University of South Carolina Libraries
* ' * 'j % ? ..waj'vtri * > j- y-'j*~ ' , .'pyr^fiS^^vC ?l)c Camden Journal. VOLUME 11. ^ ^CiOIDEN^SOUTH-CAEOLK^^ $)octica( Department. For the Camden Journal. Tis at the silent noon of night, ? When starbeams dance upon?the ware, The heart can call the feejings hWk Which love in earlier hours^aT<v When raem'ry gently sw^ps ^he h^grt, Ae zephyrs o'er the harp's light string, As soft as moonlight on the skies, # Or tones which melody can bring, Who would not at this mystic hour, When floats the glitl?ring moonbeam by, .Recall each look?rehear those tones Wiikh hi the clime of mem'ry lie ? For ah there's not a moonlight hour, But what has somethiug bright its own, , As not a star in yon sweet heaven, But what can say, " I too have shone There's not a mem'ry of the past That dwells within the soul's deep shrine, But what can claim seme pleasure too, And say, " that meulal gem was mine.'' Then I must love the memorized past, So soft, so beautiful, and bright, And live tviunn its lanciea reaim, This mezzotinted noon of night. Camden, S. C. CONSTANCY. iHtsrcllancous Department. A* Old Beau.?**li* men sneer, as our habit is, at the artifices of an old beauty, at tier paint, perfumes, ringlets, at those innumerable, and to us unknown, stratagems with which she is said to remedy the ravages ot time ana reconstruct the cbaruis whereof years have bereft her; the ladies, it is to be presumed, arc not on their side altogether ignorant that men are vuiii as well as they, and that the toilet of old bucks a-e to the full as elaborate as their own. How is it that old Hlushington keeps that constant little rose-tint on his cheeks; and where does old Blonde! get the preparation which makes his silver hair pass for golden? Have you ever seen Lord Hotspnr, get oil' his horse where he thinks nobody is looking ? Take out ol Ins stu-rops, his shiny boots can hardly totter up the steps of Hotspur House. He is a dashing Young nobleman still as you see the back oi him in Rotten Row, when you behold him o.i foot, what an old fellow I Did you ever form to yourself any idea of Dick Lacy. (Dick has beeu Dick these si^ty years) in a natural shite, and without his stays ! All these men arc objects whom the observer of human life and manners may contemplate with us much profit as the roost eaeriy uergruviau vi-uus, ur nnw.ate Mayfair JezebeL An old reprobate daddy long legs, wbo has never said his prayers (except perhaps in public) these fifty years: an old buek wbo still clings to as many of the habits of youth as hi* feeble grasp of health can hold by; who has given op the bottle but tits with young fellows over it, and tells naughty stories upon toast and water?who has given up beauty, but still talks about it as wickedly as the youngest roue in company?such an old fellow, 1 say, if any parson in Pimlieo or St James' were to order the beadles to bring him iuio the middle isle, and (here set him in an arm-chair, and make a text of biro, and preach about him to the congregation, eonld be turned to a wholesome use for once in his life, and might 4>e surprised to find that some good thoughts came of out of hiui. Thackeray. * Whatcaxbb doxr on onr acbr of ground! ?The editor of the Maine Cultivator published a few days ago, bis management of one acre of nf irrotmd frnm whir.h we rather the followillST results: One-third of an acre in corn usually produces, thirty bushels of sound corn for grinding, besides some refuse. This quantity was sufficient for family use, and for fattening one large or two small hogs. From the same ground he obtained two or three hundred pumpkins, and bis-family supply of beans. From a bed of six rods square, he usually abtainedsixtv bushels of OBions; these he had sold at one dollar per bushel aud the amount purchased his flour.? Thus, from one-thi*-d of an acre and an onion ino/1 lita KmnriainfFe Tlio i*ncl g\f */VUj UV WW! UVU UI0 v?v*k/v?4??? ? tiv l\Oi VI the ground was appropriated to all sorts of vegetables, for summer aud winter use; potatoes beets, parsnips, cabbage, green corn, pease, cucumbers,'melons, squashes, Arc., with fifty or sixty bushels of beets and carrots for the food of one cow. Then he had also a flower garden, raspberries, currants, and goosberries in great variety; and a few choice apple, pear, plum, cberty, peach and quince trees. If a family can ?MA AAMA /if iVMAItn/) 111 MtllllA mc vuppuiicu uviu viiu aviu wi ? uuuu iij manic the same can be done in every State and coun? try in the Union. ?"tD Miss. ?Silicic the rtC? qoiaition ?f California, an<I l'u6 "flasovcnr of its rich mines of gold, oar mioou uuuhj navy excited bat little interest in the public mind. During the ps?t week, we paid a hasty visit to the mine named at **>? hea^ thia flrt?cle; which is dtaiateMn/hnjjnper part yjlt,lis district, on the 2u3sffiefcrd Edgewfitb, Esq., nep?.'Cw ?f thel^tp #jes Edgeworth tlio English aqtborcss. ITusVmn'o was jpcc/denHy dis-.covered aboat two years'ago, i^nc9\\vtiich time,! at has well rewarded.the labor of the operators. It is a vein mine, the Vein's of which have been lioir n rhilo ^TllO jm| | j?; foUlld IIOV/CU IVI MVVHVUU/l m ?"v. _ 0 in quartz rock, vH^oh nlk> contain* pyrites of iron, copper, silver and lead The -4.?Id bearing rock b fotinq in veins of from 01 inch, to more than one foot in thickness?closely imbedded in blue and in many places shows nnmsstakable ovjdencc, of having been subjected to great hi sat, Thfilpbck yields from five to twenty-fiv<5pepqyt\v<,'ights of gold in the quick, per bushel. apparatus ? ,,8e at die mine, at present, is not the best adapted to a successfa! operation. The ore after being raised, is first crashed by the hammer then it is ground in iron and stone mills with the mercury, and then washed ouf. By this process, much of the irolrl passes off with the water in re-wasl ing.? 1 Tacre are but few hands now at work and sedimei t, the latter of which pays well at this ' mine; tie aggregate yield therefore, is not | large, but sufficient to pay well for the labor. Ch r iw Gaz 'tie. From the National Intelligencer. A CARr. Ma. Foote Explains.?The subjoined ' Card" was handed to our reporter yesterday, explanatory of what took [dace in the Senate on Wednesday: In the report of the unhappy occurrence which took p'aco on yesterday in the Senate, I regret to pe-divc one or two slight inacuracies, which I hope you will promptly correct. The i inivpraces alluded to are not in the re port of (he debate, which is one of the following statement: [ Here Mr. Foote, who occupies a seat in the outer e? c'o, io foot of the Vice Preside ill's chai-, rtl-eaiecl bachwjvos down (he aisle, towards t! e cba'r of the Vice P-'esident, with a pistol in Ins hand; Mr. Be-iion,a moment before having sudden'v :seo fom his seat and advnn* ceJ by the a:?le, ou(s<de the bar towards him, . fo''owlnjr hi.jj i-ito (he r.is'e down which the I,.- l'.?... U:nCuea'.,u ! lia<l iatv.ntnr) Cl'l/illlll JI Will ivu\.uivu} In a moment n! nost every Senator was on his feet and ca'Ist'J "o-iler," demards for the Sergca n t-at - A rms; rcqnests that the Senators . would take the:r seats, from the Chair and from iodividnal Senators, were repeatedly made.? Mr. Denton was followed and a rested by .Mr. Dodge of Wisconsin, and in the con-"osi j.i and excrement winch prevailed, he was heard to exclaim. from ti-ne io tone:"I have no pistols!" "Let lem fi.-e "Stand oat of the way!" "I 1 have no pistols!*' "I disdain to carry arms!', "Stand o'.'t of the way,-and let he (assassin fire." 1 While making iliese exclamations, M Denton ' was b'oeghi liack to Inn seat, hat b-eaking I away ft><? M r. Dodge of W iscoosin who sooght 1 forcibly to retain him, he advanced again to- I wa ds M!*. Foote Who stood near the Vice Pre sident'sc'ia* , on llie ngsit imad s*de, surrounded ' by a nnaiaer of Seoaio s and others not members of (he Senate. M'\ Dickinson took the j pist >1 f'Min the hand of M?\ Foote, and locked it ' up in Ins desk, and Mr. Foote, on the advance 1 of Mr. Duller, returned to his seat.] ( Nmv, as to the ' retreat'' spoken of* it was ; si ?ply a movement in a line; which made something like a figh angle wilh the_onc which the 1 Senator from Missouri was advancing. On ' see' ig h'-n advancing, 1 dimply glided towards { Ihe nl'ey lead ?g l-oai tiie Secretary's chair to 1 the door, i ite-id to lake a defensive attitude, and then awaU any nssn-'U which might be 1 made. I coe'd not have done otherwise, without, in a certain event, en laagering the Iive3 of u noli ending |>ersoos. You seem to represent ] myse'i'ns beng pir-'se'eil by my antagonist down 1 a na -'-ow alley. If you allude to the alley * along which I walked in order to take my de- 1 feutivo position aMuded to, you a-e ? .? error, as 1 the peoon alluded to did not even reach my 1 seal, nor even get mocihaii sometVog 1'kc ha'f 1 way from If ? seat to mine. The fact is, that I ' neither rot routed from, nor advanced upon, the ' Senator referred to: I s'.iiply advanced to a coine-nent pos't'on for the purpose ofdrfrnrc. 1 You snv "A1 l):cliinssii look l'ie nistol from the I ha M^of MFoote." 'J'hh 13 t-ue, but I would ' add, that it was chceriiJ'y bnrrende'vd.on ap- I p'ieufioii being mr.de To.- il, and upon seeing that 1 1 was do longer in danger of being assaulted 1 I regret lhati have deonvd it necessary to make tb'S explanation, but 1 d<d not know how to 1 avoid it. ' H. S. FOO'IE. i Islands of Lake Nicaragua.?From a pa- 1 per, by the Hon. E. (J. Sqnier, read at a recent 1 mceiMig of the iSt'mological Society ot rsew i York, \vc make the following extract: I "Perhaps a more singular group of islets can- ] not be found in the wide wo;ld. As 1 have he- I fore said, they a'e all of volcanic origin, gener- l ally conical in shape, and seldom exceeding th?ee or four nc:,es in area. All arc coverid I with a cloak of verdure, hut nature is not irl- ' ways success el in b'dmg the black rocks which ' start out in pi tees, as if in disdain of all conceal- I nu'iit, anil lo tk frowutngly down in the clear I water, giving an air of wiklness to the otherwise soft and quiet scenery of the island.? ' Trailing'over these rocks, and drop*y,?g In festoons from the overhanging trees,' their pliant tendri's floating in the water, are innumerable vines, with brght and fragrant flowers of red | and yellow, mingled with the inverted cone of i the "gloria de Nicaragua," with its overpower* i ingodor, with strange and nameless fruits,for* < nltng nn^ evergreen roof, so dense that even a tropical sun cannot penetrate. Many of these i islands have patches of cul ivated ground, and i o.i such, gciiora"/ crowmog their summits re- j lieved by a douse green back ground of plan- J titious. and surrounded by kingly palms, and I the papaya with its great, golden Iruit, are the pictu esqueeanejiutsof the inhabitants. Groups yanked, swarthy children in front?a wiudin" path leading 'jpncath the great t>eos down to the wuier's edge?an arbui'd'ke iniirature harbor, with a eaiioc /ashed to the Bho<-e?a woman naked to the waist with a purple skirt of true Tyrian dye, for the famous ipurex is found on the Pacific shores of Nicaragua, her long, black, glossy hair fading over neck and breast, reaching almost to her knees?a flock of noisy parrots in a congressional squabble among the trees?a swunii of pa?roquets scarcely less noi?...?? nf vnoifnriitiiKr macaws like floating aJ " J"*" " O _ fragments of a rainbow?inquisitive monkeys banging among tlie vines?aciive iguanas scrambling uj> the Ijanks?long-necked and long-leg ged cranes in deep soliloquy at the edge ot the water, their white bodies standing in strong relief against a background of rock and verdure ?a canoe glancing rapidly and noiselessly across a vista of water?all this, with a golden sky above, the purple 6ides of the volcano of Momobacho overshadowing us, and the distant shores of Chontales molten in the slanting sunlight?these were some of the golden elements of the scenery of the islands; elements constantly shifting, and forming new and pleasing combinations." yolittcal Sjcpartmcut. SPEECH OF IION. DANIEL WALLACE, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, In the House of Representativeit, April 8,1850, In Committee of the Whole on the state of the Un:on, on the President's Message, communicating the Constitution of California. Mr. Wallace rose and said: Mr. Chairman : Among the political questions which now demand our attention, none a; c more deserving the profound consideration _! *.!- . A ! 1 . a i it i? __ _ c m me American peupic man me qnesuons 01 the non-extension, and of the aholiiion, of slavery. The hill now on your table affords men lit occasion to express my views on these subjects, which now so fearfully agitate ihc public mind. 1 believe I shall be able to show, that non-extension is but the means by which the abolition of slavery is intended to be accomplished. 1 shall therefore consider these subjjcts together, with the view to show the identity of their object and tendency. e The agitation of these questions has produced a state of excitement in the public Jniud, unexampled in our history. Throughout a large section of the Union, deep discontent prevails, and men calmly and sternly deliberate upon the means of saving themselves and their children from the intolerable wrongs which are impending over them. Confidence in tliisGovcrumeiit, to answer the ends of its formation, is rapidly jiv i.ig way. We cannot, without being criminally gui'ly, close our eyes to the fact, that old. political systems are viewed with profound and ivell-foitiided distrust, and the advantages of new ones, formed upon their ruins, openly ami Dok'i y discussed. i Ins want oi confidence in established systems, is not confined to Europe. It is here in our midst also. The human mind i-serts its freedom, and will no longer bo deluJetl l>y the sanctity, which the hallowed associations of the past have thrown around a name. I'he substance of tilings is now demanded, and lliis demand must be satisfied. To draw a fail-hail picture of the state of the Union, in reference to these questions, is the duty now before me. The first step towards the restriction of slavery, was the enactment of the ordinance of 1787, the sixth article of which reads as follows: "There shall he neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment for crimes, whereof the party shall have, been duly convicted : Provided 'iltray *, That any jierson escaping in flic same, irom whom labor or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the original Slates, such fugitives may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the jiorsou churning his or her labor or service, m aforesaid." In the Federal Convention which framed the Consiitulion, the Southern States prescribed the terms upon which alone they would agree to become parties to it. Tliey demanded, that the proviso in this ordinance, for the surrender of ! - r 11 1 I'l 1 A. _ I* inguivcs i.oin jauor, snouiu uecomu a part 01 the Constitution. They also demanded, that persons .held to service, should lie represented in Congress; and to effect this ohject, the following clause was inserted in the Constitution : "Representatives and direct taxes, shall be Apportioned among the several States, which maybe included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, ami excluding Indians not taxed, llirrr.fifths of all of her persons." These clauses constitute the guaranties which the Southern States demanded before they would consent to enter into the Union, and without which the Union never woidd have been formed. They are fundamental conditions ui Lite compact which was lorded between the North and the Se'uiti, in reference to the great ^Ui-stion now at issue between tliem. ?itli what fidelity the North have kept that compact, I will now proceed to show-. The ordinance of 1787 shadow ed forth the policy which the North are now pursuing. The intention is now avowed, to restrict slavey to its present limits, with the view to ultimate abolition in the Stat .v. J he Missouri compromise was another act in the same drama?the accomplishment of another part ol the same scheme. In that comthe North agreed that the line of oO IJO north latitude should forever divide the slaveholding from the non-slavehohliug States. This compromise embraced all the territory acquired in 1803, by the treaty of Paris. In this territory slavery prevailed everywhere, but was abolished north of the compromise line. The North now repudiate that compromise, anil are impatient to spread upon the record more conclusive evidence, if it were wanting, to establisii the fact, that no constitutions, no cotnpro mises, no compacts, or solemn engagements, into which they enter upon this question?no matter how binding in law or conscience, or how solemn the form and ceremonial of their execution - can hind them to the observance of their obligations any longer than suits their own purposes. The ordinance of 1787 provided for the surrender of fugitives from service. In the Con stitution this provision was re-affirmed in solemn form. The same compact was expressly recognized in the Missouri compromise, as applicable to free States to be formed out of the Louisiana territory. Thus has this fundamental law been three times affirmed, at three successive epochs in our history,, and as often viola tea una uisregaruea. The expression, "delivering up fugitives," is a technical term in the law of nations, and is often used in extradition treaties. It is twice used in the Constitution?once in relation'to fugitives from justice, and once in relation to fugitives from labor. In its technical meaning, it imposes an obligation on the State in which the fugitive is found, to take active measures r I A 1* < r / ?.? ior ins acnvery to ins owner; or u a lugiuve from justice, to the state having jurisdiction of the crime tor which he fled. Up to the time of the Missouri compromise, nearly all the northern States had passed laws to carry out, in good faith, the provision of the Constitution, and the fugitive from labor was provided for in the same statutes which provided for the delivery up of fugitives from justice. But as the scheme of abolition advanced towards the ends to be accomplished, another policy was to be adopted. These statutes were repealed, and a large majority of the northern States have since passed laws to prevent the redelivery of fugitives from c/ti'i'l/to 'I hie? ia t Itn nVtAlitntn nnli/ii' ta ti'liink 3VIIIVV* A HIS IO IIIV UUUUIIl/ll jJlMICJ, w tvill^u the Slates of the North are committed by the nets of their legislatures, iu open violation to the Constitution. I repeat, jjiat a design is now avowed to restrict slavery to its present limits, with the view to its final abolition in the States. To show that proofs are abundant upon this subject, I call the attention of the committee to a speech lately delivered here, by a member from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Stephens.) He first quoles from a speech of Mr. Meade, of. Virginia, "if," said Mr. Meade,"we intend to submit to the policy of confining the slaves within their present limits, we should commence forthwith the work of gradual emancipation. It i3 an easier task for us iliau for our children." The member next l'Orwvitc n romoelr I'enm ar\mxs?Vi aI \f ? IISI. I U I V III? I* II VIII I.IIV Oj/VVVU V/l i'lli XXII I Sard, of Alabama. "We must," said Me. Hilliard, "make up our minds to resist the interdiction of the pi-ogress of slavery, or to submit to an organic change in our institutions." In reolv to these remarks of Mr. Meade and Mr. Milliard, the member from Pennsylvania exultingly exclaims: " Yes, sir; this admitted result is, to my mind, one of the most agreeable consequences of the legitimate restriction of slavery. Confine this malady within its present limits, sur round it by a cordon of freemen that it cannot spread, and in less than twenty-five years every siaveholding State in this Union will have on i 1 i r.._ a i.._i i c..?i us Maiuii' uuui\s a law tut iiiujjiuuuai auu iiaai extinction of slavery. Then will have been consummated the fondest wishes ot every patriot's heart. Then will our fair country be glo rious indeed; and be to posterity a bright example of the true principles of government?of universal freedom. " I am opposed to the extension of slavery into territories now free, for still graver reasons, because I am opposed to despotism throughout the world. I admit that this Government, cannot preach a crusade of liberty into other Suites .....I ...wl tiuvi iKuivuo j iimvu <13 cuv uuuvio huuuo anu tyranny, there she can only mourn over its existence. Hut when the question of government is within her own control, and she permits despotism to exist, and aids its diffusion, she is responsible for it in the face of the civilized world, and before the (.lod of Liberty." In these sentiments, often repeated here, the end and aim of all this slavery restriction, this free-soil and abolition agitation, may be clearly seen. The member from- I'ennsylvani \ sends forth the rallying cry to the abolition legions of the IVo.th, to presj lorwar.l to the accomplishment of this g;,eat scheme of slavery rest.ielion, with a view to its final .abolition i.i the Slates. "Surround them with a cordon of freemen," savs he, "so that slavery cannot spread, and in less than twenty-five years every slaveholding State in this Union will have on its statute books a law for the gradual and final extinction of slavery." Sir, this avowal of the ultimate .'esign of the Irec-soil scheme, does ?ot disclose to me any UeW l)haSO. i:. tlin cnnt'nvnrsi' licfwooil \nrtll I .thI South. I liavt- heretofore warned the people I represent, that it is the design of the majority ot the North, to accomplish the end announced by the member from Pennsylvania; that is, to surrouud the slave States by a cordon of free State#?to Confine them to their present limits; and more still ? to circumscribe these limits by driving in the outposts of slavery in the border States, with the view to the tiual abolition of slavery, and until the South, hemmed in on nil siitcs, is reduced to the condilion now exhibited by St. Domingo. This is the abolition scheme, of which non-extension is liut the means to accomplish the end. To obtain the control of every department of the Covernment, to enable them to effect their designs, it was lirst necessary to provide for the nniied action of a majority in both Houses of Congress, and to elect a President who would repudiate the veto power. Both these preliminary slep3 have been accoinplisheil. Gradu* ally the work of uniting all parties at the North, up to a well-defined geographical line, has been going on. Any public functionary who dared to accord justice to the South, soon found a political grave. Ex-Presidents luivo entered ! the lists of free-soil, and contended for the prize ottered i>y the inscriptions upon its oanner, as did the kings of the East in the Olympic games. Down with slavery was the battle-cry, which has rallied the legions of these crusaders. True, they march to the field of action under banners slightly differing in device, but when once there, Whig, Democrat, Abolitionist and Free-Soilcr, nil unite in one grand army for the overthrow of slavery. Every aspirant ' for political honors has learned that to denounce' the South, and preach deliverance to the slave, is the only road to political distinction. And however much the different organizations of party may differ on minor questions of public policy, upon non-extension they all agree. On this subject there is but one party and one pol-' icy. As far, therefore, as this question is concerned, how does the northern Whig difTcr from the northern Democrat, or how does the FreeSoiler and Abolitionist differ from either? rtr? not all give their aid to the great scheme of ultimate abolition, by pressing forward tbescheme' of non-extension? Did not all vote for the' Wilmot Proviso, with three or four exceptions, while it was a practical question ? Are uot all now in favor of the admission of California, and that, too, for the reason that the Wilmot Proviso is ingrafted in, and constitutes a part of her so-called fundamental law, and that her admission into the Union thus becomes a part of the seheme of nnn-eytensmn nnrt thnrefXra of ultimate abolition ? And what is it worth to us, if some do it reluctantly ? This Union of incompatible elements, up to '" the geographical line which divides the North from the South, accomplishes one esseutial purpose, which all have in view. It gives the North a decisive majority in both Houses of Congress. There is, therefore, but one obstuc'e in the way of the absolute power of this' majority; and that is the Constitution. Hut, sir power is never restrained by written laws.? Having secured, the necessary majority, the next step is, to remove every obstacle, which : l :J. i!-- r._ji ..i ^ j[ii|H.*ties us action. ror wis purpose, iue umnStiLuiion must be overthrown, and the will of t ie majority substituted in its stead. We have thus arrived at a uew em in our political history. The time has come, when the question must be decided, as was said by the gentleman of Georgia, (Mr. Toombs,) how far written constitutions can protect the rights of a minority, against the usurpations of a reckless majority. There must be a veto power somewhere. If the President refuses to discharge his ' constitutional duties, the minority ofStates must exercise it for themselves, or their liberty will be destroyed. To suit this new political system, a newjvoi* cabulary is being formed, and a catalogue of ideas, heretofore unknown, are brought to our consideration, At one time, it was conceded, by the highest authority, that a State of this Confederacy can peaceably secede from it? Upon this sub ect Mr. Madison said, in the be batc3 on the Federal Constitution: " It has been alleged, that the Confederation having been formed by unanimous consent, could be dissolved by unanimous consent only. Does this doctrine result from the nation in the Article of Confederation? If we consider the Federal Union as analogous fo' the' ftfndafaeu-tal compact, by which individuals compose one society, and which must in its theoretic origin, at least, have beta the unanimous act of the component members, it cannot be said, that no distention of the compact can be effected without unanimous consent. A breach of the fundamental principles of the compact, by a part of the society, would certainly absolve the other part from their obligations to it. If the breach of any article by any of the parties does not set the otliersat liberty, it is because the contrary is implied in the compact itself, and particularly tit (lint lour aI If ii*lt!s?li orli'no nti Iit/loliiiifa on. thorily to the majority to bind the whole in all c.i8J5 '1 his laiter circiimstaoce shows, that we are not to consider the Federal Union as analogous to the social compact of individuals, for if it wore so, a majority wquld have a rigid to bind the rest, and even to form a new Constitution for the whole, which the gentleman from New Jersey, (Mr. Patterson,) would be among the last to admit If we consider the-* Federal Union as analogous, not to the seteial nntnnnnla ummwr iit^irSiluol mnn lint tn tliA nnn_ ventions among individual States, what is the doctrines resulting from these conventions??? Clearlv, according to the expositions of the law of nations, that a breach of any one article by any one party, leaves all the other parties at liberty to consider the whole convention as dissolved. The convention of the State ofVirgina, which met to ratify the Federal Constitution, in the , terms ol ratification, used the following language: "We, the delegates of the people of Virginia, idaly elected, in pursuance of a recommendation from the General Assembly, now met 111 con-, vention, having fully and freely investigated and discussed the proceeding of the Federal Convention, and being prepared, as well as the most mntu e deliberation hath enabled as, to decide thereon, do, in the name and in behalf of the i\om\l i t\f Virmnin itnnlAlvt mid ninWn Icnmvil. W|,.^ ,,, . ..V ~ ? -? , that the powers granted under the Constitution being derived f.oin the people of the United States, may he resumed by them, whensoever the the same same shall he jHjrverted to their injer or oppression, and that every power not granted thereby, remains with them and at their will. That therefore, 110 right of an}' denomination can ho cancelled, abridged, restrained, or " L -- iL ^ 4. mouineu, ay mo congress, uy uie ovnaw m | House of Representatives, acting1 in any capnci! ty; liy tho President or any other department | or otlicer of tho United States." At tho same period of time, a convention of the State of New York met to ratify the Constitution, which convention, iu the terms of rat-, ideation, used the following language: " We, tho delegates of the jieopio of tho State of New York, duly elected and met in convention, having maturely considered the Constitution for the United States of America," "and having also seriously and delilxirately considered the present situation of the Unitydi Shites, do declare and make known, power is originally vested in, (ipd coiv'^gg*' derived from tlic (f_. .,ilv 11 ..mcot