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THE CAMDEN JOURNAL. VOLUME 9 CAMDEN, SOUTH CAROLINA, JULY 26, 1848. NUMBER 30. ???gggm?????c?^p??????^? PUBLI3IIRD EVRRt-WBDNRSD.vr MORNING _ by thomas w. pegu km. TERMS. Three Dollar* per annum in advance, Three Dollars and Fifty Genu within six months, or Four Dollars at the ex pi ration of the year. ' Advertisement* inserted at 75 cents per square, (fourteen iftea or l?*0 for the first and half that sura for each subsequent insertion. The number of insertions to be noted on >11 itMMWns>nt>. or thev will be nu Wished until ordered to be discontinued, and charged accordingly. One Dollar per square for a tingle insertion. 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CALHOUN'S SPEECH ON THE OREGON BILL. U. S. Senate, Tuesday, June 27th, 1848. Mr. Calhoun?There is a very str.king difference between the position in which the slaveholding and non-s!avcholdin? States land in reference to the subject uudcr con sideration. The former desire no action of the government, demand no law to give litem any advantage in the territory about to established, are willing to leave it and other territories belonging to the United States, open to all their citizens, so long as they continue to Itc territories, and when I they cease to be so, to leave it to their inhabitants to form such governments as might suit them, without restriction or condition, except that imposed by the constitn ion. and a prerequisite for admission into the Union. In short, they arc willing to leave the whole subject where the constitution and the great fundamental principle of self-government placed. On the contrary, the non-slaveholding States, instead of being willing to 'eave it on this broad and equal foundation, demand the interposition of the government, and the passage of an act to exclude the citizens of tlie slavehol ling States from emigrating with their properly into the territory in order to give tiieir citizens and those they may permit, the exclusive right of settling it, while it remains in that condition, preparatory to subjecting it to like restrictions and conditions when it becomes a State. The 12th section of this bill is intended to assert and maintain this demand of the non-slaveholding States, while it remains a territory, ?ot openly or directly, but indirectly, by extending the provisions of the bill for the es?1 '* - ? tarpitari' Ira I hie nnrl laousuinein. ??i mc lonaivn.v.. . by ratifying the acts of the informal ami selfconstituted government of Oregon, which among others, contains one prohibiting the introdution of slavery. It thus, in reality adopttf what is called the VVihnot Proviso, not only for Oregon, but as the bill now stands, for New Mexico and Ca ifornia. The ameiidment, on the contrary moved by the Senator from Mississippi, near mc (Mr. Davis), is intended to assert and maintain the position of the slaveholding States. It leaves the territory free and open to all the citizens of the United States, and would overrule, if adopted, the act of the self-constituted territory of Oregon and the 12th section, as far as it relates to the subject under consideration. We have thus fairly presented the grounds taken by the nonslavcholdmg States, f?r as I shall call them for the sake of brevity.the Northern and Southern Slates, in their whole extent for discussion. The first question which offers itself for consideration is. Have ihe Norincrn states the power which they claim, to exclude the Southern from emigrating freely with their property into territories belonging to ihc Linked Stales, and t? monopolize them for their exclusive benefit. It is, indeed, a great question. 1 propose to discuss it calmly and dispassionately. 1 shall claim nothing which does not fairly and clearly belong to the Southern States, cither as members of this federal Union, or appertaining to them in their separate and individual character; rior shall I yield anything which belongs them in either capacity. I am influenced neither by sectional nor party considerations. If I know myself, 1 repel as promptly and decidedly any aggression of the South on the North as I would anv oo the part of the latter on the former, let me add, I hold the obligation to reaggression to be not much less solemn than that of abs'aining from making aggression; and that the party which submits to it when it can be resisted, to be not much less guilty and responsible for consequences than that which makes it. Nor do I stand on party grounds. I hold it to be infinitely jfc higher than that and all4other questions of the day. I shall direct my eflbrts to ascertain | ?v?BjjiSfrnat is constitutional right and just, under the thorough conviction that the best and only y of putting an end to this, the most dangerous of all questions, to our Union and natiiiitirtna- ia tn adhprp ricridlv In the COI1 fjitution and the dictates of justice. With these preliminary remarks. I recur to ihe question. Has the North the power which it pl&ims under the 12th section of this bill? I ask at the outset, where is the power to bo found? Not certainly in the relation in which the Northern and Southern 8lates stand to each other. They are the constituent parts or members of a common federal Union; and as such, arc equals in all respects, both in dignity and rights, as is declared by all writers on governments founded on soch Union, and as may be infened from arguments deduced from their nature ?nd character. Instead, then, of affording any countenance or authority in favor of the poirer, the relation in which they stand f each other furnishes a strong presumption a gainst it. Nor can it be found in (he fact | that the South holds property in slaves.? That, too, fairlv considered, instead of affording any authority f.)r the power furnishes a strong presumption against it. Slavery existed in the South when the constitution was framed, fully to the extent in proportion to their population as it does at this time. It is the only property recognized by it; the only one that entered into its formation as a political element, both in the adjustment of the relative weight of the States in the government, and the apportionment of direct taxes; and the only one that is put under the express guarantee'of the constitution. It is well j known to all conversant with the history of I tl>A r..Hmntum And nd/\r\ti<\n r\ C I Ko nnnctltll ulc |w* uitii i< fi< unu auw|/ii*;ii hi inv vviiontu lion, thai the South was very jealous in refence to this properly; both to its formation and adoption, and that it would not have assented to either, had the convention refused to allow to its due weight in the government, or to place it under the guarantee of the constitution. Nor can it be found in the way that the territories have been acquired. I will not go into particulars in this respect at this stage of the discussion. Suffice if is to say the whole was acquired, cither by purchase out of the common funds of all the States, the South as well as the North, or by arms and mutual sacrifice of men and money which instead of giving anv countenance in favor of the pow? r claimed by the North, on every principle of right and justice, furnishes strong additional presumption against it. But. if it cannot be found in either, if it exists at all, the power must be looked for in the constitutional compact which binds these States together in a federal Union and I now ask, can it be found there? Does that instrument contain any provision which gives the North the power to exclude the South from a free admission into the territories of the United States wi?h its peculiar properly, and to monopolize them for its "own exclusive use? If it in fact contains such power, expressed or implied, it must be found in a specific grant, or be inferred by irresistible deduction, from some clear and acknowledged power. Nothing short of the one or the other can overcome t he strong presumption against it. Thai there is no such specific grant may , be inferred beyond doubt, from the fact that j no one has ever attempted to designate it. Instead or that, it h .s been assumed?taken fur granted without a particle of proofthat Congress has the absolute right to govern the territories. Now 1 concede, if it docs in reality possess such power, they may exclude from the territories who 01 what they please, ami admit into them who or what they please; and of course may exercise the power claimed by the North to exclude the South from them. But I again repeat, where is this absolute power to be found? All admit that there is no such specific grant of power. If, then, it exists at all, it must be inferred from some such power. 1 ask where is t at to be found? The Senator Horn New York behind mo, [Mr. Dix,] points to the clause in the constitution, which provides that "Congress shall have the power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and other property belonging to the United States."?Now I undertake to aflirm and maintain beyond the possibility of doubt, that so far from conferring abso lute power to govern the territories, it confers no governmental power whatever; no, not a particle. It refers exclusively to territory, regarded simply as public lands. Every word relates to it in that character, and is whollv inapplicable to it considered in any other character but as property. Take the expression "d sposc of" with which it begins. It is easily understood what it means when applied to lands; and is the proper and natural expression regarding the territory in that character, when the object ?s to confer the right to sell or make other disposition of it. But who ever heard the expression applied to government? And what possible meaning can it have when so applied? Take the next expression, "to make all needful rules and regulations." These regarded separateI., .ninltl iiwlno I ho fr? iy illlglh. iuiivx ?, r.w ... f, ment in a loose sense; but they are never so applied in the constitution. In every case where they arc used in it, they refer to property, to things, or some process, such as the rules of court, or of the House of Congress for the government of their proceedings, but never to government, which always implies persons to be governed. But if there should be any doubt in this case, the words immediately following, which restrict them to making '-rules and regulations respecting the territory and other properly of the United S:atcs," must effectually expell it. They restrict their meaning beyond the possibility of doubt to territory regarded as property. But if it were possible for doubt still to exist another and conclusive argument still remains to show that the framers of the constitution did not intend to confer by this clause irovernmental hovvers. I refer to the clause in the constitution which delegates the power of exclusive legislation to Congress over this District, and "all p'aces purchased by the consent of the legislature of the States in which the same may he for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and otlu r needful buildings." The places therein referred to are clearly embraced by the expression, "other property belonging to the United Slates." contained in the clause I have just considered. But it is certain, that if it had been the intention of the fratners of the constitution to confer governmental powers over such places by that clause, they would never have delegated it by this. They were incapable of doing a thing so absurd. But it is equally certain, if thev did not intend to confer such t I 1 * I -_4 power over them, tlicy coma noi nave inienI Hed it over territories. Whatever was con' ferred by the same words in reference to I one must have been intended to be conferred 5 in reference to tho other, and the reverse. > Tho opposite supposition would be absurd. - But, it may be asked, why the term territo ry was omitted in the delegation of cxclu sive legislation to Congress over the places enumerated? Very satisfactory reasons may, in my opinion, be assigned. The former were limited to places lying within the limits and jurisdiction of the States, and the latter to public land lying beyond both. The cession and pu "chase of the former, with the consent of the State within which they might be situated, did not oust the sovereignty or jurisdiction of the State. They still remained in the State, the United States acquiring only th'2 title to the place. It therefore became necessary to confer ori Con gress, by express delegation ihe exercise of exclusive power of legislation over this District and such places, in or ler carry out the object of the pjrehase and cession. ]t was sim Iv intended to withdraw them from under the legislatures of the respective States within which t iey might lie, and substitute that of Congress in its place, subject to the restrictions of ihe constitution and the objects for which the places were acquired, h aving, as 1 hive said, the sovereignty still tn the Stales ir which they are situated, but in abeyance, as far as it extends to legislation. Thus, in the case of this District, since the retrocession to Virginia of the part beyond ihe Potomac, the sovereignty still continues in Maryland in the manner stated. But the case is very different in reference to territories lying lying as they do beyond the limits and jurisdiction of all the Slates. The United States possess not simply the right of ownership over them, but that of exclusive dominion and sovereignty;?and hence it was not necessary to exclude the power of the Slates to legislate over them, by delegating the exercise of exclusive legislation to Congress, it would have been an act of superererogation. It may be proper to re mark in this connection, that the power of exclusive legislation conferred in these cases must not be confounded wilh Ihe power of absolute legislation. They are very different things It is true fFiat absolute power of legislation is always exclusive, but it by no means follows that exclusive power of legislation orol government is always absolute. Congress has exclusive power of legistion as far as this government is concerned, but we all know that both are subject to many and important restrictions and conditions which the nature of absolute power. I have now made good the assertion 1 ventured to make, that the clause in the constitution relied on by the Senator from New York, so far from conferring the absolute power of government over the territory claimed by him, confers not a particle of governmental power. Having conclusively established this, the list of precedents cited by the Senator, to prop up the power which he sought in the clause, falls to the ground with the fabric which he raised; and I am thus exempted from the necessity of referring to tjiem, and replying to them one by one. But there isrne precedent referred to by the Senator unconnected with the power, and on that account requires particular no lice. I refer to the ordinance of'87, which was adopted by the old Congress of the confederation while the contention tha' framed the constitution was in session, and about one year before its adoption, and of course on the very eve of the expiration of the old confederation. Against its introduction, 1 might object that the Act of the Congress of the confederation cannot rightfully form precedents foi I his government; but I waive that. I waive also the objection that the act was consummated when that government was 'in extremis,' and could hardly be considered composmenlis." I waive also the fact that the ordinance assumes the form of a compact and was adopted when only eight States were present, when the articles of confederation required nine to form compacts. I waive also the fact, that Mr. Madison declared, that the act was without shadow of constitutional authority, ami shall proceed to show from the history of its adoption, that it cannot justly be considered of any binding force. Virginia made the cession of the territory north of the Ohio, and laying between it and the lakes, in 1784. It now contains the States of Ohio, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, and a vcrv considerable extent of territory lying north of the latter. Shortly after the session, a committee or three was raised in which Mr. Jefferson was one. They reported an ordinance for establishment of the territory, containing among other provisions one, of which Mr. Jefferson was the author, excluding slavery from the territory after the year 1800 It was reported to Congress but this provision was struck out. On the question of striking out, evcrv Southern Slate present voted in favor of it; and what is more striking, every delegate voted the same way, Mr. Jefferson alone excepted.? The ordinance was adopted without the pro. vision. At the next session, Ilufus King, then a member of the old Congress moved a proposition, very much in the same shape of the sixth article (that which excludes slavery) in the ordinance as it now stands, with the exception of its proviso. It was referred to a committee, hut there was no action on it. A committee was moved the next or the subsequent year, which reported without including or noticing Mr. King's proposition. Mr. Dane was a member of that committee, and proposed a provision the same as that in the ordinance as it passed, but the committee reported without including it. Finally, another committee was raised, at the head of which was Mr. Carrington of Virginia, and of which Mr. Dane was also a member. That committee reported without including the amendment previously proposed by him. Mr Dane moved nis proposition, wnicn ?as adopted, and the report of the committee thus amended became the ordinance of '87. It may be inferred from this brief historical sketch, that the ordinance was a compromise Ixjtwoen the Southern and Northern States, of which the terms were that slavery should be excluded from territory upon condition that fugitive slaves, who might take refuge in the territory should be delivered up to their owners, as stipulated in the provision of the sixth article of the ordinance. It is manifest from what has been stated that the South was unitedly and obstinately opposed to l! . provision when first moved; that the proposition of Mr. King, without the proviso, was in like manner resisted by the South, as may be inferred from its entire want of success, and that it never could be brought to agree to it until the provision for the delivery up of fugitive slaves was incorporate in it. But it is well understood that a compromise involves not a sur. render, but simply a waiver of the right of power; and hence in the case of indivuals, it is a well established legal principle, that an offer to settle by compromise a litigated claim, is no evidence against the justice of the claim on the side ofthe party making it. The South, to her honor, has observed with fidelity her engagement* under the compromise; in proof which / appeal to the precedents cited by the Senator from New York, intended by him to establish the fact of her acquiescence in the ordinance. I admil that she has a< quiesccd in the several acts of Congress to carry it into effect, but the Senator is mistaken in supposing that it is proof of a surrender on her part of the power over the territories which he claims for Congress. No she never has, and 1 trust never will, make such a surrender. Instead of that, it is conclusive proof of her fidelity to her engagements. She never attempted to set aside the ordinance, to deprive the territory and the States erected within its limits of anv right or advantage it was in? " O tended to confer. Hut I regret that such cannot be said in favor of the fidelity with which it has been observed on their part. With the single exception of the State of Illinois-he it said her honor; every other State erected within its limits has pursued a course and adopted measures which have rendered the stipulations of the proviso to deliver up fugitive slaves nugatory. Wisconsin may also, he an exception, as she has just entered the Union, and has hardly had time to act upon the subject. They have gone farther, and suffered individuals to torm combinations, without an effort to suppress them, for the purpose of enticing and seducing the slaves to leave their masters, and to run them into Canada beyond the reach our laws in open violation, not only ol the stipulations of the ordinance, but ofthe constitution itself. Ifl express myself strongly, it is not for the purpose of producing excite mcnt, but to draw tfic atteution ofthe Senate f ?rcibly to the subject. My object is to lay bire the subject under consideration, just as a surgeon probes to the bottom and lays open a wound, not to cause pain to his patient, but for the purpose of healing it. I come now to another pre edent of a s'milar character, but differing in this, that it took place under this government, and not under that of the old confederation I refer to what is known as the Missouri Compromise. It is more recent and better known, and may be more readily despatched. After an arduos struggle of more than a year, on the quest ion wliei her Missouri should come into the Union, with or without restrictions prohibiting slavery, a compromise line was adopted between the North and the South; but it was done under circumstances which made it no wise obligatory <?n the latter. It is true, it was moved by one of her distinguished citizens, (Mr. Clay,) but it is equally so, that it was carried by ihe almost united vote of the North against the almost united vole of the South; and was tlius imposed on the latter by superior numbers, in opposition to her strenuous elforts. The South has never given her sanction to it. or assented to the power it asserted. She was voted down, and lias simply acquiesced in an anangemcnt which she has not had the power to reverse, and which she could not attempt to do without disturbing the peace and harmony of the Union? to which she has ever been adv? rse. Acting on this principle, she permitted the territory of Iowa to be formed; and the Slate to be admitted into the Union, under the compromise, without objection; and that is now quoted by the Senator from New York to prove her surrender of the power he claims for Congress. To add to the strength of this claim, the advocates of the power hold up the name of Jefferson in its favor, and go so far as to call him the author of the so called Wilmot proviso, which is bill a general expression of n power of which the Missouri compromise is a case of its application. If we may judge hy his opinion of that case, what his opinion was of the principle, instead of being the author of the proviso, or being in its favor, no one could be more deadly hostile to it. In a letter addressed to the Elder Adams, in 1819, in answer to one from him, he uses these remarkable expressions in reference to the Missouri question: "The banks, bankrupt law, manufactures, Spanish treaty, arc nothing. These are occurrences, which, like waves in a storm, will pass under the ship. But the Missouri question is a breaker on which we lose the Missouri country by revolt, and what more God only knows." To understand the full force of these expressions it must ho borne in mind that the questions enumerated were the great and exciting political questions of the day on which parlies decide. The bank, and bankrupt law had long been so. Manufactures, or what has been called the protective tariff, was at the time a subject of a great excitement, as was the Spanish treaty, that is the treaty by which Florida was ceded to the Union, and bv which the Western boundary between Mexico and the United States wa9 settled from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific ocean. He looked upon all of them as in their nature fugitive; and to use his own forcible expression, "would pass oft* under the ship of State like waves in a storm." Not so that fatal question. It was a breaker on which it was destined to bo stranded; and yet his name is quoted by the inceodia ries of the present day in support of, and as the author of, a proviso which would give indefinite and universal extension to this fatal question to all the territories! It was compromised the next year by the adoption of the line to which I have referred. Mr. Holmes of Maine, long a member of this body, who voted for the measure, addressed a letter to Mr. Jefferson, inclosing a copy of his speech on the occasion. It drew out an answer from him which ought to be treasured up in the heart of every man who lofres the country and its institutions. It is brief. I will send it to the Secretary to be read. The time of the Senate cannot be better occupied than in listening to it: TO JOHN HOLMES. Montickllo, April 22, 1820. I thank you, dear sir, for the copy you havp bpen so kind as to send me ol the letter to your constituents on the Missouri question. It is a perfect justification to them. I had for a long lime ceased to read newspapers, or pay any attendon to public affairs, confident they were in good hands, and content to be a passenger in our barque to the shorp from which I am not dis. tant. Rut this momentous question, like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once the knell of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this isa reprieve only?not a final sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and even* new irritation will make it deeper and deeper. I can say, with conscious truth, that there is not a man on earth, who would not sacrifice more than I would to relieve us from this heavy reproach, in any practical way. The cpssion of that kind of property (for so it is misnamed) is a bagatelle, which would not cost mc a second thought, if in that way a gerpral emancipation and ex. patriation could be effected; and gradually, and u/ith rtiio I think il miahf he. Rut ...... wuw .-..V....V.W ........ .. ?? p? it is. we have the wolf by the ears; and we can neither hold him nor let him go. Justice is in onp scalp, and 8plf?prP8''rvation in the other. Of one thing I am certain, that as the passage of free slaves from ne State to another would not make a slave of a single human being who would not be so without it, so their diffusion over a greater surface would make them individually happier, and proportionally facilitate the accomplishment of their emancipation, by dividing the burden on a greater number of coadjutors. An abstinence, too, from this act of power, would remove the jealousy excited by the undertaking of Congress to regulate the condition of the different descriptions ol men composing a State. This certainly is the exclusive right of every State which nothing in the constitution has ta. ken from them and given to the general government. Could Congress, for example, say that the non freemen of Connecticut shall l>e free, men, or that they shall not emigrate into any other State? I rpgret that I am now to die in the belief that the useless sacrifice of themselves by the generation of 1776, to acquire self government and happiness to their country, is to he thrown away by the unwise and unworthy passions of their sons, and that my only consolation is to be, that 1 live not to weep over it. If they would dispassionately weigh the blessings they will throw away, against any abstract principle, more likely to be effected by union than by scission, they would pause before they would perpetrate this act of suicide upon themselves, and of treason against the hopes of the world. To yourself as the faithful advocate of the Union, I tender the offering of mv high estpcm and respect, THOMAS JEFFERSON. Mark his prophetic words! Mark his profound reasoning! "It [the question] is hushed for the moment. But this is a reprieve only?not a final sentence. A geographical line coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men icill never be obliterated; and every new irritation will mark it deep and deeper." Twenty-eight years have passed since these remarkable word* were penned, and there is not a thought which time has not thus far verified; and it is to be feared will continue to verily until the whole will be fulfilled. Certain it is that he regarded the compromise line as utterly inadequate to arrest that fatal course of events which his keen sagacity anticipated from the question. It was but a "reprieve." Mark the deeply melancholy impression which it made on his mind : "I regret that i am to die in the belief, that the useless sacrifice of themselves by the gene, ration of 1776, to acquire self-government and happiness for themselves is 'o be thrown away by the unwise and unworthy passion of their sons, and that my only consolation is to be, that I shall live not to weep over it." Can any one believe, after listening to this letter, that Jefferson is the author of the so called Wilmot Proviso, or ever favored it? And yet there are at this time strenuous efforts ma king in the Noith to form a purely sectional party on it, and that ton, under the sanction of those who profess the highest veneration for his character and principles! But I must speak the truth; while I vindicate the memory of Jefferson from so foul a charge, I hold be is not blameless in reference, to this subject. He committed a great error in inserting the provision he did, in the plan he reported lor the go. vernmentof the territory, as much modified as it was. It was the first blow?the first essay "to draw a geographical line coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political." It originated with him in Philanthropic but mistaken views of the most dangerous character, as I shall show iii the sequel, u'ners wun very different feelings nnd views, followed, and have given to it a direction and impetus, which, ii not promptly and efficiently arrested, will end in the dissolution of the Union, and the destruction of our political institutions. (To be continued.) Outrageous and Atrocious Murder.? On Saturday morning, the 8th instant, an on'. r?g?ous and atrocious murder was committed, hv some runaway negroes, on the person of Mr. I F.rvin. a nnlive of Fn'rfi Id Pia'riet. which has aroused the feelings of our people, and. we doubt not, will cause them to use every eflbrt to bring the murderers to punishment.? The circumstances are as follows: Mr. Ervin's occupation was that of pursuing and taking runaway negroes. A gentleman of ' this district employed him to recover some no. ; groes, who had renaway from his plantation. . On his way, he culled at the house of Mr. J. J. McFaddin, who informed him that be and alao Mr. Jas. G. Mcintosh had each lost a negro, and requested him to pursue and overtake them. For this purpose he set out from the house of Mr. McFaddin on last Saturday morning, and, after some exertion, pot bis dogs on trail, when, in a few moments afterwards, tbey came opan the neproes in the swnmp, in camp, some 3 mile* distant from Midway Church. A lew ta# the neighbors were with him in the pursuit, but being much more experienced than tbejr he was enabled to keep some Jistance before the rest of the company, and hearing the dogs at bay in the swamp, hurried on to their assistance, leaving his horse on the hill, fording the ereek, and reaching the camp alone, where he wair . i -i -1 - ... mei nv some 01 me negroes, wno sirucK Htm upon thp head with a billet ot wood, fracturing the scull, after which, (by the confession of one ot the negroes, who has been subsequent* Iv taken.) they threw him into the water and held him there until he. was drowned. Soma hours elapsed, before the company, assisted by many others, discovered the murder, on account of the very concealed position of the place where it occurred. The negroes fled imnfediately from the spot, and were ptirsued by the dogs and a number of persons. One of theiia was overtaken some miles of? in ibeboltidg chest of a wheat mill, where he had taken refuge. A jury was impannelled and an inqjest held over his remains, which decided in accordance with the facts above stated. \ One or two incidents connected wfcb 'thie murder may he mentioned. The dog*, Whew they saw the dead body of their master, manifested the strongest attachment for him and grief for their loss, and cried and howled! over him and licked his hands and face. Another is, that while separated from Bit party and in the swamp, when the negroeaattack; ed him, some of the company, oat of sight, but within hearing, heard him apparently holla? "run down the creek, and help tutn the negroes." A young man of the party somewhat advanced of the rest, thought the cry wastWs-^"come down here quick, and help me with the negroes." * P. S.?Since writing the above, we hare received a written accoont substantially the same. The negro, who was caught, is named Ha?ry, the property of Mr. Jas. G. Mcintosh. .We understand he confessed having assisted Newton, of the estate of YVm. H. Mcintosh, and Isaac, belonging to Mr. Jas. Moore, in kiflmg Mr. Ervin, and asserts these to be all who were engaged in the transaction. He was lodged in the district jail on the 10th. He denies that Mr. Ervin was struck with a billet of wood, maintains that he did not strike the death bio#, nor see it done, and that the only weapota among the party, was a hatchet, possessed by one of the other two. A party is still in pursuit of the other two negroes. Mr. Errln'a body was found about 1 o'clock on the 8th. Sumter (S. C ) Banner. Southern Desperadoes Killed.?A correspondent of the New Orleans Cresrent. writing from Harrison county, Miss., June 26,1848 says: "On the 27th June, a ve v singular occur rence happened in this county. For the last six months, there has existed in this part of the country a pang of desperadoes, who had become a terror to the inhabitant of this, and the neigh' boring counties, fn (act, persons were afraid to travel beyond their plantations. About six months, since, four individuals named Wagers, McGrath, Copeland and Bilhon, were arrested, charged with belonging to a gang of counterfeiters on Pearl river. Bilhoa became State's evidence; hut, failing to give security, the other parties were committed to jail. They, however, succeeded in making their escape, and following the intormer, Bilboa, shot him.? They then fled to Mobile, where they became notorious for their rascality. Many persons were waylaid and robbed by them, and they even threatened the lite of the judge by whom one of the Copelanda bad been sentenced to the penitentiary. They also murdered a man and robbed him of $135. After the perpetration of this crime, they fled to the borders of Harrison county, Miss., where their depredation* excitod nnivpr?al ronsternafinn. On the 29th (lit.. on Pearl river, they shot one of the witness** who had testified against them on a previous trial. They then came into our county, and in* formed a man, named James Harht, against whom one of them held a note, that if it was not paid hy 10 o'clock the next morning, they would shoot him, although the note was not due until January. He agreed to pay the note, and re. quested them to cull the next morning. In the meantime, he went to his father, informed him of the circumstance, and. together they repaired to Hurhy's house. The next morning, McGrath and Wagers (the acknowledged leaders of the ganj?) proceeded, armed, to Harby's residence; but on entering, perceived him advancing to. wards them with a double barrelled gun in his hand. Wagers, on perceiving this, fired first, hut missed, and Ilarby fired and retreated into the house, where he discharged his gun, and se. verely wounded both of them?McGrath mortally. fie then followed Wagers, who was en. deavoring to escape. "Clark, the individual who has so long set the authorities at dcfianco on the Chandeleur !-i i- i i >? lsianus, ihi.h uetru niuru. The Mobile Advertiser states that the Harhys having surrendered to the authorities, were examined and discharged on the ground that it was justifiable homicido. Old Maxims.?A soul conversant with virtue, resembles a fountain; for i* is clear, and gentle, and sweet, and communicative, and rich, and harmless, and innocent. Satan is a subtle angler, and uses great cunning in the casting of his net, and searching nut the vein of water where every one is delighted. In childhood, be modest; in youth, temperate; in manhood, just; in o'd age, prudent. He that helps the wicked, hurts the good. What we have in us of the image of God, is the love of truth and justice. The end of a dissoluto life is, commonly, a desperate d? ath. Virtue maketh men on the earth famous; in their graves illust-ious; in the heavens, immortal. Nothing is profitable uhich is dishonest. Ho that works wickedness by another, is himself equal y guilty of the act committed, A work well begun, ishatt ended. Wise men are instructed by reasen; men of less understanding, by experience; the most ig. nor^nt, by necessity; and beasts by nature. We should never remembejr the benefits wa havo conferred, m?r forget the favors received,