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- .rV 1. Sj ' r From tb'i Dailip CaroliniRn. To th? Son. 1EL S. Footed XT. S. Sehato i CoLrMBTA, Aug. 12, 1850. Sin : I bog leave to call your attention to a few little perversions of truth used by you lately, to impart facetiousness to the remarks with which, in your capacity of bull}*, buffoon, and bore to the Senate, you were pleased to honor nie. I have been waiting to sec your report of j yourself in the Union, but not having been able as yet to obtain it, 1 am obliged to refer to other papers. You nttiibutod to me the. solemn declarations (1 refer for convenience to a sort of summing up in the report of one of your iinnumerable and intolerable speeches, made cn the 3d of August, and published in the Southern Press and other J .papers) " that if Congress shall undertake to admit California into the Union at all, South Carolina will secede from the Union, and seize upon California, npon the month of the Mississippi, and blockade the Western States. 1 made no such declarations. The. report of my speech at Camden, which served you for a 1 * 1 1 -*? I ??A rnii I text, contattieu no sucn uecuoiiiuMi=>. /niU .v? ' of course knew perfectly well that you were perverting the truth. The report of my speech was prepared witli.. 4 out consulting me hy tiie secretary of the ineet; , ingat Camdefi, was never seen hy hie until afm tor its publication, (which wasnuex^ected to and being brief, has encouraged you to use your petty artifices of distortion. But the report, in its actual state, is sufficient to convict yoil of disingenuous practices, as was rendered 1 evident by tho correction made by a . Senator j from Missouri of a mis-statement into which, trusting to your version, he had inadvertently fallen. What I did say on these points was, in substance, this: That if California, with its pretended constitution and usurped- boundaries, should be admitted bv Congress as a State, or l,0 l.?f{ in it? r?r?>ci>nf f.nnHition. excliulirur tae South irom :ill share of the territory, the slaveholdiug States ought to secede from the present confederacy, and form a Southern confederacy, That if forced into a war by the injustice of thp North, the slaveholding States might rely oi? sure elements of success, amongst which would be the power, by closing the Mississippi against the commerce of the Northwestern States, to bring that section to terms.? And that the iujustice practised by the nonslaveholding States, in attempting to exclude the South from all share of California, and to rob Texas of its-territory, would justify the con- j federacy of the .slaveholding States in taking possession by force of the whole or of any pait of California. Tbo Northern man who denounces this as treason, i would meet simply with defiance.? . The'aervile Southern sycophant who raises the cry, provokes inexpressible scorn. By way of apology for undertaking to arraign me before the Senate, you asserted (according rk ? rA'snrf toKtdli f fin/I in tlio P.'ilti;?mrt> per) that it socined to !>e rendered necessary by | tiie very j.articular mention 1 had made of you. j This is not merely a perversion, like the state- , ineut alluded to above, but a fabrication of your fancy. I did not say a word about you in my ( speech that 1 remember, At all events, there ' is not a word about you in the report of it But i perhaps, with the instinct of Scrub, in the play, ] you felt that if I had spoken of you, it must i have been in terms of contempt. Permit me now, sir, as you are in the habit of lecturing Senators and citizens, in or out of place, (but i must retract a part of the expression?1 do not know that you have ever had sufficient sense of decency to do it in place,) to of Jer you :t VO17 blturt lecture lor toe amcnimiciu j of vuur manners. To pervert the language of others into a sense 1 not intended by them, is not regarded as rcprc- j hensible in a clown at a circus, or si jester over a convivial bottle, lint it is not very hecoui- [ ing to use tiiis trick for effect 011 the floor of the j Senate, even in these days of senate: ial decline, j when Scrub may be a Senator. I have pointed J out your perversions of the language in which my sp 'eca was reported; you will make the j proper acknowledgements ??r not, according as ; you may have any regard for truth left, or as you may,among the'compromises to which you nro addicted, have compromised away what little of the quality you ever possessed. l mi bnntevd a .Senator Ironi >outli Carolina ' with the oiler liiat you wonl I, if invited, come j to Charleston or Columbia, to discuss the questions which have been before the Senate. When Sou:'i Carolina desires instruction 111 the doctrines of tiie federal and eonsolidation j school, she can send for some statesman worth j listening to?Mr, Webster, for instance, who ! coul 1 perform the task with some ability. iiut it would not be generous to hold you to j your offer. You will need to exert all your | powers, such as tliev are, including your ae- ! knowledged power of brass, to excuse or palli- i ate to tire people of Mississippi the deliberate ) treacherv-to your State and to the South, so long premeditated bv you, and for a time concealed under the disguise of violent Southern feeling, impelling you to brawl loudly with the abolitioni-ds, and to bully Col. licutou, until lie turned upon you and out bullied you. Willi the hope that this letter may prove an , acceptable addition c<? your curious epistolary j collection on the subject of the compromise, I have thy honor to ho, sir. &c. MAXCV CiREttG. ! 1'. S. Not being quite sure that you will nil- ! der.-tand an allusion above, 1 subjoin fur your graliiication the passage referred to: , Srritb: " Ay; he ami the Count's footman : were jabhering 1 Vouch like two intriguing ducks [ in a mill p'Uid; audi believe they talked of mr, for tiiey latigbed cousmncdly." Kentucky Election.?It is thought Kentucky has elected a Democratic Legislature.? The New ^ oik Tribune sjyts: " W e consider it morally certain that the House is opposition, ami possible that the joint 1 ballot may lie. Several of the strongest whig counties have chosen opposition members wholly or in part Ti:x.\n Uonds.?Since the passage of Mr. Poarce's bill the price of Texan bonds has advanced very materially, and holders do not care about selling. - jj ? 1 ' ' -. - (?orrc?p<>nclijnc? of the Mercury. Washington, Aug., 15, 1850. In tlic Senate to-day the bill for the recover}' of fugitive slaves was taken up and made the special order of the day for Monday next. The qnestion on the reception of the Protest of the Southern Senators was resumed, and Mr. Badger, made a long speech, in which he announced that he would vote against receiving the Protest, though yesterday he intended pursuing a different course. Mr. Pratt, of Maryland, and Mr. Benton also made long speeches against its reception. Most of the points made by them r wore successfully refuted by Messrs] Hunter and Butler; the latter also took the liberty of interrogating (Jen. Houston as to the correctness of a letter in the Philadelphia Inquirer, which asserted that he had documents in his possession, proving a design on the part of leading Southern men to connect the Southern States with Mexico, with a view of forming a ' n i* J < Vf ? II i oouinern v>oiueaeranon. mr. uuueum jnunounced it as totally devoid of foundation, and then proceeded to assign liis reasons for voting against the reception of the protest Mr. Davis, of Mississippi, in a scorching speech, reviewed the course pursued by the majority, anil j especially of tlio.se Southern Senators, who, though they would not sign the protest, might j have had the grace at least not to have taken tiie lead in opposing its reception. The Defeat of the South could only be attributed-to the recreancy of her own sons. Had i the Senators of fourteen slaveholding States joined in insisting on the line of 3d 30, it could . have been obtained, as he knew of at least 9ne I Northern Senator who would have voted with them. Mr. Downs of La. and Whitcomb, fol! lowed in explanation of their reason for voting against receiving the protest. Mr. Turncy | closed the debate in a short but effective speech in which he exposed the glaring injustice and iticonsisteccy of the majority in denouncing as ultraists those who were striving to preserve the Constitution from violation and to maintain their own constitutional rights. A sectional Convention was held at Buffalo, with the avowed object of assailing the constitutional rights ; of the South, and it was not deemed deserving of censure; but when a convention was held at .Nashville, to devise means lor protecting tnc South from these assaults, it is denounced as treasonable. The entire speech was marked with that strong common sense, compactness J of argument, and high Southern tone, which j has distinguished the efforts of Mr. Turney J throughout the session, and which have renderI cd him second to no member of the body as a debater. Mr. Norris, of New Hampshire, then moved to lay the question of reception on the table, , aiul it was carried?aves 21. noes 11). The only Northern Senators who voted against laving it on the table were Messrs. Cass, Dickinson, Dodge of Iowa, Shields and Sturgeon, url/iln Yloscre H:iHtrnp. Ronton. Downs. Hous ton, Pratt and Wales, representing slavcholding .States, voted with the Abolitionists in favor of it. The bill to establish a Territorial Government in New .Mexico was then taken up, read a third time and passed?ayes 27, noes 10.? The bill is not to go into effect until the boundary question with Texas is settled. The Senate adjourned until Monday next. In the House the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation bill was taken up, and Mr. Tenable delivered a very able speech against the bill from the Senate, appropriating ten millions of dollars for the purchase of a part of Texas to form a rendezvous fur runaway slaves on her Wes- ! tern border. PROTEST PRESENTED IN THE SENATE. Wv, the undersigned Senators, deeply impressed with the importance of the occasion and with a solemn sense of the responsibility under which we are acting, respectfully submit the following protest against the bill admitting California as a State into the Union, and request that it may be entered upon the Journal of the Senate. We feel that it is not enough to have rociuhxl in nli.ili' hill so (Vaoolit willl mischief to the Union and the Stales which we represent, with all the resources of argument which we possessed, hut that it is also due to ourselves, the people whose interests have heen entrusted to our care, and to posterity, which even in its most distant generations may feel its consequences, to leave; in whatever form may he most solemn and enduring, a memorial of. the opposition which we have made to this mea- | sure, and of the reasons hy which we have heen j governed. Upon the pages of a Journal which ' the Constitution requires to he kept so long as : the Senate may have an existence, we desire to ' place the reasons, upon which we arc willing to he judged hy generations living and yet to come, for our opposition to a hill whose consequences may he so durable and portentous as to make j it an object of deep interest to all who may , come after us. We have dissented from this hill because it j gives the sanction of the law, and thus imparts , ? .. ... <i ?: i -r ! >?IIH4ll> III lilt' U 11 ?l 11 LI IWI I / til ?lvlHIII III I | M M IIHII of the inhabitants ol California, by which an ; odious discrimination is made against the pro- : |?ci'ty of the lifted! slaveholding States of the , Union, who are thus deprived of that position of, equality which the Constitution so manifestly I designs, and which constitutes the only sure and stable foundation on which this Union can repose. Because the right of the slaveholding States to a common and equal enjoyment of the territory of the Union has been defeated by a system of measures which, without the authority of precedent, of law, or of the Constitution, were manifestly contrived for that purpose, and which Congress must sanction ami adopt should xins diii oecoino .1 law. m sanctioning tins sysU'in of measures, this Government will admit, that the inhabitants of its territories, whether permanent or transient, whether lawfully ( or unlawfully occupying the same, may form a j State without the previous authority of law, without even the partial security of a territorial' organization formed hy Congress, without any legal census or other efficient evidence of their r ... possessing the number of citizens necessary to authorize the representation which they may claim, and without any of those safeguards about the ballot box which can only be provided by law and which are necessary to ascor >^.v.i'r - ?'rJ ' . '* tain the true sense of a people. It will admit, too, that Congress having refused to provide a government, except upon the condition of excluding slavery by law, the Executive branch of this Government may, at its own discretion, invite such inhabitants to meet in convention, under such rules as it or its agents may prescribe, and to form a constitution affecting not only their own rights but those also of fifteen States of the Confederacy, by excluding territory with the purpose of excluding those States from its enjoyment, and without regard to' the natural fitness of boundary, or any of the considerations which should properly determine the limits of a State. It will also admit that the convention, thus called into existence by the Executive, may lie paid by him out of the funds nf the United States without the sanction of Congress, in violation not only of the plain provisions of the Constitution, but of those principles of obvious propriety which would forbid nnv act calculated to make that convention de pendent upon it; ami last, but not least in the series of measures which this Government must niiopt and sanction in passing this bill, is the release of the authority of the United States by the Executive alone to a government thus formed, and not presenting even snfliciont evidence of its having the assent of a majority of the j>eopie for whom it was designed. With a view of all these considerations, the undersigned are constrained to believe that this Government could never he brought to admit a State presenting itself under such circumstances, if it were not for the purpose of excluding the people of the. slaveholding States from all opportunity of settling with their property in that Territory. Because to vote for a bill passed under such circumstances would be to agree to a principle which may exclude forever hereafter, as it does now, the States we represent from all enjoyment of the common territory of the Union ; a principle which destroys the equal rights of their constituents, the equality of their States in the Confederacy, the equal dignity ol those whom they represent as men and as citizens in the eye of the law> and their equal title to the protection of the Government and the Constitution. Because all the propositions have been rejected which have been made to obtain either a recognition of the right of the slavcholding States to a common enjoyment of all the territory of the United States, or to a fair division of that territory between the slaveholding and nonslavehohling States of the Union; every effort having failed which has been made to obtain a / _ r aL - a !a .... - 1 a _ I - lair envision 01 me territory proposed 10 uc brought iir as the State of California. But, lastly, we dissent from this bill, and sol- | oninly protest against its passage, because, in sanctioning measures so contrary to former precedent, to obvious policy, to the spirit and intent of the Constitution of the United States, for the purpose of excluding the slavcholding States from tlie^ territory to he erected into a State, this government in effect declares that J the exclusion of slavery from the territory of the United States is an object so high and important as to justify a disregard, not only of all the principles of sound policy, but also of the Constitution itself. Against this conclusion we must now and forever protest, as it is destrucI tive of the safety and liberties of those whose rights have been committed to our carc?fatal j to the peace and equality of the States which j we represent?and must lead, if persisted in, to the dissolution of that Confederacy in which the slaveholding States have never sought more than equality, and in which they will not be con- j lent to remain with loss. J. M. MAsox, 11. M. T. Huntkh, Virginia. A. P. Butler, K. B. Barnwell, South Carolina. H. L. Turnky, Tennessee. P. Soi'lk, Louisiana. J. Davis, Mississippi. D. R. Atchison*, Missouri. J. Morton, D. L. Yulbe, Florida. Senate Chamber, 13th Aug., 1850. From the Smith Carolinian. CALIFORNIA AND SLAVERY. We glean from various sources that the California people are becoming convinced that there was too much haste lor their own good in ' tlie adoption 01 a ouue iorin 01 government. h j is asserted that tliey now believe a territorial; government will better suit their condition, as they cannot carry on a State government com- j mcrisurato with California prices. Mr. Herrien | read a letter in the Senate, on Monday, from a j 'distinguished source in California, avowing the ! opinion that the slavery question is not yet set- j tied in California; that their constitution will be altered in that respect when convenience shall indicate it; and the writer asserts that the people do not wish the bill for the admission of j the State to be passed. Tho Washington correspondents of the Hal- ' timorc Sun and New York Herald all seem to j agree that there is some authentic information upon which the Southern members are basing their efforts to defer action on the bill to admit California. It is understood that since the adjournment of the California Legislature, the members from the southern counties have gone ; home with the intention of getting up a convention fortlio division of the Citato, and the establishment in the southern part of said State of a separate territory and a separate territorial government. News is expected by the steamer now about due of some proceedings in California looking to the division of the State. In view of all this, we cannot understand why Southern Senators (any of them) could vote for rushing California through in such hot-haste on Monday and Tuesday. That slavery will eventually he established in California, there is every reason to believe. Additional evidence of the value ol that species of labor is found in the following extract of a letter from W ashington in the New I ork Herald. The writer says: " I am informed by a distinguished member of the State Senate of California, that there are several thousand slaves in that country, chiefly below 80 30; that one person estimates the number of slaves in the country already at from threo to five thousand. Ono gentleman, from Arkansas, has eighty slaves engaged in the southern mines; others have been mimed to us as having their slaves in the diggings, taken out by the Gila route from Texas, Arkansas, and Louisiana, and other Southern States. The abolition of the-system of peonage has thrown out ot the possession of many large landholders and cattle raisers hundreds of peons. Under this state of things, some of these stock raisers are already providing to supply the loss of their peons with negro slaves. The abolition of peonage will also account for the meetings which have been held in southern California, for a separate territorial government." All this seems to indicate that, whatever the action of Congress may be, slavery will find its wav at least to the southern portion of the territory. But what a striking evidence is it of the gross wrong inflicted upon the country, as well as on the inhabitants of California, by the nefarious plotting of the last administration, in forcing a State government on a people who were not prepared for it, and who evide ltly did not desire it. Intelligence from California will now he looked for with interest. rz-TT '- ,-pqvo -=-? /^, A T? XJliUS CAMDEN. S. C. TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 20,1850. Wm. C. Gaston, Esq. is General Agent for the Journal, Our Market Within the last few weeks a moderate supply of Corn lias been received, which, together with the prospect of a fair crop, has caused a slight decline in prices. We quote at 85 to 90c. North Carolina Flour is very scarce, and would bring CJ to $7; Bacon, 7 to 8c.; Lard 8 to 9c.; Butter 20 to 25c.; Fodder 87 to ?1. To Correspondents. The suggestions of our friend " L." are very good, and we hope he will not be offended because we do not give them a place in our columns. One of the reasons why the article was written having been removed since it reached us, we apprehend the necessity is not so great for its publij cation. We shall be pleased to hear from "L" 1 at any time. I ! ff5rTlie temporary absence of the Editors o the Journal will account for any deficiency in their department in tlii* issue. 2SST*We are requested to call attention to the advertisement of the " Costume Ball," to be given at the Moultrie House, Sullivan's Island on the 29th insL Governor Seabrook. We are sorry to state (says the Spartan) that his Excellency Gov. Seabrook will uot be able to attend the reviews for the present. Indisposition and the numerous demands on his lime for other duties, have made it necessary that he shot.Id have a short respite from this department of his labors. Col. Gregg's Letter. In another column will be found the pungent satire of Col. Gregg, elicited by the tergiversations i of Senator Foote, in his recent comment upon the factions proceedings ol our Ratification Meeting. A more effectual castigation, and a better-merited, no unfortunate wight ever received, than this individual has invoked upon himself. Ifhishideis not as thick as his conscience,"wo think it probable that j soon after the receipt oftliese instruments oftortures the dignified Senator may be seen amid the shades of the ccpitol, seated upon the stool of tardy repentance, and chaunting his death-song to the appropriate air, "Oh, I'm a used up man." The Protest. This able summary of the most prominent ob ?t... _ J? ?r ?.;il kr> JtlUllUllft lU llirr ciuiiiionuii \ji vttuwi niiu) win found in another column, and is well worthy of careful perusal. The right of the minority in a legislative or deliberative assembly, to enter upon the Journal a solemn protest against any action of an inconsiderate majority, exists of necessity, and the common law of Parliaments will fully establish it. In no respectable body of that character has this privilege everl>epn denied, unless the matter or manner of the protest were seditious, or a breach of privilege. And the reason is evident?a protest is in the nature of an appeal to posterity, to generations yet to come, who, unheated by partizan warfare, will coolly sift the motives and arguments of the actors in these measures and award the palm to those who merit it. To deny such a privilege is, therefore, a deliberate refusal by the majority, to submit the question fairly, to an impartial tribunal, because, as we may well infer, they neither confide in the rectitude of their inten tions, nor the force o ftheir arguments. But not considered as a right, how arbitrary is this discourteous refusal to ten honorable Senators, of the privilege of recording their dignified remonstrance! In the Senate of England, tho aristocratic House of Lords, it would not be denied to a single Peer. How much greater then, is the regard paid to the freedom of discussion there than in the Senate of America? There can be no greater tyranny, than that which suppresses a full discussion of public measures. Liberty is secured by provisions for the protection of minorities. The majority unrestrained, would become licentious, and though free themselves, would enslave alt who wore opposed to them, It is therefore of the last importance in a free government, that the greatest regard should be paid to every check which rightfully exists, upon,the power of numbers, always arbitrary in its tendency. Hence, this action of the majority of the Senate acquires an^additional importance, considered as a viola, tion of restraining and conservative right. When, however, this is associated with the brutal attempt to suppress discussion, exhausting the physical strength of a speaker by a prolonged sossion, exhibited in the case of Mr. Yulee; with Mr. Fillmore's proclamation of the despotic military power of the Executive, in his recent message; with the repeal of the 34th rule by the House, altering the ordinary rules of legislation, intended to iecure freedom of discussion; with a view tcr throttle the minority on a particular question? when all this is considered, the veil is removed, and we see the yawning abyss of Federal tyrauny directly before us. Mr. Clay. This distinguished author of Compromises, having, in a dignified manner, washed his l^nds of the consequences which may ensu$ upon the rejection of his late abortive bantling, has gone t<7 Newport to wash his person and revive his exhausted energies. We suppose some of his admirers in that latitude, will repeat the laudatory description of his gambols in the water with the ladies, so amiably commended upon his last visit to Cape May. From all accounts, the girls must consider him a p?rf <ct "Du k," and so eminent, that the ordinary rules of modesty may be waived in his favor. His reception at Newport was at i ?i i. i... ?r _ l^iiuuu iiuvvcvci, uv nu ui a iiiciaiii-iiuiy character?a child was dashed from its mother's-' arms and crushed beneath the vehicle, the suddert movement of which, occasioned the accident.? We earnestly hope that this may be the only rniv ther whose grief for the untimely fell of lier off-spring, will be mingled with reminiscenced of 'the* great Ilenry Clay. ' " /'' North Carollnit The returns frotn this State show the election of Reid by about 3,500 majority. There will be 12 to 14 democratic majority on joint ballot in the Legislature. Congress. We omit our usual summary of Congressional proceedings this week. They are interesting only so far as the action of that body is concerned. T*1 I 1 il I II ' ' ? i nere nns ut-en ine usual quantity 01 taiKing none since our last report, but considerable more action. In our last, we aunoenced the passage by the Senate, of Mr. Pearce's bill Jor adjustment of the boundary of Teias. In the House, on Thursday it was taken up and passed by a majority of fifty. The act has only to receive the President's approval and the assent of Texas to become.the "supreme law of the land." On the same day, the Senate took up the bill for establishing a territorial government for New Mexico, which, after the rejection of several aments (the W'ilmot proviso among them.) was passed by a vote of 27 to 10. The discussion /of the Protest of the Southern members againetflhe admi.-s'on Crlifornia, presented the day preVfcfUs, was resumed, and finally the motion to recei^it was laid on the table, by a vote of 22 to 19. *' In the House, Mr. Woodward asked cbneenf to uuc'i u i rruiu uvii iw iiinu ui/? uiu tuiiiuiuiro uu post offices and post roads to inquire into, the expediency of establishing post routes from Qamden by way of Bishopville, to Willow Grove and from Bethlehem to Sandy Grove. Mr. Clay. The course pursued by this Senator in denouncing Mr. Rhett and all the other "Traitors" has done mbre for Southern rights than any thing else he could have done. The press and people have been aroused to a state of just indignation against him and his party satellites at the ftofth, or the "thousand toadies feeding on the South, with Northern hearts'in JtHeir bosoms, yelping to the same tune." The'.gross arid malignant leelings exhibited by this' gentTeawi have been con j r v: UUIIiriru JIUIH vugmaa 1\; uuuicioua. i uc iuiiuiting is taken from the Louisiaua Statesman: "Mh. Clay a>d Mr. Riuctt.*-Mr. Rhett,of South Carolina, whom Mr. Clay,in his recent speech so fiercely denounced, undescended on the maternal side from the stock tpf John Quincy Adams, and he "has much of the indomitable spirit and hatred of oppression that distinguish* ed John Adams and his illustrious son. He is one of the ablest men in South Carolina. Mr. Rhett is a private citizen, and it seems to us that there was an. obvious,, irppropriety in the attack made on him by Mr...Clay. There are opponents enough in the JSenate for the great orator to assail, without singling out private in dividunls, who have not the same public theatre to defend themselves. Besides, if the object, be harmony, concilation and union, there is no expediency in resorting to denunciation. On ibis matter neither States nor. statesmen are to he intimidated, even by the voice of the most eloquent and powerful. Men will think, and States will actforthemselvos, and the freedom of opinion and discussion caunot be stifled by thc cry of treason. If traitors are to "be* punished, President Fillmore must begin with men ?.1 ? ?notid mnn Unf nva rtl/lHinrr WIIU are >VIJ nccit uiiuy men tuat aiv civil war, traitors to the Constitution; slave stealers and instigators of si five stealers. Mr. Clay, however, has*pronoarfc^f Mr. Rhett & traitor, and now we shall hear a thousand toadies, fecdingon the South with Northern hearts iu their bosoms, yelping to tho same tune." For the Camden Journal. NEW READINGS OF OLD AUTHORS, MR. KILLMORK'S DISCOVERY. L. . The President, by and with the advice antt consent of the Senate, may enter into a treaty. Uy the Constitution the treaty thus made is. declared the supreme Jaw of the land. The President is empowered to enforce the execu-. tien of such law by military power. Hence, a treaty with Emperor Faustin, stipulating for the universal'emancipation, by the United Stamps, of all his oppressed brethren, the Jtirknsses, now cruelly held to labor, would bea supremo law, to be enforced at the point of" tho "bag-o-uet," Verily, the President filled high the cup of' gall and worm wood, but the Vice is determin-. ed to Jill more. See Imperial Edict No. 1. TRAITOR. ' The discovery of gold in considerable quantities at Port Adelaide, South Australia, is confirmed. The gold-working company are san-. guitie of success, Indiana?The Elections in Indiana havo^ resulted in giving tho Democrats a large majority on joint ballot, both in the legislature and; the convention to amend the constitution. This i secures tho re-election of Mr. Bright to the U.. [ S. Senate.