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' * ' ' '* ' . v *? Ii3 CHER AW GAZETTE. * ' CHERAW, S C." TUESDAY, MAY 10, 1836. nu c Published every Tuesday. TERnS, If Mid within three months, . . . 3. 00 If paid withinth*'->o montlia after the close the year, . 3. 50 Ifnotpaid within that time, . . . - 4. 00 s? A comply of six persons taking the paper at i the nmerost Office, shall be entitled to it at $15, paid in advance, and a company of ten persons \ at provided the names bo forwarded togeth' < er, accompanied by the money. No paper to be discontinued but at the option * of the Editor till arrearages are paid. Advertisements inserted for 75 cents per square the filet time, and 37 J for each subsequent insertion. - . Persons sendingin advertisements are request, ed to specify the number of times they are to be inserted; otherwise they will be continued till ?- ordered out, and charged accordingly. ' (0*The Postage must be paid on all comrau. : nications sent by mail. * Extract* from the Speech of Mr. Be/l, of Ten. w the Haute of Representative*, on the Naval appropriation bill. But, Mr. Chairman) it has of late become jflOiC important than at any former ^period Ju he history of the Government, that .this subject ?*fPtesident-maki ng should be taken 1 up cerioUS-V, *nd made a ?^lhe regular J business of Cod^rcss. By. force of that ' system of party orgd-n^h'ofl and discipline, 1 which is now rapidly ntaturing and spreau. ? ing itself over the country, it must soon' ' come to pass, if indeed it is not now the { case, that the election of a President.de- i termines every other question ' of public ] % policy or public interest for at least four < years, and perhaps eight. If this be so ; if J it be true that every tiling is to be settled by i the decrees of the party, and. that the Pre- J sident, m the head of the party, is only the 3 organ through which their decree is to be I communicated to Congress, then I appeal 1 to you, sir, whether you (Mr. Hamer) i would, nqfc upon reflection retract a senti- I ment expressed the other day; and admit t the importance of discussing every question < connected nearly- of remotely with the < presidential election ? - j I repeat, that if the doctrine is to be 1 established that no member of this House < who professes to belong to the party in t AAtro* aa* vnt#? ncainst a measure recom- ? ? J WM ? wvvr ? .t>. mended either publicly or privately by the 1 President, without incurring the - imputation i of deserting his party?and such I believe j 'u is the rigor cf the new system of party i ^tactics in operation,?if whatever the Pre- 1 sident recommends cannot be resisted by r the party which profess to support him, I < ' assert that this subject of President making 1 ' is the first and most important that can and i V to occupy, our attention. If the result f Nof an election is to annihilate the in. t dependent power of action by Congress, t f and put every thing in the hands of the t President of a party, it is time not only to c ** assert the right to discuss the question here, e but lo do it promptly, freely, and fully; and it shah npt be n?y fault if it is not done, c ^Theie is strong reason to believe that the c ? .nklirnitinriQ nf nnrtv nrn held SO SQOrcd, f VVI?^WMVMw Y * that none who belong to the majority dare t to do any thing which the President shall t forbid, or to fail in the support of whatever t x. he shall recommend. Have we not lately r r seen the force of this obligation to be so j c strong in this House, that the ahsolute I r power of peace and war was ready to be r yielded up ift effect ~ itno the hands of one i 0 man ? Coming to this House under the ex- j d traordinary party pledges usual in popular i , elections of iate, I hope it will not be i regarded as improper or disrespectful, to t t ^ ask, if the President had, during the late < F crisis, said ** we must have war,"-would the ( i . r party in this House have had the power to 1 w*: gainsay it? War we must then have had; c apd the moral power was not in this House i to resist it, whatever may have been the i , private opinions of honorable members of : the wisdom of such a measure. j * No occasion can be more appropriate for i the discussion of the principles and prac- ( ticcs of the Government, than the one t presented by the appropriation bills pre- 'J seated as a whole. It is proposed to in- t crease the annual .expenditure for the < military defences of the country and internal i improvement, ten millions in one year. It i is a new era in the history of the Govern, i l 2- meat. So extravagant a proposition is i f uoknown in our annals, The results of 1 this new policy are beyond the ken or con- : ^eption of any; but those who planned < l^it, understood them well enough, though it < nay not be desinible to their interests to j vow them all at once. The first inev itable : _ result of this policy, if it shall be sanctioned i L - ~ by Congress, will be the introduction, in a \ ^ short period, of an increa^d and oppres- 1 *4 sing system of taxation. An increased j .^annual expenditure of ten millions may be , 1 -anet for a few years from the present sources ' .1 inf wvnnne but the Dublic lands are now ^Mjastate of such rapid exhaustion, that sjM&oon we will find our revenue from this j^paner reduced t^o million or less. The public works whj* we are now about to commence must be carried on, and funds JStill have to be raised to support those which ,'niay be finished in the mean time. Then ;VoOmes a new and increased system of k .^taxation as a matter of course, with its il&ual train of evils. f. But what will be a more serious coni - f^uence, is the great increase of the army j .mand navy, which cannot fail to follow the t -of d doption of this new and extravagant policy. A lrhen all the navy yards, and all the new , mificatlons now proposed to be estabiislied . st iaTl be completed, a standing army of less I than fifteen or twenty thousand men would t ncU be thought of, or tolerated under the I ne w impulse which is soon to be given to i the xnilitaiy spirit. Indeed less than that F nur ober would not be sufficient to guard our j wei Jtern frontier, and at the same time secure sc i nany fortifications upon the sea-coast against surprise. As to the navy, after ' r fuel i gigantic preparations for the improve-;^rnen{ cad increase yf it |s are now proposed, \ i ? ! -ib ^ , > will *a Navy, of less than 100 ships of war in commission be rcgarged as at all admissible for a country of such resources, . of such character and importance in the scale of nations! Such are the views of grandeur and power which are now beginning to exercise an important influence over the course of many of the leading men in power. Some opinion may be formed of the magnificence of the projects of the party, from the declaration upon this subject of the gentleman from New York (Mr. Cambrelehg), made in the course ofhis remarks upon the resolution of the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams). The gentleman expressed the hope, that in a short time we would see the navy of this country placed upon a footing to codc with the ITlAct nrvttrn*?f?il f t iivqv j?unwiui luaiuiiiiu jiuwur ui luUi upc ; Who does not see from all this that we are to liave an increased TarifTin due season, and that the managers of the party are preparing to claim the support of the manufacturing interests? But if we should be satisfied that it is the true policy of the country to adopt the plan of defending the country by fortifications, no matter at what cost; lo increase the army and navy, at the risk even of an increased system of taxation; still the in. rjuiry and discussion which I propose to go into,%will be of great importance. The system of public defence may be wise and prudent in itself; but the time, and manner of carrying it into execution, may'and docs demand a separate consideration. The improvement of the navy, and the new fortifications projected; it is estimated will require an annual expenditure of ten millions for ten years, making a total of obc tiundred millions. The faithful and judicious ipplication of this vast fund, supposing it to be settled that it shalt be expendcu upon these objects, becomes a subject of the lnAr\nf?t tA fk/* IITKAIP PAItntfU Th/* IV/ IIIV II iiviv VWUJIII^I XIV country has a right tQ. enquire who are the igents and public servants who are about to j tie entrusted with the disbursement of this mormo?? capital. Are they faithful? Are ;hev competent? Have they proved themselves so upon past trial ? Sir, a great pre. iminary question is to be settled before we idd teh. millions to the usual annual ex. >enditure. It is a question of confidence n public servants, as well as expediency, i kVho are they that demand from the rep- j esentatives of the people .this signal mark )f confidence to place ten millions in their lands during the present year, more than it any former period ? Arc they the same rnblic servants who have had charge ot : he public defences during our late difficul-j ies with France, and under whose supcrin- I endcnce they have suffered decay and! lilapidation ? By what title do they ask. this ! xtraordinary evidence of confidence ? Sir, they ask for money and increased 1 :onfidence; we demand scrutiny into past j :onduct. They ask for reward for past ( nerit and service; it may become our duty , o arraign them as delinquents before the ribunal of the public instead of pouring he Treasury into their .laps. To vote noneyis the least difficult and most pleasant luty of. a representative of the people. It j equires neither experience, industry, talents, j tor fidelity in members.. But, sir, to sec ind to provide that it shall be faithfully ox-! >ended and* applied to objects of public j itility, is a rnorb difficult as well as more j mportant part of our cJuty. i am aware hat upon this question of confidence and jompetcncy of the public officers of the jroveramcnt, tis well as the policy of mndng large appropriations for building up the lefences of the country, there is a roady tad.conclusive argument at hand, in tlie nindsof many. .* I know welt enough, that ill objections are intended to be met and >ut down here and before the people, bv lolding up 'for their due regard and acquiescence the sentiment and rccoromenijaion of the late Special Afessagc upon ?rench affairs. ; It should be borne in mind hat 25,000 copies of that Message were )rdered to be printed by this House; and n a week from the'date of that? order, the. whole number was said to be published and it the disposal of members, when at the same time there were documents ordered to be printed at the commencement of the session, which had been furnished, it is easy to penetrate the design of this unusual despatch. .The document was expected to jive tone to public sentiment, generally and speedily. The effect of it upon this House after it had time to be returned upon it through a thousand channels, was rallied upon to pass the bill necessary to carry this new policy of the Administration into execution. " I beg leave to read a single' paragraph of the Message, that I may submit a few remaifr^ upon the singular character of it. - *1 maybe permitted, I trust, at this time, without a. suspicion of the most remote desire to throw off censure from the Executive, or to point it to any other depart, ment or branch of the Government, to refer to the want of effective preparation in which our country was found at the late crisis. From the nature of our institutions, the movements of the Government in preparation for hostilities must ever be too slow for the exigencies of unexpected war. I submit it then to you, whether the first duty we owe to the people who have confided to us their power, is not to place our country in such an attitude as always to be sq ampjy ?iinnlip-l'with the means of self-defence as to afford no inducement to other nations to presume upon our forbearance, or to expect important advantages from a sudden assault either upon our commerce, or sea coast," or our interior frontier. In case of the commencement of hostilities during the recess of Congress, the time inevitably elapsing before that body could be called together, even under the most favorable be pregnant \vjth dan ger, and, if wc escaped without signal disaster or national dishonor, the hazard of both unnecessarily incurred, could not fail to excite a feeling of deep reproach. I earnestly recommend to you, therefore, to make such provisions, that in 110 future time shall we be found without ample means to repel aggression, even although it may come upon us without a note of warning Wc are now, fortunately, so situated, that the expenditure for this purpose will not be felt; and, if it were, it would be approved by those from whom all its means are derived, and for whose benefit only it should be used with a liberal economv and an i enlightened forecast." Here, sir, we have a distinct avowal that thero has been gross neglect somewhere. That is something gained; but it is left doubtful whether it is Congress or the Executive that is chargeable with the neglect which is so manifest as to call for a full acknowledgement It is evident, however, that theeflbct of the manner of this admission is to shield the delinquents whoever they may be, and to charge the defenceless condition of our country at the late crisis to the nature of our government. I shall, before I sit down, endeavor to vindicate our form of oovernmont from this ? 0 charge, at least so far as concerns the late default. -I pledge myself to sW>w * who were the real delinquents, and what were their employments when they should have been taking care of the public safety and interests. But there appears to me to be an inconsistency in the passage I have just read, which I cannot omit to point-out. In one part rof the paragraph this sentiment is expressed. " From the nature of our institutions, the .movements of the government-in 'preparations for hostilities must ever be too slow for the exigencies .of unexpected war," In another part of the same paragraph, we find this sentence. " I earnestly recommend to you, therefore, to make aich provisions, that in no future time shall we be found without ample means to repel aggression, even although U may come uptm-us withoiiUMiote of warning" Now. Sir.T"do not know that it is proper J to consider this passage as the result of ileliberation, or to criticise too closely a paper which, like many of the same kind, have j often to be drawn up without affording time for close or accurate provision; .but it is manifest that this document was intended and expected to produce results of the greatest importance to the country. It was doubtless intended to prepare-and reconcile the public mind to the change of policy by the party in power, and to give popularity to the project of expending the surplus revenue upon such objects as would raise us io the first rank among nations in military and naval power. 1 regard it as therefore entirely proper to point out any inconsistency which may impair the effect of it. It- would be idle to vote a hundred millions to the public defence of the coufltry, if i( be true that by reason of the nature of our government, it is impossible that the country can ever be put into a condition to meet the emergency of sudden war. . *Mr. Chairman, I regard the time as particularly propitious *to a ge neral review of the conduct and principles of men in power, especially in reference to the public defences. The frcnch question is at an end, and wc can now inquire into the qo^duct of the public "officers who are resfrohsil le for them, and hold them up naked to tne world, without the risk ofexposing our weakness to a public enemy. A lime of peace, too, it is said, is the time to prepare for war. This is the great maxim upon which the nnii' nnlirv nf tliojidministration is exnccted I ..v*.. I J _ , to be supported. A true and wise maxim I it is, but one "which is only half understood by those in whose mQUths we most frequently find it. Many suppose that the only preparation for war consists in increasing our military and naval establishments. The great minister of the fourth Henry of France, who was surnamed The Great, understood the full power of this maxim. The best, the truest and most effective preparation for War, is to take care that all the important departments' of the civil administration are in a souud and healthful condition ; especially those connected with tho fiscal -resources of the couutry, and those which are the keys to public confidence. If those be disordered and disarranged when enter" ing upon n war, there can be no hope of a successful and economical management of thejpublic credit and resources, or in other words, of the sinews ot war?there can be no reform in time of war. Public confidence is as essential to the support of war as money itself. In truth it is confidence which supplies money. If you mean, then, really: to enter upon a system of defence and effective preparation for war, begin at the right point. Correct the abuses in your civil administration?regulate and discipline your househould troops. When you have -done this, and not before, may you feel secure of the faiihtul and skilful application of the public treasure to the public defence; and when war shall actually come, success and victory cannot fail to crown your arms. But thero is a stronger justification than - ? T Untr/i mpnftnnivl nf tho emirsf* of j UIJ^ X JVl .... discussion and scrutiny which I propose. It isthat no time is to be lost in calling the attention of the public to, and exposing some late practices of the part}* in power; practices which are of the most mischievous 'and alarming tendency. We have too long slept upon this subject. Every moment of silent acquiescence here, tends to give currency and support to these dangerous innovations, in the minds of the people. If then? was but one voice to be lifted up in this House against the late conduct of lite party, it ought to be instantly and boldly uttered. Besides the direct interference of public 0Q1i cens cf tjje highest?*de, :p tfcc election of members to both Houses of Congress, is not the Executive Chief Magistrate engaged in the canvass, the open advocate and champion of the election of the Vice President to the Presidency ? Have we not, in fact, a Government candidate for the Presidency, supported by the whole power and influence of the Executive ? Are not the whole train of public officers, with all their dependents in the field, in full cry, barking away, and hunting down every man who dares to interpose his influence against the consum motion of their plans ? I here in my plaee declare there is such a candidate, who, should he be elected, may be said to have succeeded to tho Presidency, as truly and manifestly through the power and influence of the Government, as though he had been appointed to the succession, and actually installed in office by his predecessor. I do not say that every individual in office is giving him : ?t ' ouu ujf iu mis service; i miuw mere are many honorable exceptions; but as a class, a corps, what I have said of the public officers I reaffirm. Sir, how long is this state of things to continue before any solemn opinion shall be expressed by this House in regard to it ? This interference of the Government in the election of a successor has been open and notorious, for the last nine or twelve months. A session of Congress, in the meau time, has intervened. More than three months have elapsed since its com-mencemcnt, and yet no resolution has been ottered?no notice of any kind taken of so extraordinary a state of things. We hove, too, a House of Representatives, in which tl?ere are said to be one hundred and forty members who profess to be republicans! the disciples and followers of Jefferson! and not 8he of them has lilted ud Ihs voice here to denounce a practice so dangerous and detractive of the constitutional guarantee orour liberties. How are we to account for tfeis silence ? It is agreed by the party that there is no method of perpetuating their power but by a regular line.of succession ? Is this silence the result of a deliberate judgment in favor of the practice of employing the patronage and influence of the Executive in behalf of the regularly nominated candidate ? Sir, I i hope for the safety of the country that it is not. But I have lately witnessed the rapid progress of error on this subject not only in the minds of individuals, but of a whole coin'inanity ; and it is melancholy to reflect how sudden and precipitate may be the overthrow of all those principles and maxims wnicn have heretofore been regarded as fundamental and. essential to tlie \pry existence of the institutions and the public liberty. When the first evidence was given to the puWic of a direct interference of the Executive in the election of his successor, scarcely an individual of the party would be heard to defend it. But in a few short months every supporter of the Vice President in that community was ready to attest his sanction of tltgr practice as just ancfcxpedient under his hand and seal, if necessary. It js time to oppose ourselves to this terror if we would save the Constitution. Mr. Chairman, I have spoken with great freedom of the course of the ]>arty in power and I have not spared my censures when I thought it was deserved. I intend to continue to exercise this privilege, in tlie course of die remarks I yet propose to submit. i? i_ .i- _ i_i; iJut il is due to myseu, sianuing in me ueacateand diflicult relation I now do towards that party, that I should distinctly declare i tlic nature of that relation. I have, up to a late period, given a support to the present Administration ofthe government. I still j consider myself a supporter ofthe Admini istration, upon-every leading and important I question which, has arisen, to the same exi tent to which I formerly gave them my support, except those which originated iir, or have been changed and modified by die illegitimate desire and purpose of the Executive, to secure the election of a particular and favorite successor. As to all the principles and practices which have proceeded from this source, I am, I have been, and I am firmly resolved still to be opposed. If any member of this House can claim the indulgence of the Committer in commenting freely upon the present state of public affairs and especially upon the practices and objects of those in power, when it is remembered by whom, and in what manner I have been assailed, I think I may do so. It is not only due to myself, but it is due to the public. I owe it to many of those of the Jackson party who have united their interests and influenco with the party which is attempting to bring in tpc Vice President, and whom I hone I may still claim as my personal friends, to vindicate the principles which have impelled me to my late course. It has been said that I have abandoned the party to which I once belonged. I deny .1 ? !>- i" nmrni> is nrrkrvrl.v llj'-ll II1C JJUI I V IIUW III speakiug and if principle be the test of party, the same with whieh I once acted. But, -sir, if this be the party of which I was once a member, I am free to admit, and I am ready to demonstrate to them, and the world that either I or they have proved recreant and faithless to every cardinal principle and political virtue which they once professed and avowed as the rules of their conduct. 1 proceed now to the proofs, and I shaH when 1 have arrayed them, most cheerfully sub. mit to the decision of the public opon the question, whether 1 or the party are the culprits. . ****** **** I now proceed to notice briefly those leading ant) prominent principles and professionsofthe original" Jackson party which those who now claim to bo identical with that party have abandoned and disregarded in practice, The original supporters of Gen. Jacksor advocated his election against Mr. Crawford the candidate nominated according to part) usage, uno.n foe grputvl that tho practice - ?- - - . "tffryfrri of caucus nominations ofa President of the United States was a violation of the spirit of the Constitution, as it tended to defeat the contingent right of the small States to have an equal vote in the election of that high officer, as often as the election might devolve upon the House of Representatives. They also objected to such nominations because they were effected by intrigue and corrupt influences; and upon the further ground, that it tended to defeat the free and independent vo ce of the j>eople. All the objections to a nomination by a congressional caucus apply with still greater force to a nomination by a convention of pretended delegates from the people, such as we have lately seen at Baltimore, in thetirst canvass of Gen. Jackson this was, in a very large section of the Union, decidedly tlie most popular and available argument against the candidate who had the advantage of a nomination by the republican party. Jiut now, Sir, no man is admitted-to be a Jackson man, or a supporter of his administration, who refuses to admit the practioe of caucus nominations to be orthodox, and to sub. scribe to the obligation of acquiesence and absolute obedience. It is worthy of notice, that the very individual (Mr. Grundy) who, in the State which I have the honor to represent in part, was the most active and pow. erful opponent of the practice of caucus nominations in 1824, is now the leader ol the party in that State which supports the candidate of the Baltimcre Convention. .. In Gen. Jackson's second canvass foi the-oIHce which he now holds, commencing in 1835, the first, roost exciting, and one ol the most important positions or principles assumed by his friends, was, that the righi nf thn tn plonl th*? Piwidpnt shnilld be rescued from the hands of political managers in and out of Congress, and vindicated and secured to them by new constitutions guarantees. The recent election of the gentleman from Massachusetts, who cits be. fore me (Mr. Adams) had given rise to this feeling and determination of the Jacksor party. Hence the proposition to amend tlu constitution so as forever to- prevent the recurrence of a similar event, was taken up and proclaimed as a capital object to Ik accomplished by the election of Gen. Jackson. So serious and obligatory was this engagement ot his original supporters re. garded by Gen. Jackson, that he has fell himself bound in common decency and can. dor, to bring the subject of an amendment of the constitution to the notice of Congress at the begining of every session of his administration. But what has been the result 1 The party which now has the assurance to claim to dc the only and exclusive supporters of that distinguised man, have wilfully evaded the subject, as I will show before J close my remarks. They appear to hav come to an understanding among themselves to regard all that the President is in the habii of repeating at each session upon this sub. ject as an empty form. It has never beer made a party question since Gen* JacksonV first election. The fear of an election bj the House was too potent an argument in favor'of caucus nominations to be dispensed with by a sagacious party. Another, and most important principle assumed -by the Jackson party in the canvass between *1825 and 1829, was, that it was essential to the puritj of the Government, and to the independence of the elective franchise," that the practice of electing any of the great official incjimbents-to the Presidency should be broken dowm It tvas observed that, in the early period of the Government, it bad come to be considered, that the Vice President should, almost as a 1 matter of course,, and of right, succeed tc the Presidency. The .first, Mr. Adams, who was Vice President during Genera! Washington's administration, was the neacl President. Mr. Vice President Jefferson ousted Mr.*Adams; and, no doubt, but foi the suicidal course of Mr. Vice President Burr, he would have succeeded Mr. JefTer. " ? - i- nf- r?? son as rresuiem. dui m ami. uuh mc angular succession of the Vice President tc ' the Presidency was broken,aad afterwards the Secretary of State acquired something like a prescriptive right to succeed to th< presidency. We must all remember the sentiment of a distinguished gentleman fronr Kentucky, (Mr. Clay,), expressed in justifi. f cation of his vote as a member of tin's House, in favor of the gentleman from Mas sachusctts (Mr. Adams) upon the subject: he avowed the opinion that the .ejection o the Secretary of State to the Presidency was ; a safe precedent. IIow obnoxious this doc trine soon became, and- how much the-nu thor of it suffered in the" estimation of th< honest and stern yeomanry of the countn who supported General Jackson is we] known. It is sai(f that if the precedent e electing any of thegreafeflfcer^-ofthe go vernment to the presidency should be foHow , ed for any great length of time, we might a: , well establish a hereditary succession a i once. The argument was ably and power i fully enforced that such a practice would ne I cessarily lead to great abuses of the patron ?i mflnonoo r\f tfip Rrprutive. Tha U8C Uliu ItlllUVI.vv v> n? 1 a public officer of so hrgh a grade being al I ways near the government and constituting [ a part of it, would always be able* with i i very small share of address, to conciliate th< . favor and support of the Executive. Hav< these argument lost their force by the men . lapse of time? Do they not carry with thfen the same weight* and conclusiveness nov that they did during the canvass whicl . brought Gen. Jackson into power? Yel . Sir, do we not see in the support which i, i given by the government to the Vice Presi i dent, this important principle, these Solid ar I guments all set aside and trampled unde foot by the party which still bears the nam i of Jackson! , It was also a favorite principle and imos effective topic of electioneering declaraatibl ; by tho Jackson jvarty, that the purity an _ ? mi ' 11 mi independence of the public press shook! be ' guarded and protected by-legal restrictions and provisions against thelhfhisnce and con?" v trol of the Executive. It was thought by the Jackson party in former years, that $30,000 disbursed at the discretion of the Wjl Secretary of State, was sufficient to corrupt, hi a dangerous degree the entire public press. * The discretion of tho Secretary of State, it -y3W* was seriously contended, ought to be limit- jpp ed by law so as to prevent ,teppssibto a. busc of his fund by besto^ rupoa polt; ? ticol partizans. Who among; us doe* n6t yti remember the famous res< JutSnofagcntleman from North Carolina (Jr. Saundcfrs) upon this subject, and the eqtaBy famous . >3| debate that arose upon it? h was, I believd, . a favorite scheme of my colleague, wlio is . -JyM now the presiding officer of Xhis llouse (Mr. ^ Polk), to take from the Secretary of State ^ ^ the power of designating the publishers. of ' the laws, and to vest it in tbe House . jjj presentatives; so important ait that dajjras \ ^ , the purity of tbe public press teganpfifhy V^j the Jackson party. I well remember wbat a decided effect was produced upon minds of the people in the State wtyrtft represent in part, and what indignation was 4 5 , excited by the single act of the Secretary of ^ State under the late Administration* ofta. 1 king the printing of the laws from theJiasbi ville Republican, a paper friendly to the e- * f lectibn of General Jackson, and giving it to i the Whig, a paper published in the same * place and supposed to betin the interest of' ' the Administration. Well, sir, in the vicis- 1 ; situde of human affairs it so happened that . i r the party in whose cause the Nashville He- . Jjj i publican Jmd suffered came to be uppermost, t and it was restored to ha former rights tod .v ^ i benefits; but as if it were attended to mtni- . J fest the utmost possible contempt for the ear* ' - .' I )y principles of Jacksonism, end to give the I most unequivocal guarantee to new allies* ' r ; which the nature of the case admits* thut all . the principles avowed bv the original Jack. j son party, are* henceforth and forever* to bei repudiated and forgotten, the present oftho- * > dox Secretary of State has recently ordered > the printing of the laws to oe again taken > from the Nashville Republican, which is* t now supporting Judge White for the Prett- " dency, and given to the Union* ejwper- ' J3 i printed in the same place, a paper surely . pnrtizan in its character newly established, -P- ?!!?I kt?S tn tluxi- < [ uuu ui a wry jujiucu v"^uuu4vni| uw ?< %?v?- ya . interest of the Vice President. The Post- * "* : master General has added his testimony To *' .$ { that of the Secretary of State, that the early'' , principles identified with the name of Jack- ? 1 son are no iooger to be the guide of the par~ i ty in power. He has not only appointed a . printer of a newspaper to be Postmaster ofk1 ' very thriving and considerable town in Ten-'* [ nesscc, but the printer and the Postmaster i arc actually suffered to meet in the same ofi fice. It is needless to say that this printer I is also an avowed supporter of the Vice . President. But, sir, to enumerate all the e- i videnccs which exist to show the dehbaMte ' i purpose of the party to use the patronage or r (he Government in seducing the pubtsfe press i to their interests would far exceed tbe limits - - i* J" l_ _ * ' [ oi my remaras. But the necessity of reform?a retrench- * ! ment of the expenditures of the* Government, and the reduction and limitation of Executive patronage, were the perpetual ' themes of the Jackson party, as originally - -'m cohstituted. The Augean stable over which the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr.- . . i Adams) was said to preside, vgar to be i cleansed. The nutpber of Executive offi. i cers was to be diminished, 'and die*discre- ' h tionary po wer of the President of removing 4 L nr changing "them rvnsto-b? restrained by , legal enactments. The principle ofabdieso . engagements of the patty, and to whjetohey I were bound by the highest* obligation?of* : truth, honor and patriotisrh,- was-regarded i as vital.- Gomu^tion: through Executive patronage, it was foreseen, wotiid* becdVne. t so universal," os^sooq to. sap aud Urtdhrtnine . tHfc pure foundation of our free insfitUtiOBs, . and convert thegn into tlie mere instruments of power and ambitions. How those pfrb-? ' ? ? ? ? ?. kmIIaam ^mlLhrlt ) mises- fXMl expeciuuuns- (ia*c U-.UI twiuwt by the party which now wfcnra its mantle,. > may be inferred from tl?e fact*?ist' The> abuses then existing in several departments i of the public service" have actually mdtiplied . under the present "administration, iostead-of 5 baing reformed. 2d. Theexpewfitores, es-. peciaby in those branches of the public ser.- Ja ; vice most liabfe- to suspicion and abuse, f have been increased. 3d. Public' office* j. li ni lfn niiu ifhsrd,iiiiilaiMid(ir|<:Mj^irilfrvi'i . have been appointed, some'with discretion. ary and arbitrary aflowanc^aridjdwfee with j annual salaries, without neceJ^tv. or'war- $ja 1 meut instead ;of being reduced^ tyfrof late f been increased in a most CTtroaVdjnJfcry apd -fW I in n vrtrictV of WSVfi. -7. ?rr.v - r ,? . most obvious and alarming' accession or s Executivepdtrooagc, ptfwer, ondiaflueace t which has taken place has proceeded from . the policy of the administration inputting . down the U. S. Bank. WheteveMuay bt#e . been the moUve^howeVerjiuttj and" honest t the purpose?the effect oftbat peliey Has. . been most clearly;, to putthe treasury, the - ? * money-ppwer eft be eouotryyfrt the absolute 1 disposal of the Executive. Where "is now 5" your Treasury, and by. whin: guards is it ' e watebed and secured? If the President. 5 should think proper to convert the etsMetea venue of tlio government to any object* ir whate ver of his own, whether public or pri1 vate, is there any check or control existing; in any department or officer of the govern^ ? .MAW^'nirtAtfiAfiCMdBi' s Jiicitif U[ ouv IUW ttvw"'"T)'.'T' ' rz^T . tion which has been , put i$on exnrfJT' ^ - actraents over his w?S or ccwewr'' j ^ r not all the depositaries of**#' Are 3 selected, changed, afcfclfc*' JiKS fiJopeV3 connexion with tht'Slv their l the mei* will ? 3 Can he not or&nSe poSfe. ?*c^ive? d retained in taelmnda Zf+0? f e5r? *>be PQOoctors^ - rtr'" *-- ? as ,'-w