Presidential question will then be. in full State. It is said we will have to resort to unconditional surrender. We doubt not discussion. Much will then depend upon smuggling fora livelihood. That nur tie- lor a „ instant that our children’s children, the bearing which the Issue of coercion 1 gro population will become redundant, vv i|| w .,. ji l( . chains drop in one hour from way for the coining of the Compromise. ‘ will have upon thafquestion, for it is the and that if they escape we cannot reclaim t h e limbs of three million slaves. The Trained, then, in the school of the con- mighty whirlpool which draws within its them. The objection in regard to smug- Fugitive Slave bill is only a last legi.-lativ solidationists, having as little respect in greedy vortex all other subjects. glmg is sufficiently anlwered by showing principle for the secession of a .State as While the Administration will be in the that it goods are carried from our territo- at Rome—republicanism drove him from the Vatican. Mr. Webster taught anti slavery in Boston, and anti-slavery drove him from Faneuil Hall. French bayonets | opened the way for the return of his Ho liness. Federal bayonets opened the which rests our happiness and prosperi ty, and which no ' erase profoundest wisdom, But, if I am still told by oiMh^iends in these view mission 7,1 v TJ iAm l^nreT.ireir P r0 F rl v declined to counsel a measure ’ 04 the,r h « he#t 'Ate^ncfctheir | £ r ‘ eg&rd t0 wWch they , iad no tu , hority to commit their constituents, I know that I they will never he found in the ranks of those who will denounce South Carolina if she secedes, but that in them we will always find men whom we will delight to honor. Lastly; It is urged that secession will oe met by coercion and its consequent difficulties. Now, before proceeding to consider this objection, 1 must be permit ted to say, that if I were contending for the mere triumph of a forensic discuss ion, I should hold our friends precluded from bringing into the argument any of the dangers or sacrifices ot secession, be cause die highest authority amongst them, one for whom we all feel a conv 111011 veneration, (Judge Cheves) whilst iu^jg’Union, [^posing th ‘s measure on other grounds, 0 ( n,„ expressly says that “no dangers and no of die cJhvention Jwch sacrifices can be too great in such a nt Constitution, aflorl caU8 f ” ® ul 1 ■ ,n e ? ek !' , K tr ‘- of this faefa-she is now, um P h r The « ub J eot fdrbld “ 1 am ac : s been*— I h'atcd, I trust, by a higher purpose. 1 f nPvculinr lit- * l11 proceed, dien, tf consider this objec- ” tion. U opens, I adroit, a most important inquiry. The Dpect iu which diis branch of the subject presents itself to my min*has M- t they cannot concur in these ffu* they cannot believe in the sympathy (4 die Southenv States, then I submit that my aiguroenta against cb-opcration Before secession, as potent as theirs Maitift co-operation afterwards; and that iCi^lher is to be obtained, and South Cafdlina cannot maintain her separate existence as they also contend, then sub mission, hopeless, helpless, abject sub- inission is the doom of the South. again, it is asked why should Carolina be further in advance he q|her Southern Statefe. This is attributable to several causes. It must be remembered jted from our earliest his tory, South Carina has been one of the strot 1 Tlte federation, i formed ©itr abundant ■fore, whore site liar' " beeiK—- this is one cause of N^eculior ha- always exhibited towards her by the Aboiitionista, and w hy they would rather see a a very crushed through j»er than any other State, itrongest pro-slavery Pile history af the Coi the sedition of a mob, with all their feel ings and opposed to that institution on minister of State has any right to denounce as an “evil” ot such magnitude as to call for a “ remedy” at the hands of “ Divine Providence,” with such feelings and opinions as these, say, it is altogether probable that the Administration, urged on too by “ the power behind the throne, greater than the throne itself,” will lie disposed to co erce South Carolina. The extirpation of the “ pestilent heresy” of secession, the subjugation of a slave State, out of which through the “dispensation of Providence,” the extinction of slavery may be “ hoped” for, are triumphs to tempt the ambition of better men than live in these degene rate days. In such a crusade it is not difficult to foresee that an army with ma ny many banners might soon be enlisted; but what fruits would victory bring to them. The Administration would be compelled to say to their allies, like Phyr- rus of old, “ such another victory and we must go home alone!” But it may be asked: Is the power to coerce a sove reign State so clear that the Cabinet will feel authorized to exert it on their own responsibility ? Are there not such grave doubts on tfie subject, as to make them pause before proceeding to such an ex treme? 1 have already said that the Cabinet belong to the school ot the con- solidationists. They deny the sovereign ty of the States; they contend that the StatM never were sovereign; that at no perM had they the powers of sove reignty, or if they had, they have trans ferred them all to the General Govern ment. They say that “ the doctrine of Republicanism is, that the majority can do no wrong, in the same sense in which it is said in England, that the King can do nAwrong, and for the same reason; became there is no legal remedy.”* With such doctrines as these, it is easy to per ceive that the Administration would not call it “ coercing” a sovereign State, but merely enforcing the laws on the disobe- (TOnt citizens of an empire, who have no more right to justify their proceedings, under the authority of South Carolina, than under the authority of theirmprticu- lar protege, Hungary, whose recent at- #mpt at a redress of grievances, has found such ^underfill “ favor at court 1 ; hands of the Whigs the Democratic par- 1 tf will be largely in the ascendency in the next Congress. If it is found that the effort against that which is more powerful than legislatures—the progress ot human affairs. Every acre added to the territory of the Union, every freeborn child added to its population, and e^ery immigrant that lands on its shores, is another weight to the scale of abolition. Then why, ex cept because they are demented andaootn- ed, do the slave owners take no steps whatever to prepare for the great day ot reckoning! Why do they assume l >r • Why do they assume the perpetuaT stability of an institution at va ry into the other States, it must be done by the citizens of those States themselves, and they must settle the matter with their South Carolina question can be made po- j own government. As to a redundant po litical capital of, it will be used for that > pulation, I have no fears what ever on purpose. Although the couftomise has that subject. If we ever have more slaves patched up a hollow truce between the than we can profitably employ, we will be old party leaders, yet them is no love be- able to sell them at a reduced price, and tween them. There can be none what- I have no doubt that the surrounding ever. They are as far apart as ever, and slaveholding States will soon be aide to when the Presidential race begins, the obtain the sanction of their government cry will be “occupat vostremum scabies" for their purchase. It will be a very dif- “the devil take the hindmost.” This w as ferent thing from the African slave trade, clearly shown to be the state of feeling and as our slaveholding neighbors are to at the last Congress, when an at-| he the pets of their government for fear of tempt was made to gi t up a great Union the contagion ofsecession, I have no doubt i ag the great statesman of that day hoped —• - under a written compromise pledge, they will be able to make satisfactory ar- and expected. If time has hitherto a &- rangements on this eubjesi, even ifNt should gravated rather than removed the enor- invqlve an amendment of the constitution, i mous difficulties, what will be the case Long before the day could come, when . thirty years hence, when perhaps there we would voluntarily give up our terri- , nu „t and will be aliolition without either tory to our slaves, and run away Irotn the slave or his master beingprepared for them, or they could conquer it groin us. the change? The choice lies between riance with the whole tenor and course of modern civilization? VVe do not hesitate to ad\ ise them to set tlWr house in order. If it is harder to do so now than it w as seventy years back, instead of being easier. This pledge received the signatures of many distinguished W’higs; but, if my memory serves me, of only two promi nent Southern Democrats, (Messrs. Cobb and Foote.) The cohesive power of the compro- f irise is fast giving way eaders, and they will soon gradual and sudden abolition, ah*|| in the slave States themselves ttieno is for States themselves to^choose w hiqh of those two they will have—for one they must!” - j? Behold this picture and say if it is true! then let me ask you, w ill delay between party 1 our neighbors would findmeaitWro relieve be found in 1 us as well as themselves from such dire hostile array. 41 calamities, by giving them much better But shoujg the appeal toCongress by : employment in their rice and cotton fields, the Adminlwration result iu the passage South Carolina w ill not lx- permitted to of some Force Bill, or other measure of become a St. Domingo in the of. (f j t coercion, then we will be calledgipon to the South. History presents jip ig.-'tsiico t(>ar dowll tliew , rampfts, close thesi- defend ourselves with all the reronrees of a nation perishing from a redundant trenc | ieS) blockade..and save we possess, and I feel the utmost confi-: population—a peaceful exodus has always y 0 u from unconditional surrender! Ye dence that in such a contest the South j been found. arc men, answer for yourselves. I have will never stand neutral. Let the sword As to the difficulty in relation to the re- thus, Mr. President, endeavored to give be put into the hands of the Executive, capture of our fugitive slaves, it is obvious my views on the present deeply mterest- after a long and angry debate in Con- that as the slaveholding States would be ing condition oi' our public affairs. I am for the purpose of hewing down Rross, . . sovereign State, whose only sin has been her impatience to defend our common in stitutions, but who can appeal to the Judge of the World for the purity of her purposes, and the justice of her cause, and that sword must be dyed deep in Southern blood before it is returned to its scabbard. In such a struggle, whoever shall triumph, the Union will fall. But it is said by some of our friends that we will have no direct issue of force, but that a war of custom houses and of commercial restrictions will be waged againat-us, in other words, that we w ill be destroyed by famine ar ’ not the | exposed to the same evil by their slaves sensible that I escaping into our territory, a remedy would soon be found by our mutual necessities, t linv' performed this duty very imperfectly. I nave purposely ab- do just what we are doing now to their loss. Mr. I’resident, I admit that if v**y e to say many hard things against alscee.- stained from aii]F*attomptto*»imulate tffi» Interest will regulate these subjects as it counsels of this assembly, or the popular has always done. Sliould our slaves es- mind, by appeals to pride, to passion, or cape into the free States, we will have lo to prejudice, I trust I feel too deeply the ubmit ' * This is the lani a»ft, ip, a recent nguage of C publicalifo. of Chief Justice what f At this point ol my remark < Judge Butler rose and observed that I did not understandjtum correctly, and re-stated his position, which will be seen in his published speech, to wfcich I refer, as I write NMhout notes, find my memory does noAmable me to repeat accurately i said on the occasion. 4k so I apprehend it is just as many hard things against disunion, friends muot allow me to say to them p Hush not your arguments against seces sion too far, or you may find your batteries turned against your own favorite scheme i —disunion by co-operation. Do you know that you can accomplish disunion and the establishment of a Southern Confederacy. without now fed at consists H whether you will be permitted without coercion? May you encounter blockades aud a war of cus- irejudic heaviespoiisibility which rests upon me, to address myself to any other tribunal than the calm judgment of an intelligent ople. I have endeavored, too* careful- ' J the use of anything like the of crimination or censure. I well that such language only closes the door to reason, and, opens the windows to passion. I deprecate from the bottom of my heart anything like an gry dissensions within the State. Our en emies are watching our councils, and w ill rejoice at our divisions. Let us give h triumph. Let us tell them, we differ I do not t the introduction of this discussion. It lias beau said, that your Convention w aaeldch4 before the question of socees- t of a Routliern Confederacy, win rvjo.et- m y of those very sacrifices you I thcjftjio such triumph. Let us t linst secession? If your Cor* i once and foreyer.ftiBt though \ sista of the cotton states, do | we will never deride. For one, hoth-r vnn Will be permitted Tregret the introduction of this di