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rm mun wm\x ? From London Quarterly !iet:ie>c, July, '65.] ?Close of thc American War. JLRTTCILE IV.-1. Exodus of tite Western Nations. By Lord Bury. London, HUGS. 2L Col. Fiddler's History of the Ame? rican War. London, ISO"). 3. Campaigns in Virginia, Maryland, -itc. ?fcc. By Capt. C. C. Chesney, SL E., ic, VoL IL London, 1865. Lord Bury, having held an official position in Canada, and acquired a personal interest in the affairs of the New World, is led by a natural train of thought to the birth and infancy of the communities which have grown so rapidly into their present importance. <Gxeat would be the intercst]and value ?f the work-if such we possessed fcbat could teach us how Europe was pt*Triled; trace the gradual divergence of ate jpresent races under local influ? ences; tell us whence came the parent bribes; and how, with a common tone of thought prevailing, language be? came so diversified. America has the -advantage over the other continents in knowing its history from the root. That history is usually presented to ws in fragments. Lord Bury, in the ?work before us, gives us the benefit of ? ?lear and comprehensive view of the whole of the great movement across the Atlantic. And though at no one r?nae did there occur so great a migra - ?kH? -as to amount to au "exodus," ?^fcill the movement has, upon the ?hole, fagtasferred to the New World iarge masse? of the population of Europe. Considering the taste for historical composition so prevalent in . these days with the New England "Writers,"Si -seems strange that it should remain for nn English author to give the complete history of the peopling . -if 'America. But to each writer on * ?he spot, the part of his own people ?tanda disconnected from the rest, - -arith its separate life and special inte? rests: ih.isjea?i?\r for one at a distance fc&f " reduce to accurate perspective ?e-mitries equi-distant from himself. ?tor? Bury has undertaken this task -of bringing all into the same field of wiew, thus adding a work to our lito ?saturc which is as a chart of the world rvo one who before bad but disjointed .?slaps of its divisions. Unfortunately, feihe works appears at a time when all -ssrho interest themselves in the affairs of America are absorbed in the events occurring from day to day. The i-?torm is, indeed, over now, but the Troves have not yet gone down; and the. mind is not yet in a mood for *:*J.in study. As this agitation sub rsides, attention will be drawn to Ame vricau history, which has hithei .o been ?regarded in this country with marked indifference. Out of this indifference, -we have been thoroughly aroused. Students will seek to trace their waj 2^ack to the original eadses of the tre? mendous events which have recently .occurred; and the European historian. varhG had hitherto allotted a span .chapter to America, will have to assigr .to it in future a prominent place ir the world's affairs. It might hav< Sbf.ex in anticipation of such probabh ?carrent of thought that Lord Bury ha: provided this valuable store-house o ?a*fcr, the fruit of long labor and rc asear ch, placed before us in a spirit o philosophical inquiry, and clothed ii terse and animated language. ?Colonel Fletcher's "Hiitory of th American War" lea is us to remark tluit in our opinion, a consideraba period of time must elapse before tin <somplete history of this great stmg .?le can be written. A civil war, be youd all others, involves pol?tica ?questions, and in this instance tin {federal system of government ren *Jers these unusually complex. Tb cessation of the struggle will be fol 'loved by a deluge of biographies memoirs, reports; and these will huv So be laboriously collated, winuowe< of their chaff, and reduced to mate rials for the historian. Nor is it pos s?ble as yet to command that culm vio\ of the whole field which shall do ful justice to both sections of the Union Sene.e, the only history that can ye i*e written is that of the militar events, a very important part, but ne ibo whole of the subject. Such record Col. Fletcher gives us, clear! narrated, singularly dispassionate, an foll of interest. It adds greatly t the value of the work that its authc WAS an eye-witness to the most re m ark able campaign of tho war, whicl unfortunately, the first volume of th work leaves unfinished. The liej volume will probably rescue the repi talion of McClellan from the oblivio into which it has fallen in the rapi whirl of events. As a soldier, Co Fletcher naturally endeavors to d justice to one who, though now ni popular, may claim to have twit rseaeued the cause of the North fro) . ruin, and who at all times had two I enemies to fight-thc Govermnrnt. <>t Richmond and his own. As no repu ; talion has fallen so mach, probably I none will recover so greatly as that of JicClellan, when excitement calms down and tho success of other leaders . ceases to dazzle the judgment. It is I easy to contrast his slow and over? cautious steps with the dashing career i of a Sherman; but McClellan's army ! iras of other material. He came into j play after thc great disaster of Bull ? Run, and was incessantly thwarted und paralyzed by that interference of I amateurs at Washington which this j volume so strikingly relates. This, j the army of the West and in thc emd j that of Grant, wholly escaped. On recalling now the great advantages gained by the North in thc fall of Fort Donelson, New Orleans, Norfolk j and the occupation of many points on ! the coast, as well as in Tennessee, the j heart of the country-the idea occurs ia closing the volume that a more ! correct estimate might have been ! formed of the probable termination j of the ?struggle than that which was I generally adopted in this country. ; But thc- continuation of the work will i describe those brilliant feats of the j Southern Generals-of Leo, Stono j wall Jackson. Beauregard, Stuart j and that firm endurance and heroic \ self-sacrifice of thc people which ex torted the admiration of Europe, and j rendered it hard to believe that so indo and difficult a country, defended j wita such resolution und military genius, could ever be brought under subjection. Now that we hear such loud denun? ciations of rebellion, and reiterated assortions that treason is the "black? est of crimes," it is almost with a feel? ing of surprise that we peruse this record of the calm and constitutional manner in which the Southern people oroeceded to form a Government and ..ito themselves into a confederacy, ach State, through its Legislature, passed an act or law which summoned a convention of its people, the direct organ of its sovereignty, and by this convention its severance from the Union was decreed. In the. older States, the form adopted was simply the repeal of the original ordinance of a like convention, which had at? tached them to the Union. The same formalities were used in dissolving the tie which had been used in contract? ing it. Nothing can be imagined moro opposed to our ideas of rebel? lions leaders or an insurgent body. And in framing a Constitution, the object plainly aimed at was to retain every valuable principle of the old ono whilst rectifying the defects which experience had pointed out. Thus, though in all the main features the old and thc new arc identical, that of the South made the Presidential term six. years, and precluded re-election an improvement of the utmost value. Hie scandalous abuse of dismissing all officials, down to tho village postmaster, on each accession of a now President, was practically ren? dered impossible. It is strange that ministerial responsibility should not have been ordained, for this seems to ns an absolutely essential feature in constitutional government; but here, where change might have been de? sirable, the traditions of the Union prevailed. One remarkable fact is the open avowal-for the first time in any i constitution-of the principles of free trade-in the express prohibition of duties for the purpose of protection. These principles are indeed to bc found in the Federal Constitution; but not being in express terms, they ! have been evaded in practico, until the United States now offer the grossest instance in existence of a spirit of monopoly and a partial fiscal law. They who are familiar with the literature of the war, should they chance not to have seen the Southern Constitution, would expect to find the preservation of slavery at the head and front of it. They would be sur? prised to find how little it says upon the subject. It is true, it was framed bj' slave-owners, but so was that of tho Union. The writers, who appear to Lave enjoyed a peculiar pleasure in terming the South a "slave power," have forgotten that the model rcpub ? lie was also a "slave power;" nay, that the North was a slave power throughout the whole of the war, for toits close there were slaveholding States within the loyal band. Nor is there here a single provision for the protection of slavery which does not exist also in the Federal Constitution. It is true, this of the South forbids "the passing of any law impairing j or denying the right of property in nepn-o slaves;*' but neither could any j such law be passed by the Federal Congress under its Constitution. Th? same inability existed, and in both cases, for the same reason-that th? subject was beyond the scope of Fede ral action, and belonged exclusively +o th?t o* tho Stete. But there is nothing in the Southern Constitution that would have precluded any of its States from emancipating its negro population by the act of its own Le? gislature. The principle which stopped the interference of thc central go? vernment told both ways. The Rich? mond Congress could not interfere to free thc slaves, but it was equally powerless to prevent their being freed. Hence all that has been said of slavery being tho "corner stone" of the Southern power is mere windy decla? mation. Thc metaphor was, indeed, used by Mr. Stephens, but not as it is invariably and erroneously quoted. Ho was replying to the very absurd dogma of tho Declaration of Inde? pendence, that "all men are created equal;" and asserted that, on the con? trary, inequality is the law of nature, and that the inferiority of one race to another was thc corner-stone of the system. But whatever Mr. Stephens might say or mean, nothing could well bc more absurd than to fix upon many millions of people, the great majority of whom had nothing to do with slavery, the sentence or the epithet of a speaker expressing his individual view, on his sole responsi? bility. The use to which the epithet has been put is no less illogical. The corner-stone of the Southern Confe? deracy was obviously its Constitution. With it, there existed a Confederacy; without it, none. Here was the base on which rested the whole fabric ns a political power. Now, when we see that this Constitution permitted any one, every one, of the States to abo? lish slavery, we shall set? the absurdity of terming that the corner-stone of an edifice whic h could be removed at any time at pleasure, without detri? ment to the structure. ? In the perspicuous account given by Colonel Fletcher of McClellan's re? markable and ill-fated campaign, we are struck with the treatment he re? ceived at the hands of Mr. Lincoln, to which bis failure may be largely attributed. Had it been the object to render success impossible, it could hardly have been better pursued. No sooner had McClellan left. Washing? ton, than the President commenced a series of measures unparalleled in their way. Nay, even before this, and without consulting his Command er-in-Chief, it appears that he issued positive orders for the movement of thc troops which enforced the abor? tive advance on Manassas-a failure that threw a sinister influence over the campaign. During that advance i McClellan learnt by the columns of a newspaper, and without the slightest previous intimation, that he was re- I duced from the command-in-chief to | that of thc forces around him. This j step withdrew from his control the troops in the valley of the Shenandoah, which formed au important part of his combinations. It was followed by the withdrawal, in a similar man? ner, of another body of ten thousand men, under Blenker. The next step was to place beyond his control the very base of his own operations, Fort Monroe, reducing his resources by another ten thousand men. Finally, | the entire army corps of McDowell, j whose co-oporation was vital to tho plan of the campaign, was suddenly withdrawn from his orders. The wonder is that any general so treated : should not haw: resinded in despair. Colonel Fletcher observes : "Ignorant of military, and indeed of most other mattera of which a j knowledge is expected from men in high position, weak in character, and i consequently obstinate, Mr. Lincoln j was singularly unfitted for the station I of life he was called upon to fill. His j very character for honesty was a mis- ; fortune, as it afforded a sort of conn- ? toi poise to his defects, and led men ; to suppose th.it his straightforward dealing in private life would be car? ried ont in his public acts. He pro- j fessed, and probably hud, a sincere regard for General M cClellan ; but when no longer under his personal influence, was easily led by the peo? ple around him, and acted in a way that little became the ruler of a great country, and which his most lenient critics must allow had the appearance of duplicity." The lamentable death of Mr. Lin? coln, so tragic, so piteous in every detail-horror at the atrocity, and apprehension of the ills that ma}' flow from it-combined to produce the strong feelings of indignation and sympathy winch have been expressed in this country. For a time it was pro por to yield to a current of feeling, thc generous impulse of human nature. And inc?eed, no man ever played a part of the first impor? tance in history who so little merited such a death. No ruh r in possession of despotic power was ever so com? pletely the reverse of a tyrant. The very evenki it-s.ses and defects of Iii? character were of a nature to disarm pciouiini resentment. No mun wita ever less stern, less haughty, less cruel, less vindictive. Industrious, pains-taking, domestic, full of quaint good humor, striving -with limited knowledge or capacity to do what seemed best at the moment, thrust into the midst of difficulties almost beyond the grasp of human intellect, he struggled on-as he termed it in his homely language, "pegging away" -until the world saw that under an uncouth exterior there was a large fund of shrewd sense and mother-wit, with an entire absence of malice. A i instinctive sense of this led all to shudder at his fate. He was au un? tutored child of nature, and the man? ner of his death seemed an outrage on nature, on mankind. But now, that expression has been fully given to these feelings, we must not permit truth to ba sacrificed. As President of the United States, the rule of Abra? ham Lincoln stands wholly apart from personal qualities, good or bad. That rule is proper matter for criticism, and must stand a keener test than that of sentiment. Respect is net to be paid to the memory of the dead by fulsome praise or falsification of his? tory. Unfortunately, it is a proverb? ial expression, "to lie like an epitaph ;" but no such license may be used where great principles and the des? tinies of millions of people are at stake. President Lincoln was another ex? ample of that deplorable role, long enforced by the exigencies of tho Union, which practically excludes all able and eminent men from the Pre? sidential office. Mr. Seward, the pro? per chief of the Republican party, was passed over, ns in other times Clay, Webster and Calhoun. To prevent a disruption of the party, it was necessary to nominate a person unknown even by name to the infi? nite majority of the American people. Mr. Lincoln was therefore chosen as usual, not by virtue of his eminence', but by virtue of not being eminent. He was by birth a Southern man, a Kentuckian ; his wife was also South? ern, some of her relatives being on the Confederate side throughout the war. He entered upon office uncon? trolled by a popular decision. If, indeed, it might be said that any leaning of the public mind could be detected, the majority in the North appeared lo have reconciled them? selves to a peaceful separation, and leading politicians, such as Mr. Se? ward and Mr. Everett, had expressed their abhorrence of the idea of shed? ding their brothers' blood. The Cot? ton States had seceded, but the groat Border States, with Virginia at their head, clung anxiously to the Union. The history of the United States af? forded a valuable guide in this emer? gency. The Union had been broken up before, peacefully. Two of the States were out of it for quite two years, at the end of which thur, find? ing their isolated condition intolera? ble, they re-entered the fold. Now, SO long as the Border States remained with the Union, it was hardly possible for the Cotton States to iona an an? tagonistic power that could endure. Not only the vast resources of the North, but the greatest of their own sister States wotdd have been against them, Had a statesman been in office at Washington he would probably have spoken thus : "I hold that your action is wholly wrong. I believe you have no warrant for it in the Constitution, no just cause in any fact that has occurred. Try the ex? periment, however, if you are resolved to do so. It has been tried by North Carolina, Rhode Island, Texas, who found it not to answer. Meantime I must take sue1! measures for self-pro? tection as judgment may direct ; but unless attacked I will not lift one finger to shed thc blood of my fellow citizens.'' Had this course been taken, it eau hardly be doubted that thc Union would have been restored in lunch less time, without bloodshed, und with trilling cost. For at first there existed a Union party, a minor? ity, but still an imporant party in every Cotton State but one. That party would have had not only the North, but the whole influence of the Border States to support it. Any one may see what this war would have been without the people of Virginia. Now Virgini". would have been on the other side. Hence th . Cotton States would not only have been void of the necessary resources for an in? dependent position, but would have bei n u divided people. This division would have widened into dissension, increasing day by day ; for thc ex? citement of the hour would have been followed by a reaction, and by disap pointment at the results. Thc cou,t of a separat** Government and mili? tary force would have compelled tax? ation, hitherto unknown. Th?- fed? eral Government, without going to war, iniglit easily have caused the heavy cost of an armed peace, and it had the power to place very irksome restraints on the commerce and cor? respondence of the country. Thus the Union party, although originally a minority, would have grown daily under such influences, and probably in less than the four years which have gone by, would have become a major? ity, and have brought back the States into the Union. The policy which might have produced these results was the oaky ono permissible under the Constitution. It grants no power to coerce a State, and such power was excluded advisedly, on the reasoning of Madison-that it would be mon? strous to provide for the maintenance by force of a Union that was based on free will. The coercion thus excluded by the founders of the Union. Mr. Lincoln resolved to employ, lt was an error disastrous to the country. For not only was there a simple way to attain the end desired, but the use of force for the purpose was destruc? tive of the very object sought. By force it was quite possible to conquer the South, but not to restore a Union. To apply thc name of a Union to the relations that exist between Russia and Poland, would be ludicrous ; .such are now the relations of North and South. Between sentient beings union implies a joint, a mutual action that can only proceed from accordance of will. The same principle holds good with great communities. And when one section has conquered another section of the same people, slain the dower of its manhood, devastated its soil, nad stands amidst thc ruin it has made, in the triumph of superior power, this eau only be called the restoration of a uniou by substituting the sound for the true sense of the words. And when Mr. Lincoln made this deplorable error, hov,- did he carry out the policy which he had chosen y By sending back the deputation that waited upon him from the Border States, with an answer so offensive as to force upon them the decision to leave the Union. By calling out 75, 000 men for three months, exhibiting an ignorance of thc magnitude and resource's of the country he proposed to coerce, such as hardly could have been found in Europe. By fitting out a secret expedition in New York to reinforce Fort Sumter, although an understanding of honor existed with the Commissioners whom the South had sent to Washington, that no change should be made in the status quo. But there is matter more grave even than this. The reason assigned by Mr. Lincoln for deciding on the invasion of the Southern States was the oath he had taken to maintain the Constitution. But the President does not take any oath to maintain the Union. He went on to do what his oath did not compel, and to break what that oath enjoined. To main? tain the Constitution required him to maintain those great rights--freedom of person, of speech, of the press which it expressly guarantees, and wdiich his Government trampled upon without any real necessity and with? out the smallest concern. If so ter? rible a means as the sword must needs be employed under a stern sense of duty, that duty plainly required that he who proceeded to destroy the fives of others for an alleged breach of law should himself maintain that law with thc most scrupulous care. Now. there is hardly one great principle of that Constitution-nay more, we cannot recall any one great political principle avowed and cherished in America, whether within or outside of the Con? stitution-which was not violated by Mr. Lincoln's Government. The Declaration of Independence, for instance, announced in sonorous terms that governments "derive their just powers from the ' unsent of the governed." What an illustration of this, to force a detested government upon a people who refuse their con? sent. Again, that same document, which is read every 4th of -Tidy, in or? der to inculcate these principles, goo.-, on to teach the world that whenever any form of government becomes de? structive of certain ends (one of them being the pursuit of happiness, ) "it is the right of the people to alter or abolish lt, and to institute a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its power in such form us to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." These are brave words, and this is precis.dy what the people of the South proceeded to do. Alas, tin; principles that are so lofty and virtuous when they tell in our favor, how black and wicked they be? come when the enemy bas them on his side ! If there be any one princi? ple thoroughly established in the North, as the rule of political action, it is that the majority shall govern and the minority submit. This is,