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THE DAILY WM I'll (KMX. Daily Paper $10 a Year. "Let our Just Censure ^fF*^^^^^^^^g^^^^^ Attend the True Event." Tri-Weekly $7 a Year j y BY J. A. SELBY. COLUMBIA, S. C., SATURDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 9, 1865. VOL. I-NO. MdffiL / fi i mu PHONIX, PUBI^ISHEn DAILY AND TRI-WEEKLY, BY JULIAN A. SELBY. TERMS-m ADVANCE. ADVERTISEMENTS Inserted at $1 per square for the first in? sertion, and 75 cents for each subsequent. For Sale, A LOT OF SUPERFINE FLOUR. BY JAMES CATHCART, Dec 7 3* Cotton Town. STOLEN, w FROM my stable, on Sunday .i ? evening, a horse MULE, SADDLE and BRIDLE. The Mule was a ?BMbufaWlai iv bay, thc two forelegs bowed, or sprung at the knees, with several small spo^s about thc neck. A suitable reward will be paid (together with expenses) for his return to me. PETER W. KRAFT, Dec 7 3 Crane Creek, near Columbia. 25 EE?T CAUCUS. JUST opened, one case best ENGLISH and AMERICAN PRINTS, at '25 cents per vard. Call and examine. SHIVER & BECKHAM, Dec 7 3 Next door to Shiver House. 10-4 Sheeting. ONE case of the above DESIRABLE GOODS, at reduced prices, at SHIVER A BECKHAM'S, Dec 7 3 Next door to Shiver House. BLEACHED LONG CLOTHS. TWO cases, just opened, from 25c. to $1 per vard, at SHIVER A BECKHAM'S, Dec 7 3 Next to Shiver House. mam annie 3 pt ENTS, LADIES and CHILDREN-at VDT very much reduced rates Dec 7*3 SHIVER A BECKHAM. Boots, Shoes, UMBRELLAS, LONGCLOTHS, . BLANKETS, FLANNELS, BED TICKING, and CASSIMERES For sale LOW. E._A G. D HOPE. "KTo^cir Crop LAYER RAISINS, SMYRNA FIGS, CITRON, ZANTE CURRANTS, ALMONDS. WALNUTS, BRAZIL NUTS, FILBERTS, Ac. For sale low. _E. A. G. D. HOPE. Cheese, &c. ENGLISH DAIRY and GOSHEN CHEESE. GOSHEN BUTT KR, IRISH POTATOES. ONIONS and NORTHERN APPLES. For sale by E. A G. D. HOPE. H?H 7? m KERSCH AUM PIPES, Briar-wood and J>J- Double-tube PIPES. Pure Turkish and Virginia SMOKING and CHEWING TOBACCO. Dec 8 3 E. A G. D. HOPE. Fresh Goods ! PT HHDS. good BROWN SUGAR, at alow f_J> price. 5 bbls. Silgar House SYRUP, low price. 15 bags choice RIO COFFEE. 100 sacks SALT-extra size, 40 boxes CANDLES, in store and for sale at fair prices by C. H. BALDWIN. HARDWARE! 200 L,?S.' bC8t CASTSTEEL? ^sorted HORSESHOE NAILS. HOOKS and HINGES. 20 doz. genuine COLLINS1 AXES. RIM and PAD-LOCKS, Ac. Just received and for salo at fair prices hy Dec H 2 C. II". BALDWIN. GUNSMITHING. PETER W. KRAFT would respectfully infer.ii his old friends and customers that *ho has resumed his old busi? ness of a GUNSMITH, and will promptly attend to all orders. Dec 7 12 HAULING! HAULING! ORDERS for HAULING COTTON, LUM? BER and GOODS to and from Colum? bia, will be attended to immediately, if loft ?t LUMSDEN A McGEE'S. [By Special Express to the Phoenix.] PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Fellow-Citizens of thc Senate and House of Representatives: To express gratitude to God, in thc ?amo of the people, for the preserva? tion of the United Stales, is my first duty in addressing you. Our thoughts next revert to the death of the late President, by un net of parri? cidal treason. The grief of the nation is still fresh ; it finds some solace in the consideration that he lived to enjoy the highest proof of its confi? dence by entering on tho renewed term of thc Chief Magistracy, to which he had been elected; that he brought the civil war substantially to a close; that his loss was deplored in all parts of the Union; and that foreign nations have rendered justice to his memory. His removal cast upon me a heavier weight of cares than ever devolved upon any one of his predecessors. To fulfil my trust I need the support and confidence of nil who are associated with me in the various departments of Government, and the support and confidence of the people. There is but one way in which I can hope to gain their neces? sary aid; it is, to state with frankness the principles which guide my con? duct, and their application to the present state of affairs, well aware that the efficiency of my labors will, in a great measure, depend on your and their undivided approbation. The Union of tho United States of America was intended by its authors to last as long as the States them? selves shall last. "The Union shall be perpetual," are the words of the Coufederation. "To form a more perfect Union," by an ordinance of the people of the United States, is the declar n purpose of the Constitution. The huud of Divino Providence was never more plainly visible in the affairs of men than in tho framing and the adopting of that instrument. It is, beyond comparison, the greatest event in American history; and, in? deed, is it not, of all events in modern times, the most pregnant with con? sequences for every people of the earth? The members of the Conven? tion which prepared it, brought to their work the experience of the Con? federation, of their several States, and of other Republican Govern? ments, old and new ; but they needed and they obtained a wisdom superior to experience. And when, for its validity, it required the approval of a people that occupied a large part of a continent and acted separately *n many distinct conventions, what is more wonderfid than that, after earn? est contention and long discussion, all feelings and all opinions were ulti? mately drawn in one way to ita sup? port? The Constitution, to which life was thus imparted, contains within itself ample resources for its own preserva? tion. It has power to enforce the laws, punish treason mad insure do? mestic tranquality. In case of the tisurpation of the Government of a State by one man, or an oligarchy, it becomes a duty of the United Stites to make good the guarantee to that State of a Republican form of govern? ment, and so to maintain the homo? geneousness of all. Does the lapse of time reveal defects? A simple mode of amendment is provided in the Constitution itself, so that its condi? tions can always be made to conform to the requirements of advancing civilization. No room is allowed even for the thought of a possibility of its coming to an end. And these powers o? self-preservation have always been asserted in their complete integrity by every patriotic Chief Magistrate-by Jefferson and Jack sou, not less than by Washington and Madison. The parting advice of the Father of his Country, while yet President, to the people of the United States, was, that "thc free Constitution, which was the work of their hands, might be sacredly main? tained;" and the inaugural words of President Jefferson held up "the preservation of thc General Govern? ment, in its Constitutional vigor, as the sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad." Tho Constitu? tion is the work of "thc people of thc United States," and it should bc as indestructible as the people. It is not strange that the framers of the Constitution, which had no model in" the past, should not have fully comprehended the excellence of their own work. Fresh from a struggle against arbitrary- power, many patriots suffered from harass? ing "fears of an absorption of the State Governments by the General Government, and many from a dread that the States would break away from their orbits. But thc very greatness of our country should allay apprehension of encroachments by the General Government. The subjects that come unquestionably within its jurisdiction are so numeroiis that it must ever naturally refuse to be em? barrassed by qitestions that lie beyond it. Were" it otherwise, the Executive would sink beneath the burden, the channels of justice would be choked; legislation would be obstructed by excess; so that there is a greater temptation to exercise some of thc functions of the General Government through the States than to trespass on their rightful sphere. ' 'Thc absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority" was, at the beginning of thc century, en forced by Jefferson "as thc vital principle of republics," and thc events of thc last four years have es? tablished, we will hope forever, thai there lies no appeal to force. The maintenance of thc Unioi: brings with it "the support of thc State Government^ in all theil rights;" but it is notjpne of thc righti of any State Government to renounce its own place in thc Union, or to nul I lify thejj laws of thc Union. Tin largest liberty is to bc maintained ii the discussion of the acts of the Fed oral Government; but there is no ap peal from its laws, except to the vari ous branches of that Governmen itself, or to the people, who grant t( the members of the legislative and o the executive departments no tenur* but a limited one, and in that manne always retain the power of redress. "The sovereignty of the States," i the language of the Confederacy, am not the language of the Constitution The latter contains the emphati words: "The Constitution, and th laws of the United States which sha be made in pursuance thereof, and a treaties made or which shall be mad under the authority of the Unite States, shall be the supreme law < the land; and the judges in ever State shall be bound thereby, an] thing in the Constitution or laws ? any State to the contrary notwitl standing. " Certainly the Government of tl United States is a limited goven ment; and so is every State goven ment a limited government. Wit us, this idea of limitation sprea< through every form of administr. tion, general, State and municipa and rests on thc great distinguishir principle of the recognition of tl rights of mau. Thc ancient repu1 lies absorbed the individual in tl State, prescribed his religion ar controlled his activity. The Amei can system rests on the assertion . the equal right of every man to Iii liberty and the pursuit of happines to freedom of conscience, to the ci ture and exercise of all his facultic As a consequence, the Stat J go vcr ment is limited, as to the Genei Government in thc interest of Unio as to the individual citizen in the i terest of freedom. States, with proper limitations of powi are essential to tho existence of thu Cc stitution of the United States. At t very commencement, when we assumed iilace among the powers of the earth, t declaration of Independence was adopt by States; so also were the Articles of Ci federation; and when "the people of t United States" ordained and establish the Constitution, it was the assent of t States, one bygone, which gave it vitali In the event, too, of any amendment to I Constitution, the proposition of Congn needs the confirmation of States. Withi States, one great branch of the Legislat Government would he wanting. And we look beyond tho lettor of the Cousti tiou to tlie character of our country, its capacity for comprehending within its jurisdiction, ? vast continental empire is due to thc system of States. The best security for the perpetual existence of the States is thc "supreme authority" of the , Constitution of the United States. The perpetuity of the Constitution brings with it thc perpetuity of the States; their mu? tual relation makes us what we are, and in our political system their connexion is in? dissoluble. The whole cannot exist with? out thc parts, nor thc parts without the whole. So long as the Constitution of the United States endures, the States will en? dure; the destruction of the one is the destruction of the other-thc preservation of tho one is the preservation of the other. 1 have thus explained my views of the mutual relations of the Constitution and thc States, because they unfold thc princi? ples on which I have sought to solve the momentous questions and. overcome the appalling difficulties that met me at the very commencement of my administration. It has been my steadfast object to escape from the sway of momentary passions, and to derive a healing policy from thc funda? mental and unchanging principles of the Constitution. I found the States suffering from thc effects of a civil war. Resistance to thc General Government appeared to have exhausted itself. * The United States had recovered possession of their forts and arsenals; aud their armies were in the occupation of every State which had attempted to secede. Whether the terri? tory within the limits of those States should be held as conquered territory, under mili? tary authority, emanating from thc Presi? dent as the head of the army, was the first question that presented itself for de? cision. Now, military governments, established for an indefinite period, would have offered no security for the early suppression of dis? content; would have divided the people into the vanquishers and the vanquished, and would have envenomed hatred rather than have restored affection. Once established, no precise limit to their continuance was conceivable. They would have occasioned an incalculable and exhausting expense. Peaceful emigration to and from that por? tion of the country is one of tho best means that can bc thought of for thc restoration of harmony, and that emigration would have been prevented; for what emigrant from abroad, what industrious citizen at homo, would place himself willingly under military ruler The chief persons who would "have followed in the train of thc army would have been dependent on tho General Government, or mon who expected profit from tke miseries of their erring fellow-citizens. The powers of patronage and rule which would nave been exercised, under the President, over a vast, and populous, and naturally wealthy region, are greater than, unless extreme necessity, I should bo willing to entrust to any one man. They aro such as, for myself, I could never, unless on occasions of great emergency, consent to exercise. Thc wilful use of such powers, if continued through a period of years, would havo en? dangered the purity of the general admi? nistration and tho liberties of tho States which remaiued loyal. Besides, the policy of military rule over conquered territory would have implied that tho States whoso inhabitants may have taken part in the rebellion had, by tho act of those inhabitants, ceased te exist. But the true theory is, that all pre? tended acts of secession were, from thc beginning, null and void. The States cannot commit treason, nor screen the in? dividual citizens who may have committee1 treason, any moro than they can maki valid treaties or engage in lawful commerce with any foi sign power. The States at? tempting to 3ecede, placed themselves ir a condition where their vitality was im? paired, but not extinguished-their func? tions suspended, but not destroyed. But if any State noglci. ts or refuses ti perform its offices, there is the moro necc that thc General Government should main? tain all its authority, and, as soon as prac ticable, resume the exercise of all itt functions. On this principle I have acted and have gradually and quietly, and bj almost imperceptible steps, sought ti. restore the rightful energy of thc Genera Government and of the States. To tba end, Provisional Governors have been ap pointed for the States, Conventions called Governors elected, Logislatui es assembled and Senators and Representatives chosei to the Congress of the United States. A the same time, the Courts of the Unite. States, as far a - could be done, have heel re-opi ned, so that tin: laws of the Unite, States may be enforced through thci agency. The blockade has been removed and the custom-houses re-established ii ports of entry, so that the revenue of th. United States may be collected. The Pos Office Depart nient renews its ccaseles activity, and the General Government i thereby enabled to communicate promptl; with its officers and agents. The court bring security to persons and property the opening of the ports invites the reste ration of industry and commerce; the pos office renews the facilities of social inter course and of business. And is it no happy for us all, that the restoration c each one of these functions of the Genen Government brings witii it a blessing t the States over which they aro extended Is it not a sure promise of harmony an renewed attachment to the Union thai after all that has happened, thc return i the General Government is known only a a beneficence ? I know very well that this policy is at? tended with some risk; that for its success it requires at least the acquiescence of the States which it concerns; that it implies an invitation to those States, by renewing their allegiance to the United Slates, to resume their functions as States of the Union. But it is a risk that must be taken; in thc cindee of difficulties, it is the small? est risk; and to diminish, and, if possible, to remove all danger, I have felt it-incum? bent on nie to assert one other power of thc General Government-thc power -o? pardon. As no State can throw a defence over the crime of treason, the power of pardon Ls exclusively vested in the Execu? tive Government of the United States. In exercising that power I have taken every precaution to connect it with thc clearest recognition of the binding force of thc laws of the United States, and an unquali? fied acknowledgment of tho great social change of condition in regard to slavery which has grown out of the war. Thc next step which I have taken tc restore the constitutional relations of tfhe States, has been an invitation to them to participate in the high office of amending thc Constitution. Every patriot must wish for a general amnesty at the earliest epoch consistent with public safety. For thia great end there is need of a concurreooe of ail opinions, and the spirit of mutual conciliation. All parties in the late terri? ble conlliet must work together in har? mony. It is not too much to ask, in the name of the whole people, that, on tho one side, the plan of restoration shall proceed in conformity with a willingness to cast the disorders of the past into oblivion; and that, on the other, the evidence of sin? cerity in the future maintenance of the Union shall bo put beyond any doubt by the ratification of the proposed amend? ment to the Constitution, which provides for the abolition of slavery forever within the limits of our country. So lo-ig as the adoption of this amendment is delayed, so long will doubt, and jealousy, and uncer tainty prevail. This is thc measure which will efface the sad memory of the past; this is thc measure which will most cer? tainly call population, and capital, and se? curity to those parts of tho Union that need them most. Indeed, it is not too much to ask of the States which are now resuming their places in the family of the Union to give this pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace. Until it is done, the past, however much we may desire it, will not be forgotten. The adoption of thc amendment re-unites us beyond all power of disruption. It heals the wound that ia still imperfectly closed; it removes slavery, the clement which 1 is so long perplexed and divided the com. ry; it makes us once more a united people, renewed and strengthened, bound more than ever to mutual affection and support. The amendment to the Constitution being adopted, it would remain for the States, whose powers have been so long in abeyance, to resume their places in the two branches of the National Legislature, and thereby complete the work of resto? ration. Here it is for YOU, fallow-citizens of tho Senate, and for you, fellow-citizens of the House of Representatives, to judge, each of you for yourselves, of the elec? tions, returns, and qualifications of your own members. The full assertion of thc powers of the General Government requires the holding of Circuit Courts of the .United States within the districts where their autbority has been interrupted. In the present pos? ture of our public affairs, strong objection? have been urged to holding those courts in any of the States where the rebellion has existed; and it was ascertained, by in.juiry, that the Circuit Court of the United States would not be held in the District of Vir? ginia during the autumn or early winter, nor until Congress should have "an oppor? tunity to consider and act on tho whole subject." To your deliberations the resto? ration of this branch of the civil authority of the United States is, therefore, neces? sarily roferred, with the hope that early provision will be made for the resumption of all its functions. It is manifest that treason, most flagrant in character, has been committed. Persons who are charged with its commission should have fair and impartial trials in tho highest civil tribu? nals of thc country, in order that the Con? stitution and the laws may be fully vindi? cated; the truth clearly established and affirmed that treassn is a crime, that, trai? tors should be punished and the offence made infamous, and, at tin1 same time, that the question may be judicially settled, finally and forever, t hat no state, of its own will, lias tie- right to renounce its place in the Union. Tlie relations of the General Govern? ment towards thc four millions of inhabit? ants whom the war has called into freedom, has engaged my most serious considera? tion, tm the propriety of attempting to luak'" tin; freedmen electors by thc procSa mation of the Executive. I took tor my counsel the Constitution itself, ihe inter? pretations of thai instrument hy its authors and their contemporaries, and recent legis? lation by Congress. When, at the first movement towards independence, the Con? gress of the United States instructed the several States to institute Governments of their own, they left each State to decide for itself the conditions for the enjoyment of thc elective franchise. During the period of the Confederation, there continued to exist a very great diversity in the qualifi? cations of electors in the several States; and even within ft State a distinction of qualifications prevailed with regard to the officers who were to be chosen. The Con