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FIIINE ANSWERS i MR. WANAMAKER Noted Boston Merchant Appeals to Business Men With Logic for Wilson. STABILITY WHAT WE NEED ? * Full Measure of Prosperity Cannot Be Hcallzed Until Country le 8eti?fie4 With Genuine Tariff Reform, flMvvun) A, Kll? ne Im pr<-sl<i?*nt of f'.d ward A KlUni' A Hon. I<o?Ujii. Mam . om of tin* lara*** retail dry good* of the ? outilry. I In ih a funit?r pi?*ldiot of th< Boston chamber of < <>min?r. ? , mom four of tlit< National. CoitD<-ll of f*oiniTn?ic??. Nutlonal t *1 v It f?d?rtllon, National N'-wa paper tfUK'n-, Cluyftiand fliimbfl of < om jnerre imd a member of u ?cor# of clubi< . arid other organisation* I* thp author of many nrtldea on biiwln<-*ii, clVi<\ labor i?n<J Miii(rU) relations.] To the Merchants and Business Map of tht United Htatos: John Wanamaker's appeal to you In the New York Herald of Oct 4. calling for a continent wide rally to the sup- ? port of Mr. Taft on the part of the merchants and business men of the country, Iium no doubt received your serious attention. It has teemed to ; m* that those of ub In busluess who j believe Mr. Wsnamaker's position Is mistaken should make known our po sitions and the reasons for our firm I belief that the business of the country will be best served by the election of Governor Wilson to the presidency. There Is every reason to believe that we are on ? the eve of abundant pros perity, and In my opinion one thing likely to prevent the settiBg In of such n period would be the re-electlou ] of President Taft and the one thing that would make prosperity most cer tain would be the election of Governor WILaon. This opinion Is bused upon my belief that for the business world nothing else Is so important as sta- | bill ty. Stability Is Impossible with Mr. Taft as president; there has been no feeling , of stability during his administration. [ It Is not that tho president Is a dis- ; turber of conditions or that ho is not j sufficiently cureful of the business In- j torests of tho country. The absence bf any feeling of stability during ttye Taft administration has been and is due to a widespread belief that thero are certain reforms whloh the great body of people want and that the gen eral feeling of unrest will not materi ally lessen until these reforms are ac- j complished. President Taft's re-election would not oreate any feeling of assurance ; that there would be a aatlsfacory so- j lution of the tariff question. By a sat- ! Isfactory solution 1 mean a removal of i unjust and unnecessary taxation, i Kntlrely apart from his veto of tar- ! iff legislation the mere fact that the president signed -the Payne-Aldrlch | tariff bill and later declared that it ' was the best tariff bill ever written, has made it impossible for the public to have any considerable confidence that thoy may expect real relief from him. * ft ?? . Roosevelt's Record. I . I Upon this matter Mr. Roosevelt's record is not much better than that of Mr. Taft, nor is his present posi tion on the tariff much" more promis ing than that of the president. The agitation for reform began while Pres ident McKlnley was still In office and had then reached such proportions that the country ih genoral approved of the advanced position McKlnley took in his Buffalo speech. It in creased steadily during the seven and a half years in which Roosevelt was president, but he made no attempt to give t lie people any relief from tariff exactions, lie does not now offer any deflnito tariff program. These things lead me to believe that his election now, like the re-election of Taft, would mean four years more of tariff aglta-. tion. } With Wilson elected one may rea- | aonably expect a Batlsfactory solution of the tariff question. His expres-'j _slons_QU tliia matter show a full con- ; ceptlon of the country wldo demand for tarlfT reform, a thorough knowl- j edge of the ways in which tariff laws j arc made and a determination to se cure aH promptly as possible the much j needed legislation. At the same time Governor Wilson has shown that he recognlzea as a faot the intimate re- | lation which tariff has been made to have to the structure of business in this country and that he would keep this fact in mind In handling tariff legislation. I Governor Wilson's election would I mean and would be tAken by th? country at large to mean that we Iwould have very early in his admin istration a revision of the tariff which 'would give the country the relief It is 'demanding and which at the same jtlme would be made carefully and jwith a view to preventing business 1 disturbance. | Until this is don**, or at least until ithe country feels sure that it Is to be < done, there cannot be that stability which is so necessary to the fullest development of an era of prosperity. ! Truth About Prosperity. Certainly the facts do not warrant | Mr. Wanamaker's conclusion that a Republican administration insures : prosperity and that the periods of ! trade depression which the country has seen from time to time have been due to Democratic tariff revision. jMr. Wanamaker's appeal 1b based i largely on the theory that Demo cratic tariff revision was respon sible for the hard times of ISO? In the face ef the facta no au Woodrow Wilson's Message to the American People S?aGlrt. N. J., Oct. 19. 1912. To the Voters of Arerioaf X um glad to have an opportunity to state very ? Imply and directly why X an seeking to be elect* > ed President of the United States. X feel very deeply that this is qpt an ambition a nan should entertain for his own sake. He oust seek to serve a cause, and must know very eXeariy what oauae It is he is seeking to serve. . Thf oauuv X as enlisted in lies very plalo to ny ovn views The Oovernmenj of the United ? States, as now bound by the poiioies which have become, characteristic of Rq?ubllcnn administra tion in recent years, is not free to serve the whole people impartially, and It ought to be set free. It has been tied up, w.hother deliberately or morely by unintentional development, with particular interests, which have used their pow er, both to control the governmont and to con trol the industrial development of the country. Xt mutt to freed trorn buch entanglements and al* liances. Until it is freed, it cannot &orve the people hu a whole. Until It is freed, it cannot undertake any programme of social and economic betterment , but u?u:?t be ohocked and thwarted at every turn by Its patrons and masters. In practically every speech that I make, I put at the front of what I hove to say the ques tion of the tariff and the quest loh of the trusts, but not beoaune of any thought of party strategy, because X believe the solution of these ques tions to lie at the very heart of the bigger question, whether the government shall be free or not. The government is not free because it has granted special favors to particular classes by means of the tarlfr. The men to whom these special favors have been granted have formed great combinations by whloh to oontrol enter- *? prise and determine the prloes of commodities. They oould not have done this had It not been for the tariff. Mo party, therefore, which does not propose to take away these speolal favors and prevent monopoly absolutely in the markets of the country sees even so muoh as the most elemonta'ry part of the method by whloh the government is to be set free. The oontrol to whloh tariff legislation has, led, both in the field of polltios and in the field of business, is what has produced the most odious feature of our present political situa tion, namely, the absolute domination of power ful bosses. Bosses cannot exist without1 busi-r neus alliances. With them polltios Is hardly distinguishable from business. Bosses maintain their oontrol because they. are allied with men who wish tholr assistance in order to get con tracts, in order to obtain speoiql legislative advantages, in order to prevent .reforms which will interfere With monopoly or with their en joyment of special exemptions. Merely as polit ical leaders, not backed by money, not supported . by securely intrenohed special interests, bosses would be entirely manageable and comparatively powerle$$. a By freeing the government, there fore, we at the same time break the power of the boas. He trades, he does not govern. He ar ranges," he does not lead. He sets the stage for what the people are to do ; he does not act as ? their agent or servant, but as their director. For him the real business of. polltios is done under cover. The same means that will set the government free from the influenoes which now constantly control It would eat industry free. The enter prise and initiative of all Americans would be substituted for the enterprise and initiative of a snail group of then. Economic democracy would take the place of monopoly and selfish management. Amor loan industry would have s new buoyancy of hope, a "new energy, a new variety. With the restoration of freedom would come the restoration of opportunity. Moreover, an administration would at la?t be aet up in Washington, and a legislative regime, under whioh real prqgrommes of social better-* went oould be undertaken asthvy oannot now. The government might be serviceable for wony things.. It might assist in fc hundred vnys te safeguard tho ilvou and the health and promote the oomfort and hoppinese uf the people; but it oan do the! "tilings only if its aotiona bo dlstlnterosto ! , only if they respond to put ilo opinion, only if those who lead government see the country as a whole, foel a deep thrill of intimate sympathy with every class and every in terest in it, Know kiow to hold an oven hand and listen to men ot every sort and quality and origin, in t ?/ ?) || it is to be done. Interest must not fight against interest. There must bo a common understanding and a free ac tion all together. The reason th it I feel Justified In appeal ing to the voters of this oountry to support thf Democratic party at this critical juncture in its arfalra is that the leaders of neither of tho other parties P99)t0te to attack tho problem of a free government at its heart . Neither pro poses to make a fundamental change in the polioy of the government with regard to tariff duties* It? io with both of them in respect of the tariff merely a question of more, or loss, merely a ques tion of lopping off a little here and amending a little there; whilo with the Domoorats it is a question of principle. Their obj.eot la to out every special favor out, and out it out Just as fajit en it con be *>ut out without upsetting the business processes of the country. Neither does either of tho other parties propose seriously to disturb tho supremaoy of tho trusts. Their only remedy ip to accept the trusts and regulate them, notwithstanding the faot that, most of the trusts or? so constructed as to insure high prioes, because they are not based upon effici ency but upon monopoly. Their sucoess lies in control. Tho competition of more efficient com petitor/?, not loade^ down by the debts created when the combinations were made, would embarraai and conquer them. The Trusts want the protection of the government and are likely to get it if either the Republican or the so-oalled ' 'Progres sive1' party prevails. Surely this is a cause. ' Surely the questions of the ponding election, looked at from this point of viow, rise into a cause. They are not merely the debates of a oasual party eontost*. They are tho issues of life and death to a na tion which mur.t be free in order to be strong. yvhat will patriot ^o men dot thorlty, however eminent, can reason ably ask that we accept the theory. Now, according to factB, the panio which was commonly known as that of 1803 might very properly have been known as that of 1890 or 1891, because it waB under the McKlnley tariff bill, whiph became a law on Oct. 6, 1890, th$t the first signs of this disturbance appeared. On Nov. 17, 1890, Darker Bros., bankerg, of Philadelphia, suspended with liabilities of $5,000,000, and the olearing houses of both New York and Boston voted their certificates to banks in need of assistance. There were other big suspensions and fail ures in this year and the next In 1892, while the country was still under the Republican administration and a Republican tarifT law, strike aft er strike broke out as a result of the wofklngmen's attempt to resist reduc tions in wages, and these strikes cul minated in the. great Homestead strike and riot, in other words, the panic of 1893 was well under way when Cleveland camo Into oflice. Tinder the same tariff law in 1893 there were more than 15,000 failures in the United States, involving losses amounting to $316,000,000. On the other hand, after the Dem ocratic revision had gone Into effect in 1894 the number of failures fell to 13,000, and the amount involved fell to $173,000,000, or lesB than half. In 1895 the number of failures was near ly 1,000 less, and the amount Involved remained about half. There were more I failures than this In 1911 under Taft (13,441 ). . Mr. Wanamaker Is silent regarding I .the Republican panics of 1878 and 1:907. In view of tho facts, then, is Mr. Wanamaker Justified In his appeal? Do not the facts prove quite the op posite of his contention? ? There is another matter, In my opin ion very important, for us as business ! men to keep in mind, and that is the bearing of the coming election upon the development of a hotter basis of credit. The Republican tariff and Re publican policies have fostered great concentrations of capital In monopo lies and trusts. Upon this great question also Gov ! ernor Wilson is entitled to our sup port. Mr. Roosevelt favors the recog nition of monopolies as inevitable, and this is logical, as he favors a con trolled continuation of the conditions under which they have developed. Mr. Taft is against monopoly, but he is for a continuation of the laws which have brought them into being. Governor Wilson, alone of the candidates, has taken a consistent position for the preservation of the Individual In the business world, ho alone of the candl dates is pledged to legislation which will prevent such flnanoial confeder j aclea as now control the business and ' credit of the nation. Therefore, being convinced that prosperity now awaits only stable con I dltlons and a proper basis of credit. ; I am rtrmly of the opinion that w#?, ?? : business men, should wopk and vote ; for Governor Wilson. EDWARD A. FILENK I YOUR GROCER BILL AND YOUR BALLOT It Costs $5.50 For Week's Nec essaries; $4 In 1904 Tho housekeeper and the wage earn er can see at a glance from these fig ures what the "high cost of living" means under a monopoly tariff: ACTUAL, RETAIL. OROCERY PRICKS, BEING THE AVERAGE PAID IN NKW YORK. JERSEY CITY AND NEARBY CITIES IN 1904 ANI) NOW: O ft ?3 c O < n. o p ? ? <t ? H O ? M Gr^ rf ^ sj h ? i-sn, ft> *i x D ^ ra ?? ,17 3 : E ? :o%l :| : 1904. 1912 : 1912. j Butter 27c. 37c 2 lbs. $0.54 $0.74 l^ard 12c: 15c 'Vi lb. ,0?> .08 Coffee 17c 30 r. , 1V? lbs. \25 .45 Tea GQc._ 50c 1 lb. .50 .60 Kutkh 29c 50c 3 doz. .S7 1.80 pu^nr . . . . . .0s>i,?c O6V2C 8 lbs. .28 .28 Cheese 14c 20c 1 lb. .14 .20 Prunes 08e 12c 1 lb.. ,0H .12 Flour 03 Vic 03\c 7 lbs. .24 < .26 Potatoes ...30e 3ftc 1 pk. .30 .35 Cod Ash 10<; 14c 1 lb. .10 .14 Milk 08c 11c 8 qts. .$4 .88 $4.00 $5.50 [1004 flKtires from United States bureau of labor; 1912 quotations from averaging current prices of a score of retail stores.] Can strict economy reduce the quaiK tity of these staple articles required. . for a family of fire who wish to main- 1 tain the boasted "American standard of living?" Let the high protectlon ? ists try to do with less if they will. But let them reflect that it is coat . Ing them $1.60 a week moro than it did eight years ago for $4 worth of ! necessaries for the table ? ?,7% per ; cent Increase In the span of two pres idential termB of Republican "prosper ; lty." 1 Have YOUR wages, Mr. Voter, kept I pace with this advance? Do YOU see any reason for paying a tariff tax of 35 per cent on eggs or | 23 per cent on beef or 63 per cent on sugar? Food ? food alone ? costs the aver ! age family now 4?V? Per cent of the i total family expense. The average cost of food por family I in the United States has risen as fol 1 lows: 1900 ,..?..i, fai4 19?>4 347 1913 485 t IB - .? j President Taft vetoed blllft reducing the tariff on all such necessaries of ; life. j A vote for Woodrow Wilson is a ! vote to insure an honest revision of | the tariff and a reduction of your gro | cer bills The whole business of polities is to bring classes together upon s common platform of accommodation and com mon interest. ? Woodrow Wilson. YOUR SPOKESMAN, NOT YOUR MASTER. Hero are tho closing words of Woodrow Wilson's address whloh brought to their feet the great audience in Carnegie hall, New York, on the night of Oc1 tober 19: It is not merely .a matter of candidates^ 1 should be abashed If I supposed that it was a mat ter of the wisdom or tho discre tion of individuals. I do not be lieve In government that de pend* upon the ability and dis cretion of a few Individuals. [Applause.l t If I am lit to be a president It 1h only because VI understand ? you. [Applause.] And If I do nit understand you I am not fit. If I am ndt expressing in this speech tonight the asplratlonsv und the convictions of the men who sit before me I beg'that they will not vote for me. I DO NOT WISH TO KK THEIR m abtkh: r * \v ran To u f, T 11 10 1 K SI'OKHSMAN. I rejoice to say that as I wait- = ed for your gracious applause to eease I realised that In that sen tence I summed my whole phi losophy and my whole de?lre. I thank you for your attention. [ F*rnm th<? N-?* w York Tlmos, Oct. 23-1 | NOT ELIGIBLE. Gov. Wilson has not joined the Knights of Columbus. Gov. Wilson : will not Join thH Knights of Columbus. ; Even if ha wished to join that organi zation he could not. He is not eligible. ?We Bay this for the Information and comfort of Thomas E. Watson, of At lanta, G*. In its issue of Oct. 13 the Times said that Gov. Wilson -Joined the New York chapter of the Knights | of Columbus at dinner in celebration : of Columbus day on Saturday eve ? nlng. Joining the Knights at a dinner ' commemorating the discovery Amerlca is not exactly the same thing as entering the membership of , the organization. If Mr. Watson of ; Atlanta, being invited to dine at a friend's house, should linger with' t^e I gentlemen at the dinner table f<5T cigars and conversation, he might . thereafter join the ladies, but that would not make him one of them. Yet Mr. Watson, totally misunder standing and misinterpreting the re port of the Columbus day dinner, per mitted himself to be scared quite out of his wits at the notion that Gov. Wilson had become a Knight of Co lumbus, with all that that, Implies, ; and he thereupon made the Important I announcement that he could no longer t support the governor's candidacy. We . hope he will be reinsured, be calmed, : soothed and quieted when he learns that his worst fears cannot be real ized. We suppose that it is only In | wholly pagan countries that political ; campaigns nre free from these little Incidents e i Nothing Is more unfortunate, noth ' ing is morn unwarranted than to think of politics as a contest of clasees, as l^ado up of interests in' competition V]th one another and in hot opposition to one another ? Woodrow Wilson. - I ANG'S PHONE 2 Suggestions For This Week: Saratoga Chips Fresh Mackerel Sweet Mixed Pickles 25c per qt. Seeded Raisins ?; ? ? . v v - Cleaned Currants Citron Shelled AJmonds PHONE US YOUR WANTS Hi IGH GRADE GROCERY FOR Lowney's Chocolate Home Made Candies Celery All Kinds of Fruit Call at Camden Candy Kitchen 'Phone 78 Run a Mile 5 "~,= s.astsij^as'"5 ?>ut th? lola'n jt lk0 int? co^8iderat'on not only the dUcomW 'hundreds of d f meana fronfi;the injury by exposure. ^ In blanker i 1 ? Inve8te<1 'n horses, a few dollars I?*I of " ^ ' 7 b'K retUrn"' ? say nothing of the appdKS U r :he", th? blanket is on and when It Is 3Fjl the better nroter.il '"'i. 8??d blanketa not only on ac#.M?j service t^r ~?n e^.afford but also becau?e you get i"0' ?? "ice lor your money. ,narke>?tr!!rVe ?arGful,y Selected the best blanket values on ti buy them ^ eve^ "tandpofnt and It will pay i*i >* r:-; ' - - ? A D. KENNEDY