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Direct Trade. "If /? We find the following letter from Mr. Baylor in the Charleston Mercury, and chcerftjly comply with the request to cony: ; 3 ' v ft 4 A " w ashington UITY, V. tj. April, -J 00?ii Gentlemen : Will you alloSv me to call the attention of the planters in your State to the late proposition received by m'c from the Messrs. Hartsen Brothers, Amsterdam ? It will be reremembered thatthe6e parties, on account of misunderstanding on both sides, and wilful misrepresentations of the enemies of Southern commerce, were dissuaded from exerting themselves in regard to a trade which they were led to believe could never be established. I took the liberty of saying in behalf of the planters of the South that they were in earnest, and that to test the matter let an advance of half be made bv Hartsen Brothers for atrial cargo. That this trial cargo would evidence to mv Southern friends the disposition abroad to co-operate with ns to 4 start the ball,' and would prove by actual results, evidenced by the account of sales, whether direct trade was a humbusr or not. That all the planters wanted was a means, safe, simple, and guaranteed, and they would act. These statements of mine were in opposition to those of hundreds who had busied themselves in regard .to iny arrangements in Europe. In accordance with my earnest solicitations, and upon the faith of my assurance in behalf of the planters, the Messrs. Hartsen Brothers have renewed their offers and given a specific authority, in accordance with my proposition, to authorize an advance of of half upon this trial cargo, and, if the results prove favorable and mutually satisfactory, that further advances of two-thirds and three-<jaurwill be made. w I have notified Messrs. James Gadsen ?fe Co. of the same, and merely ask, through your journal, to call the attention of the Planters of South Carolina to the facts. It is not for me to say anything more about direct trade, to a people so intelligent as the citizens of the Palmetto State. If that subject is not now understood at the South, it never will be. We are now on the eve of the first fire, before the great and general battle. Shall my representation* be sustained, or shall the enemies of Southern commerce, at home and abroad, still further cut us oft from that sympathy and confident which it is so im portaut for us to establish with the Continent of Europe ? Here, at least, is the issue made. Here are the 4 darling advances'?the opportunity of moneyed alliance with Holland?of low interest and the hundted advantageous items involved in a direct trade. What better time could be selected i What more is want* d ? A consignment to Messrs. Hartsen Brothers, Amsterdam, through Messrs. J. Gadsen <fc Co. Charleston, will be received, duly forwarded, and an advance of half made. 4, "My duty is discharged. The regular and usual commercial details are arranged?correspondence established, and it now remains with the Planters to decide whether direct tiade is an abstraction to be talked about, or a fact, involving the commercial, social, and political redemption, to be sustained by the South, as a wise and safe domestic policy Nous verrons C. G. Baylor. The Public Printing. Both houses of Congress have been occupied from day to day on that most complex and interminable topic, the Public Printing. The contractor having failed, and the accumulation of unfinished work retarding the public business, there is a necessity to replace the defaulting printer by a subtitute. The debates which have taken place have turned, not on the intrinsic merits of the question, how can the printing be most expeditiously, economically and effectually executed, but on the claims of the party press in Washington. The latest proposition before the two hou ses was to divide the printing between the proprietors respectively of the Washinton Union and Washington Republic?that is, to divide the work between one of the Democratic and one of the Whig papers in Washington. This subject should be withdrawn from the arena of Congressional debate. It occupies at almost every session the time that ought to be devoted to the public business. It becomes blended with party predilections and enmities. The support of party newspapers, aud not the exigencies of the particular service to be performed, is made the test of speeches, votes and political influence. The public printing becomes an element of our Presidential election, as the hope of support from the leading organs of party at the Capitol supplies the inducement for giving the printing to this or that paper, while if the contract to do the work is not performed, it furnishes the motive for releasing the defaulting party from the consequences of failure. The public will recollect what a large consumptii n of time took place in the debates which followed the non-performance of Mr. Ritchie's contract. Now the only proper remedy, we think, for this evil is the entire divorce of the printing from the political press. It is this union which is the source of the prolonged debates by which the subject is complicated. The contract system, duly enforced, will be found jierhaps the best. The establishment of a Bureau of Printing, under the supervision of Government officers, would not be found the most economical, if practicable. If the printing is brought within the operation of the principle of competition, with certain guards against default or non-performance of contract, excluding from bidding the condnctors of political journals, we cannot perceive why responsible contractors could not be obtained for this as well as other public work. The mechanical means and appliances, it is contended, could not be found unless in connection with the daily papers at Washigton. We do not believe this. If Congress will give fair remunerating rates for the printing it would become the interest of parties wh.-? mnv desire the contract, to brincr wiirlrmnn to Washington for its ready and faithful execution. But as a neceasary part of such a system the rigid enforcement of penalties for non-performance is a necessary requisite. The whole evil now is the connexion of the political press with the public printing. If there is default appeals to the sympathy of political partizans become irresistible. The penalties are not enforced, and never will be while there are political associations to control the judgment of members of Congress. It were better to estalish a Government Bureau of Printing than to continue a connexion that gives play to political sympathies, if it is not the parent of intrigue, and ma/^eome'the source of corruption. But there can be no. difficulty in getting the done by responsible Contractors unconnected with the politicalpress:? Eve. JTews.*^ Letter from Daniel Webster. Washington, April 10, 1852.. Dear Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 8th inst., and thank you for what you are pleased to say of niv fidelity to.arreat national whig: principles. 1 trust there is not a man in the country who doubts my approbation of those measures which are usually called " compromise measures," or my fixed determination to uphold them steadily and firmly. Nothing but a deep sense of duty led me to take the part which I did take in bringing about their adoption by Congress, and that same sense of duty remains with unabated force. I am of opinion that those measures, one and all, were necessary and expedient, and ought to be adhered to by all the friends of the constitution and all lovers of their country. That one among them which appcai-s to have given the greatest dissatisfaction?I mean the fugitive-slave law? I hold to be a law entirely constitutional, highly proper, aud absolutely essential to the peace of the country. Such a .law is demanded by the plain-written words ot tne constitution; ana now any man can wish to abrogate or destroy it, and at the same time say that he is a supporter of the constitution, and willing to adhere to those provisions in it which are clear and positive injunctions and restraints, passes my power of comprehension. My belief is, that when the passions of men subside, and reason and true patriotism are allowed to have their proper sway, the public mind, North and South, will come to a proper state upon these questions. I do not believe that further agitation can make any considerable progress at the North. The great mass of the people, I am sure, are sound, and have no wish to interfere with such things as are, by the constitution, placed under the exclusive control of the separate States. I have noticed, indeed, not without regret, certain proceedings to which you have alluded, and, in regard to j these, 1 have to say that gentlemen may not think it necessary or proper that they should be called upon to affirm, by resolution, that which ; is already the existing law of the land. That I any positive movement to repeal or alter of any or all tlie compromise measures would meet with any general encouragement or support, I do not at all believe. But, however that may be, my own sentiments remain, and are likely to remain, quite unchanged. 1 ain in f?vor of upholding the constitution, in the general, and all its particulars. I am in favor of respecting its authority and obeying its injunctions, and to the end of life shall do all in my power to fulfil, honesti?i c a.ii.. ?ii I*. a.:n: MM r 1^1, ; ly aim iuiunuuy, ;ui its piu>i?iuiis. i iuut\ upuu I the compromise measures as a proper, fair, and final adjustment of the questions to which they relate; and 110 reagitation of those questions, no new opcring of them, no effort to create dissatisfaction with them, will ever receive from me the least countenance or support, concurrence or approval, at any time, or under any circumstances. I am, with regard, your ob't. scrv't., DANIEL WEBSTER. A. G. Tavennek, Esq. The Pardoning Power.?We are as little disposed as any one, to justify the frequent or hasty use of the power confided to the Governor, of remittii g the penalty of offences. To use it in any other way than in strict subordination to the purposes of the law, is to abuse it, and make it a source of great mi-chief. But the power has been conferred, assuredly with the intent that it should bo exercised on proper occasions ; : and the indiscriminate or hasty condemnation of its exercise is as improper as the abuse of the power itself. Governor Means lias been censured in two eases, in which we think a true statement of the facts will justify liiin to every impartial mind. The first is the case of Sharp, convicted of manslaughter at Columbia, and condemned to twelve months iniprisonment and a fine of ?1000. 1 he Governor remitted the former penalty, (not the tine,) on the certificate of two respectable physicians that Sharp's confinement had already greatly impaired his health, and if continued, would produce serious consequences. Moreover, the condition was annexed to the remission of the imprisonment, that Sharp should either leave the State never to return, or give bond and security of ?<2000 to keep the peace for two years. The second case is that of Henry Wrede, who, when brought before Judge Withers to receive sentence for a misdemeanor of which lie had been convicted at the previous session of the Court produced the Governor's pardon. On this occasion the Judge remarked that the practice of pardoning criminals before sentence would be more honored in the breach than in the observance. But subsequently on hearing an explanation of the case, he in open Court, entirely withdrew his censure of the Governor's act. The facts, we are informed, are as follows : Wrede had been the owner of a grocery store, which he had sold and delivered over to another person. But he was in the store one day when some stolen goods were brought in and disposed of to the proprietor. For this, Wrede was indicted, tried and convicted, in his absence and without his knowledge of the proceedings. As soon as he learned his conviction he voluntarily delivered himself up to the Sheriff, and had been in iail till the oo.oasion referred tn Thene I ? -?J -dircnm^tances being made known to the Judge who presided at the trial of Wrede, he re commended him to Executive clemency, which in this case was certainly not abused,?Charleston Mercury. The Precept of Washinfton.?The following sentence is from a letter addressed by Washington to Lafayette and dated Mt. Vernon, Dec. 25, 1798; On the politics of Europe, I shall express no opinion, nor make any inquiry who is right or wrong. I wish well to all nations and to all men. My politics are plain and simple. I think every nation has a right to establish that form of government under which it conceives it may live most happily, provided it infracts no right, or is not dangerous to others; and that no government ought to interfere with the eternal concerns of another, except for security of what is I due to themselves. .? "rtw ' 1 The Old Fogies and Young America.? These terms dow form parts of oar political vo- . cabulaiy, if they have not bejbrrie party designations. Grave legislator!* at Washington use' them. The press is redolen t of them. Many of our readers may ask for a definition. We .cannot furnish any but a loose description, and must resort to personal illustration. We perceive that Old Fogies is a phrase intended to ex- t press the elder class of American politicans, and Young America those who represent in political sentiment the more ardent and enthusiastic of of our countrymen. According to this classificafinn f5nr> Piics Mr Buchanan. Gen. Butler, and Gen. Houston are in the categoiy of Old Fogies, ^ whilst Douglas, Shields, and Stockton are the leaders and organs of Young America. Now these designations although not precise, for it is hard to draw the line where age is the point of division, are yet expressive of a fact of much significance?looking rather to the future than the present. They denote classifications that indicate the character hereafter of our foreign policy, if we comprehend their meaning.? That class of our statesmen who venerate the maxims of Washington are thought to march too ] slowly for the sanguine and the progressive spirit 1 of Young America. Hence a name of ill-savour 1 has been bestowed on them, as if in their staid and stationary opinions they were the enemies of 1 progress. To the reverse of this is the more 1 suggestive epithet "Young America," which leads 1 the minds of die more unreflecting to brilliant an? A? nntiAnol fntnpii tn tlm 1 Ul'J J'UlIV'Iin UUI IJHHVIKU 1UW1UV W V??v "V.... zations of visions that have not yet assumed a ! definite form in the imaginations of the manifest- destiny men. They look to territorial acquisition as the dream of Young America which is to re- ' ceive embodiment in the jiossession of Cuba, Yucatan, if not the whole West India Archpelago. No specific scheme of acquisition is proposed. No mode or means are suggested of acquiring foreign possissions, which are hinted to be necessary, not to round off our territory, but to complete the Republic geographically?to make the Gulf of Mexico, as the phrase goes "our own closed sea." These suggestions are but I dimly hinted at as part of the future of Young I America, but enough is disclosed to satisfy us that this idea of the bright hereafter is to be kept constantly before mind of Young America, that the ardent portion of our population may become familarizcd with the conception of progress that it suggests. The aspirations of candidates for the Presidency, with whose success is associated these anticipations of territorial glory, are upheld, whilst the Old Fogies, who revere the councils and example of Washington, and who move quite too slowly over the field of national advancement, are ridiculed. It is by such associations that names are to work on the imaginations like spells to influence political action, if not now, at no distant period. The Republic is to bo thrown from herequilibrum,not directly by legislation, but finally by insidiously working on opinion, by which it will be shaped, as well as our elections, through the magic of names, and an artful classification of our politcal leaders into Old Fogies and Young America. Charleston Evening News. Comparative Power of Nations.?The ; power of nations may be divided into three kinds. 1. Geography ; 2. Physical; and 3. Moral. In geographical power, Russia, or the Cossac, stands foremost in the rank of nations, having a territory of four millions of square miles ; and were her moral and physical energies in proportion, I she would annihilate all other people. Great; Britain, with only thirty-four thousand square j miles, may be said to give the law to all Europe ; i owing to her superior physical and moral power, i The whole Austrian dominion, including Ilutij gary and Italy, is only three hundred square I miles;?with an inferior moral and physical { power t<> that of France. The United States now possesses three and a quarter millions of j square miles?little less than tuat of Russia? with infinitely more moral and scarcely less ' physical power. With so small a geographical power, it ap-1 pears a miracle that Great Britain should check | all the colossal empires of Europe by moral and physical power. Geographical power amounts i is* n.dKinir in hr?iiwr rtnltr ?i Kacia for fhci I development of the two other kinds of power; as seen in France, whose 197,400 square miles1 enabled her, under 'the Little Corporal,' to not | only hold all the European Continent in check by her moral and physical developments on that ' small geographical organization, but even to j 1 menace with annihilation, at the gates of St. 1 Petersburg, the whole Cossack empire of four , 1 millions of square miles?which doom was only I averted by such a winter as seldom howls even i in Russia. : Where is the power of France now? Ab- ; sorbed by a vicious capital, and that capital . (Paris,) absorbed by a standing army under an i ubsolute master. What u lesson to mankind! Purchasers at Sheriff's Sales.?We learn from tue rnuaueipnia ruuuc imager that tne ;1 Supreme Court of Pennsylvania has decided that\ ' the purchaser of property f t a Sheriffs sale who 1 acts by agent, is not bound by the bid of his ( agent, if it exceeds the amount to which the 1 principal authorized the agent to go in bidding.? ? The case in which this doctrine, was laid down, ' was one in which the Sheriff claimed to recover j the difference between the bid of the agent and j the price for which the property was subsequent- 1 Iv sold, on a second sale, after the principal had refused to take the property at the price bid < by his agent at the first sale. The Court deci- ( ded that the principal was not liable for any c act of his agent, which was done by the latter t in violation or excess of the authority delegated t to him. \ A hov heariner the minister read that "An i angel came down from heaven and took a live ! a coal off the alter," repeated it thus : ' An Indian | c came down from New Haven and took a live t coalt off with a halter." p t An Irishman lost his hat in the well, and was v let down in a bucket to recover it. The well tl being extremely deep, his courage failed him be- o I fore he reached the water. In vain did he call tl j to those above him ; they lent a deaf ear to all b ho said, till at last, quito in despair, he bellowed out?" By St. Patrick, if yc don't draw mo up, sure, ril rut tficrope /" ti rflE Spi-VEIEKLY JOUmaIT FRIIUY EYEWMQ, APR1I, 23,?ie52. jjf|~ THO.J. WARREN, Editir. 5 J Our Cotton Market - - . j The Cotton Market continues inactive, without macrial change in priced. Extremes, 6 to 6 7-8. Charleston quotations, 6 1-2 to 8 1-2. In making up our Tuesday's form an awkward ranspositiou occurred in the article of our corresponlent "Richland;" we re-publish it to-day in proper orm. It will be found on our first page. Free Schools. It Is presumed that the primary object of law 8 to do the greatest amount of good to the greatest lumber. Consequently, that system which can best accomplish this end should bo preferred. Happily for js, our laws generally are not oppressive, and are only Tiale really burthensome by our acting contrary to iioir toonhiiiM Tr in iHlo to hnno for nerfection ? ? r n finite things?we never can reach it Yet wj may improve upon old customs and laws, and it is our duty to improve. i In the accomplishment of State enterprises, it is not the policy of the government to look to the origin of the ( means by which they are to be attained, but to the ; end in view. Railroads are public benefits?therefore, it is but , right that tho State should tax itself for their construction, to some extent, at least Colleges and Schools are for the public good. TTe must not say that the section of country immediately interested must do the work?such institutions are generally those in which the weal of the State is largelj' interested. It is right that aid should be drawn from the common treasury, while each has contributed its quota to tho common stock, for the public good. Having thus premised, we proceed. - Out of the general tax, levied upon each citizen of the State, for the support of its government, a certain fund is appropriated for tho support of Free Schools. Each District and Parish receives for its distributive share, three hundred dollars for each member allowed it in tho House of Representatives. For example: Kershaw has two members, and receives six hundred dollars. It must be remembered, in this place, that Kershaw pays a larger tax to the State than three fourths of the Districts and Parishes in the State. Charleston District (St. Philips and St. Michael's,) pays the largest tax of any other, and consequently is entitled to a larger representation, say 18 members, which at $300 each, would make $5,100. Thus it will be perceived that Charleston District receives nine times as much as Kershaw, and has nine times as much political power. But of courso Charleston pays for this in her taxes which are nearly ten times as much as Kershaw pays. The question naturally arises, is there nine times as much necessity for tho application of this fund in Charleston as in Kershaw? We doubt it for reasons to be shown horeaflcr. We beliove the present system is wrong or rather the distribution is wrong. It should be applied so as to meet the necessity as nearly as possible throughout the State. Now the simple fact that Charleston District pays such a large tax, and has such increased political power, is a sufficient reason to warrant tho presumption that the necessity in the same ratio is not as groat as in other less popular and wealthy portions of the State; for it must bo remembered tliat Charleston has not a whito population corresponding with her taxes which are paid. The proportion to Kershaw is about four to one, as nearly as we can ascertain it. This therefore shows that the application of the fund is not in proportion to the white population, but is also upon taxation. " A writer in the Lancaster Ledger, over the signature of "McC'ottry," has satisfactorily explained this point, and clearly shows that " the present mode of distribution misapplies the fund, because it is not made to depend uj)on and follow strictly the subjects of the fund? the people?but also makes taxation necessary for its application." We have shown that taxation is entitled to representation, and therefore to a distributive share of the fund, not in fact but in law,?is this right? It would not do to say that because Kershaw pays a larger tax to the State, than three fourths of all the other Districts, that Kershaw should be entitled to a larger share of the fund; this would bo giving to each according to the amount paid into tho Treasury, and the objoct would still bo unaltained. On this principle the sparsely populated Districts would suffer immeasurably greater than they do at present. So that it seems about the best way to apportion the fund, unless means were used to ascertain directly, tho exact amount (or as nearly as possible) Of benefits needed in every section of the State. If a census was taken with a view of ascertaining precisely the number of beneficiaries and the amount necessary to relieve their educational wants, no doubt the appropriations now, almost indiscrimi nately made, would be ample for the purpose. The present system is unwise ; it does not meet the object as freely as it should; it ought to be retnoddled, and made to answer a better purpose. The amount now appropriated annually, say thirty to forty thousand dollars, might be constituted a Free School Fund, subject to be drawn upon by \ competent board of Commissioners or Supervisors, with such discretionary power as would meet the wants if their several Districts. The Commissioners, like ither district boards, to account for all monies received ! ind expended. And the whole system overlooked by ' i general Superintendent, elected by the Legislature. ; The Commissioners of Free Schools should at least en- , oy some power, as mueh as other Commissioners en- < oy; as it is, to rcceivo and pay out the fund is all they i lave to do. j "We are wedded to no particular view, only that a ' < ihnnge is necessary in the distribution of this fund. ] Certainly among so many wise heads in tho State, at ' >ur next Legislature something will be done; at least j o change the present system. Tho plan pursued by , he Stato of Florida might answer the purpose; elscvhere in our paper to-day it may be found. 1 ?? o l11iniv tuuio 13 iiu injustice in me pian winch wo j iroposo. Where Districts are wealthy and populous, ( vhero they receive in tho Councils of tho State in- t reased political power, it is but right that they should 1 to taxed, or at least a portion of their taxes, bo ap- * iropriated for the moral and educational benefits of boso less favored, and moro dependant. Nothing i rould be lost to tho Slate at large, for wo hold that in * he increasod intelligence, honesty and happiness of a ur people, ample remuneration would bo found for g he small amounts of pecuniary sacrifice each would ft o called upon to mako. ^ The National Whig Convention is to be held in Bal- ^ moro on tho 16th of Juno. tl \ \ ??a??*V "'"V* Opr- '--? -- T ~ "Our State'Convention meets in Columbia on Monday next.^Mr. Webster's Letter. Mr. "WEBgr^it lias handed in his bid for the Presiieneyr Atrmfrbe seen by reference to bis letter in another column he endorses the compromise in general, andtbe fogittre Shi t ! W yHWf * * The Inclined Plans' A vofcteL( ) J Tlie Augusta Chronicle states that the enterprising contractors, Messrs. J. XS? bS Q'ltllf/lnif Inn# tUn -?T. J xii uui-uiuo^ uwv 11if uav;xk uruuuu uitj. WHJIIIHX* pmnc vu 7 the Charleston Railroad at Aiken, and that by the first of May the cars r T nass over thenew route bj^-which the plane, such a terror to nninj jnhnfiiiiiniH. is entirely avoided. A Secret Circular,?The Wilnjington (N. C.) Journal has received a lithograph Tetter, frank-, ed by "B. Thompson, M. C.,w dated New York1,March 16th, 1852, and signed by" sundry j>roinir nent Whigs of New York, in which it is uitima-ted that both Scott and Fillmore will bo thrown overboard, and that Mr. Webster be nominated as the Whig candidate for the Presidency. Wo have been favored by the same if. G. with a copy of the circular mentioned above, in which w? j find the following paragraph: "We respectfully re-1 ccmmcnd that meetings of the friends of Mr. Webster in your vicinity be held held." We don't know ofbutono " friend" that ho has in this vicinity. If the committee desire it we will request him to hold a meeting Despatches have been received in Wf^ingtonwhwh announce that Nicaragua had withdrawn from the proposed confederation of Central American States and had resumed her position as an independent State. Mr. Kerr, the American Charge de Affaires, had presented his credentials, and been received by the Nicaraguan Government . iT Thomas Monroe, Esq., an old citizen of Washington, ' one of the earliest Commissioners of that city under the Presidency of Washington, and its postmaster frorr 1800 to 1829, died there on Wednesday last, In the 81st year of his ago. y Texas Lands.?By an act of the last Legislature of Texas, lands sold for taxes and purchased by the State may be redeemed by their owners until the1 . day of January, 1853, on paying to the State Comptroller or the assessor of the county wherever tlio lands lie, the whole amount of taxes due, with 8 per cent interest, and a fee of one dollar to the officer. t . t | Gen. Cushing, Ex. Member of Congress, Ex. Commissioner to China, and now Mayor of Newburypbrt, Mass., is said to be the principal candidate for the new t scat upon the bench of the Supreme Judicial Court, which the Legislature of Massachusetts contemplates .] creating at its present session. Public Executions.?A bill lias passed the House of Delegates of Virginia, to prevent in future, ,the execution of the sentence of death in publie-7-ii was immcdiately sent to the Senate, anil will no douty pass that body: thus putting an end to these disgusting and demoralizing spectacles. h'-f'in t.tA A lcttei writer in one of oar exchanges discourses thus upon Jenny Lind's matrimonial movement:, " Mr. Goldschmidt is a small, thin, weak,. hunjan article, extremely inclined to take care of himself; and has just apostatized from the Jewish to the Christian faitli. lie won'Jenny by an assiduity of attention'beyond all parallel. He never left her side. lier tastes were his, her opinions were his own. And fh wiedding him, Jenny firmly and legally so (arranged all her property that her husband will never bo able to touch a -a penny of it, and he submits to such a weekly allow- 1 ance of pocket money, etc., as, in her judgment, his good conduct may deserve. These are all facts, and you may depend upon them." "Woman's Rights Convention.?The West Chester Republican says it is in contemplation to hold a woman's rights convention at "West Chester, Pa., on the second and third days of June next. Free Schools. "We extract the following from the Spartan, one of whose editors, Mr. Tucker, had received from Governor Brown, of Florica, an account of the Common School 6ystcm of that young State. "TheState of Florida has created a School fund, -s which is constantly accumulating? aristaj^in pnrtTrcm the sale of public lauds, reserved by the act of Congress for educational purposes to that State, and in part by taxation, and from other resources. The State guarantees the amount of two dollars per annum to each child attendiug the Common Schools, between the ages of five and eighteen years; while the Commissioners in each county, and the Trusteesof Schools in each school I District, are vested with power by law to raise much more by assessment There is one Superintendent of Common Schools for the State at large, whose duty R is?to report annually to the Governor, tho condition of the Common Schools throughout the State; the mode and amount of tho expenditures of School funds; plans for tho improvement of the system, and ameliorating tho condition of tho Schools; an exhibit of the number of Schools; number of scholars botwoon the ages of five and eighteen years; and apportion the School fund among the several counties according to tho number of schools and scholars in attendance. This is an important office, and no system can operate well without a genoral superintendent. ' There is one county superintendent for each county A in the State. The Judge of Probates for each county becomes the couuty superintendent by virtue of his office, whose duty it is to report to the Commissioners t>f schools for the county, annually; the amount of funds proportioned to such county; to lay off each county into School Districts of convenient size, defribe and number the same, in or near the centre of which tho School House is erected; to make an annual report to the State superintendent between the months of July and October, embracing a full statement of tho num. bcr of schools and school districts in his county; number of scholars receiving instruction; number of teachare employed, and whether malo or female; and the j amount and mode of expenditures of money ; to visit ?ach school in person in order to encourage and promote its usefulness, at least once a year; to contract tvith teachers for their services, pay their wages from * tho county tend, and notify the trustees respectively af such schools of any deficiency of money, to be supplied by a tax levied within such District; and finally, o act as public Examiner of Teachers, and, becoming satisfied with their qualifications, to give certificates of 1 ieense to enter upon tho discharge of that important ivork. jj xins iook3 tine an omcient organization, really and practically designed to accomplish great and good results. } There is in each county a Board of Commissioners >f Schools, who have power by law, to raise, through he Tax Collector, any 6um found necessary to sustain he several schools in such county, to the extent of don- | >le tho sum apportioned to such county by the State uperintendent from the public fUnd. There is a Board of Trustees for each School District n the county, who have tho immediate supervison of he school; and the inhabitants of such District, under . regular call from the Trustees, elect their school offiera, and vote the amount of tax to be levied withiu uch District as may bo neoeseary to erect suitable Houses t urnish suitable books, fixtures, 4c. Any school Dictrict that fails to elect Trustees, or to uild a suitable House, or to make a roport to the suerintendent of the condition of its schools for the curant yoar, shall receive no part of the school fund for be sueeccding year. .