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BY E. B. MURRAY & CO. _ ANDERSON, g. C, THURSDAY. FEBRUARY 20, 1879._VOL. XIV-jTO. 32. t < rut OF SPBSCEII'TlO'r.-GTK Dollar aad-F:mr Cetts per annum, in advance. Two Dov-juu at end 01 year. 8KT?ynr-FivE Cests for *lx month*. * Sabnerlptlons axe aot taken for a leas period loan six mentha. &J.T83 OF J.DVZBTISIXG.?OH? Dollar per ~~sjjua>-e ot one lach Tor the first Irscrtton, and Fifty . Ceota per square for subsequent Insertionslosi than thhi^ months. 27? advertiserx cats csunte less than & square. Liberal centraots willbe made with tho<te wishing to advertise for three, six or twelve months. -Ad? vertising by contract meat bo confined to the Im? mediate basinesi of the firm or individual contrac? ting. obituary Notioas exceeding five llnoa, Tributes of Rospeet. and all personal communkations or matiers of individual interest, will be charged for at advertising rates. Announcement* of marriages ' and deaths, aad notices of a religious character, are o?Boeif uIIt solicited, and w?Xbe Inserted gratia .11 AL EESDMPT30N. A Sormoxt Preached by Sev. Wm. Honry | L Strickland, in Anderson Baptist Church, February Sud, 1870, and Published by j Bequest. :> ?Thas saith the Lord, Stand yo In the | ways, and see, and ask for the old paths, : where ? the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls." [Jeremiah, vi:16. h:.- The Prophet Jeremiah lived B. C. ??0-5S0, and prophesied- durirg the TOigns of Josiah, Jenoiakim, Jehoiachin and Zedekiah. He lived in an age of ? neat national and spiritual declios, and his prophecies are either (1) exhortations to rtipentenco, (2) warnings and ihreat _ emrgs against the. impenitent and incor ? rigible, or (3)^amentations over the rain V and desolation of Judea, that followed the burning of Jerusalem and tho cap? tivity of the Jews under Nebuchadnezzer, King of Babylon. Bo lived among a people whose moral natures had been binnted and calloused by wan; and idol? atries, and who loved the ways of tin in which they had been born and reared. His | prophecies?calling to reform and rsvival to former piety and uprightness?grated on the ear of both kings aod people. He never delivered a single message that was , acceptable to his countrymen. He never broached a sermon that did not reader him mare unpopular. Ho endured re? proach and persecution. He woa tho victim of murderous coospiracy, and was more than once doomed to death, bat escaped at the last extremity by the in? terposition of friends. He describes him? self as one in wltote. bona themestage of God burnt like fire, and had to be delivered. .-.And yet wheu delivered they but stirred the r ige of an emasculated people, who, rather than mend their lives, preferred to kill the man cf God, who faithfully told them of their sins. Tho words of my text seem to be a special message from the God of Israel, to his wandering, le.jt, bewilderechpeople. "Thus saith the Lord, Stand yo ir the . ways, and see, and ask for the old paths, -where it the good way, and walk thertia,j and ye shall find rest for your souls." (1) The words "stand ye in the ways end see" mean: come to a holt in your Journey, and consider if ye be in the right road. "Stand aad look at your guide-book, examinethe way-ms.rks,, - and you will discover that you are out of the highway aad have wandered in some by-path. : (2) Haviuestopped to consider?as tbe mariner would say, to get your bearings ?yoa will surely discover that you have gone wrong. Yf hat i'hen ? "Ask for the old puths." Enquire for the. true high? way. Find it as speedily as possible. (3) And having found it, without further delay, "walk therein." Beat a retreat, set yoursnlves right, then "for? ward" ail along the line. "Walk there? in"?dhow the same eagerness to go right that yon did to go wrong {4) What will be the Tesult of this change of conduct? "Yo shall find rest for your souls." I know that tho language is. highly figurative and the imagery poot?c; bui, I think I have given you the true exposi? tion. In plain language, God exhorted his people to examine their position to? wards Him?to make inventory of their past lives, to hunt up their Bibles and bring tbeir lives into submission to its teachings, to go back to first priuciples in religioD, and they would be a happier aod a better peoplo. Aad as prophecy was not given for one people or age ex? clusively, but for all time and all msn, we may with all propriety appropriate this exhortation to ourselves and our time. I think the text is a call to mot al rc Ksump?on, addressed te men in 1879 A. C. as s properly as 625 B. 0. History re? peats itself, sin and iniquity repeat them ? selves, and in this nineteenth century we find suspension of morals just as did Jeremiah twenty-five hundred years age. After an interval of sixteen years,, w 3 have just had a return to specie payment! in the United States. Opinions differ as to the advisability of this measure at this time. I do aot know; but I do kaow ! that moral forces that have been held io suspension for many years ought to be re? sumed. In truth, they ought never to I have been suspended ? aod, as they were | suspeoded, they ought to have been re? sumed long ago, but as they have aot j boiu fully resumed, the work should be doue at once. L , Some, perhaps will say there has been no moral suspension. May be not, but my observation is that the moral forces in operation among us .before the war , have oever been fully resumed. We are wont to look at the results of the war as physical, social and political. f 1) It is easy for us to call up the san? guinary fields and review the thousands of slain aad wounded. We daily look ; upon the armless sleeve, the wooden leg, . the scarred face, the mutilated hand, and remember that those men now growing gray, and bearing about them the marks of battle, were once the living wall brist? ling with bayonets "along the Potomac." And so we contemplate the physical evils of the war. (21 We look upon the impoverished condition of the old people of our laud, who once lived in easy affluence. We have seeo the whole social fabric thrown and broken by a mighty upheaval, have seeo some thousands of mil? lions of dollars of property wasted. We count the widows ana orphans, aod be? hold'children descended from the first | families in the land grown up in igno? rance and vice, whose patrimony, swept I away by the war, are left no means of education. And we ara familiar with [ the social evils of tho war. (3) The changes wrought in the politi j cal sphere are more marked than those ] _r?f the social or physical. Several mil? lions of people?ignorant, semi-barba? rous, of low order o^intellect?have been raeed to position and power, wholly in? compatible with their safety or the safety of their rulers. Not capable of appre? ciating liberty, they have turned it into licentiousness. Invoking the torch and axe, tbey have dotted our land with burnt homesteads and smouldering ruins, j The busts of Hahersham and Berrian and Walton aud Hall have iooked down from their niches, in the Georgia State j House, upon the wretched farces enacted by miserable abortions, white and black, .who claimed to be their successors; ana the bones of-McDuffie and Hayne and Calhoun and Butler have rattled in their I colon* while Elliott and Smalls and Cain and Patterson have desecrated their seats in tho NSObhal Congress. Men have ! been taxed to tbe point of starvation that j in.Kiev might be wasted in the most use low and senseless extravagance, as inves? tigating committees have shown in many Southern States. Tbe bonded debt of the States has so oppressed the citizens that in some instances", growing despe? rate, tlicy have gravely deliberated op repudiation. I nced^not enlarge. IV is easy for us to sec the political evils re? sulting from the way. The destinies of tbe. American naiion Never will rhat r^ence that which ere been no U&oa, North, South] have beer.'changed-forever. Never tho fabric of?5R ? nation be whatonce was, nor v/ill it tj^tr attain to that which ^^E]rl have aHaittvd, had there been no East aud West, has been wrenched from its ante bellum status, and has grown into new shape and proportion?in many re? spects disproportion. These things be? ing visible and palpable engross our at? tention. We feel aud see and know and regret them. , The moral evils, greater than all others, are not seen so readily nor ac? knowledged so willingly. What we see of this world is but an infinitesimal part of the whole. What we see of the results of the war are small matters compared with that which we do not see on the surface. What you can see of the world as you stand on some high hill may be subtracted from the whole without appre? ciable loss. And what you see ou the surface as the evils of a great national upheaval, you may substract from the sum-total of evils without being missed. It is absolutely impossible for all the mcaal evils of a great civil war to be ag? gregated. The war left none of us as it found us. Not a man, woman or child who was not more or less injured. Even the children born' since the bloody con? flict, have been brought up on both sides by those who, either in feeling or in fact, or both, engaged in it, and the sectional prejudice and hates of parents have been instilled into their children, and the dreadful enmity and strife of 1860-1865 is tbe inheritance of the children. This is not all. I go further. Children of war are morally unequal to children of peace, We beget sons and daughters in our own image, and transmit to them the miseries and sins and peculiar environ? ments of ourselves. I leave this for you to reflect upon. / What have been the results of the war upon indivinual character ? At the be? ginning of . the coonflict our circulating medium was at'par, i. e., a paper dollar would buy a gold dollar. During the war, gold ran up to 285. and greenbacks down to 85. Now. if the moral and re? ligious status of the individual was par at the beginning of the war, then have not most of us fallen lower than 35 ? and have not ante bellum morals and religion been higher than 285? This moral de IjrcciatioL is not confined to any particu ar section of the United States. In the South tho war resulted in poverty and misrule and prejudice and "Ku Klux" so? cieties. In the North men were finan? cially onriched, but misrule and demoral? ization were perhaps just as great. We have not forgotten "'Black Friday," when tbe "Bulls and Bears" on Wall street, with Jay Gould, Fisk and Speyer, caused a fearful eruption in financial circles. We have not forgotten "Credit Mobilier," "Tweed Bings" and other gigantic reve? nue frauds, which were indexes on the moral dial-plate. But recently a "Bail road Strike threatened to make the great arteries of commerce useless, when Uni? ted States troops were called out to put down armed resistance, and many States were in danger of civil war. 1 refer to the "strike" on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and connecting lines. The fre? quent robbing Of express cars, the "Coal' Strikes," "Oil Strikes," "Molly Ma guires" and other war-like combinations,; all go to show the low state of morality in our land. How often have we seen paragraphs in our newspapers headed "Conscience Money," in which was re? corded the fact that some one who had been glutting himself at tbe public treas? ury had disgorged. Bed hot iron applied to the cuticle destroys it; iron picked up cold and frozen does the same thing. It is likely that the conquered States are better off to-day than those who waged the war for the preservation of the Union. With all their wealth and power at the North, there are greater dangers menacing the social and political fabric than are found among us. White guaut poverty and petty theft disturb the South, our Northern brethren are besieged by armies of "tramps" and "Communistic Leagues," and it is gravely charged that while the friends of the present Chief Magistrate stole the Presidency for him, his opponent and bis Democratic friends tried to steal it for themselves. / do not say these things are so, the fact that the public gazettes make the charges are sig? nificant. Nor is this moral deterioration pe? culiar to our late war. It is the con? sequence following all wars. France aud Prussia were lately arrayed against each other on the ensanguined field, aud both the victor and the vanquished are now reaping the. fearful results of the suspension of moral law. War is abnor? mal, spasmodic, unnatural, and it always leaves it blighting effects on the people engaged. I need not Bay that as regards these European powers, Prussia is to-day in a worse condition morally thau France. "Socialism" has assumed such proportions in Germany that Bismarck ana the Keiser, and tue whole ruling power, are seriously alarmed, lest a gen? eral uprising and revolution shall occur at any tine. All wars, from that of words and blows among children, to those that shake the continents, leave their deleterious effects on those engaged. The earliest war of which we have any account occurred between Cain and Abel, and the victor was worsted. The re boud injured his moral nature and left him an impurer man than he was before. The reflex influences of war on each party engaged injures each party far worse than the assaults of the other, j From 1860-1865 the North and South I imagined they were destroying each other. The truth is each party was de? stroying itself. I am told that this pic- i ture is overdrawn. Not at all. It is impossible to draw it as dork and forbid-' ding as it ought to be, for no painter can [ mix all the evils and miseries and tran gressions in bis preparation of colors. I am asked why this decline is not ob? served by every one? I answer, none but the older part of our population can see the chauge, and among them many do not stop to think. They are intent on business or pleasure; the chain of daily duties drag them on and they do not consider. It is amazing how few people do any thinking at all. Others among our older people do perceive the sad changes in morals, but are not' will? ing to say anything about it, and do not admit it. _Among the young men aud women this deterioration is not known, j because they were bora and bred in it, and know of no other state of morals. Young people under thirty years of age have never, with mature vision, seen auy other state of social and political and I moral life, and therefore suppose the present state to bo normal. I he earth revolves with appalling speed, but wo. do not perceive it unless we make astronom? ical observations. If we will fix our eyes on the sun we will sco that our earth does not stand still. So if we will fix our eyes on God nnd His immmutabl? justice and righteousness, we will see to . what our deflectiouH from virtue and hon? esty and purity and charity and love are. But if we are all absorbed in "what shall we eat and what shall we drink and wherewithal shall we be clothed," and are all on a moral inclination, and are "slidiag down hill," it is quite likely that we won't notice it much. How often does your clock on the mantle sinke?. You are sitting under it bat, absorbed with the needle or the newspaper, you do uot notice it. How often has God spoken, and yet the nation , hits out heard. Let us suppose that God, bad PCDt Gabriel down to inspect and re? view our country, socially, politically and morally, in 1855. Suppose the Augel to bave been sent back: on tho name mission in 1875. What changes for the worse would Gabriel have report? ed back to Heaven? Would not the depreciation bo greater than thirty-five cents to the dollar? Now things are looked upon with indifference that twen? ty years ago would bave filled the coun? try with horror. Crimes are committed with impunity now that a quarter of a century ago would not bave been so much as named. Men are caressed and hon? ored now wbo would have been spurned by the meanest. Public sentiment baa slidden down hill, and we all help to make up public sentiment. "In social life, there was once such a thing as a loss of caste." Is it so now ? "It seems that nobody has any caste; or there is no way of losing it." A charity not taken from tbe Bible will condone any? thing in those whom it is policy to sus? tain. Benedict Arnold betrayed an American army to the British during tbe Revolutionary War. When tho war was over he made England his homa, and on one occasion presumed to make his ap? pearance at Court, and sought tbe notice of the sovere* He was scorned and hissed away at. .aitor. But the federal officer who held cc<s post of New Orleans durinjr our late war, and enriched him? self and friends off the private plate of the unfortunate citizens, nas been petted and honored by his own Commonwealth and tbe National Assembly. Demorali? zation among tbe American people is universal. Of course there is a great deal of good left among us, but it is not of that higb grade that we bad before the war. The churches come in for their quota of this evil. How has the fine gold be? come dim, when pastor's salaries, mission money and church-building funds can only be raised by "fairs," "grab-bags," "lotteries" and "raffles." An eminent divine was called to the pastorate of a church ia one of our leading Cities in the South after the war. The City bad suf? fered much from its having been occupied by the armies. The Doctor found the church-building sadly out of repair. In legitimate ways he tried to raise funds to put tho house in good repair. Failing all round, be assembled the young men of his congregation and submitted the question to them. They heard him with interest, and replied: "Doctor, if you will let us get up a horse-race for the benefit of the Church, we will raise you as much money as you want." These were uot exceptionally immoral young men. Recently a Church was turned into a "shooting gallery," and the young people of both sexes had a "big shooting match to raise money for Church pur? poses." A very expensive church-build? ing was but lost year erected in one of our most enlightened and religious States. The space between tbe upper and lower floors was padded with saw-dust. Tho pastor, explaining tbe matter to a visitor, said: "We may want to occupy both rooms at tbe same time, bo we put in this stuffing to deaden the sound. The young people have dancing parties-for the ben? efit of the Church, and sometimes these parties fall ou the eveuing when the old folks are holding prayer meeting down stairs. We have it so arranged that one won't interfere with the other." Even the New York Tribune takes the fashion? able churches and pastors to task sharply for their extravagancies in theatricals i and sensationalism, and soberly exhorts them to return to the legitimate business of their callings, and preach the Gospel to their congregations. While speaking of demoralization among churches, can? dor compels me to say that many embez? zlements and defalcations have occurred among ministers and mission-agents, and some of the saddest chapters in moral suspension are those that record the dis? graceful conduct of ministers of the Gospel. It all goes to Bhow that there is a moral suspension, and that old-fashioned hon? esty is below par. IX But moral resumption is what we need. How is it to be obtained ? Let ministers and all Christians?yea, all men everywhere?take their reckon? ings again. Let them climb up into Mount Zion for their observatory, and fix their moral telescope on the Sun of Righteousness and see how far in the eccentric they are wandering, and by tho centrifugal force of Divine Grace let them return to their proper orbits. L Let churches "ask for the old paths;" let them return to tho former ways?the Scriptural ways of raising funds for God's cause. Let them no longer make God's Temple a gathering place for fairs and lectures and entertainments. Let them leave raffling and grab-bags and shooting matches aid balls to tbe world where they have always belonged. One of the grandest teachiugs of Christianity is cross-bearing?the making of sacrifices. Said Paul: "I beseech you, therefore, brethren, by the mercies of God, that ye Eresent your bodies a living sacrifice, oly and acceptable, unto God, which is your reasonable service. And be not conformed to this world." A sacrifice is something unpleasant, done for Christ and his came, but when you advertise to give fifty cents worth of oysters and coffee for fifty cents, where is the idea of sacrifice ? "Present your bodies a living sacrifice," said Paul. I submit the ques? tion, Are balls and raffles and entertain? ments, f? the name of Christ, calculated to remiud one of cross-bearing and cru? cifixion of the flesh ? The idea of sacri? fice is being rapidly eliminated from our minds in our present modes of raising church funds. I think the Lord's way of raising money for his cause is to give, as a gift, what you wish to bestow, and do it unto the Lord. Churches should exer? cise more rigid discipline. There has been a sensible decline, in its exercise since the war. Abuses crept into the churches then, and In many coses have, never been ferreted out. I know of but one denomination of Christians who have had the nerve to enforco discipline against defrauders. I refer to the Prim? itive Baptists, commonly known as "Hard Sheila." They have invariably excluded such of their members as have availed themselves of homestead and bankrupt laws to evade the payment of their just debts. PerhaD9 they have made the rules unnecessarily severe, but if they have swung to one extreme, most other churches have swung to the other, and of the two, the former is to be pre? ferred. 2. We need social reforms. Let the lines be sharply drawn ; let society put its veto on crimes and bad meu. There are crimes and callings aud conditions that should exclude men and women from polite, refined, genteel society. So long as men and women may follow any calling, do any thing and be any thing, however immoral and dishonest, and yet have free access to the best society, there is little hope of reform. But let society elevate its standards and purify its canons. Let it be known that these standard} and canons cannot be broken with impunity, and then will we see that men and women, unwilling to bo ostra? cised, will mend their ways, and the social fabric will be improved. I maintain that J society has righta?rights that authorize it to make lnwu for the government of its members. One of the great factors in the moral deterioration of the American people has been tbe breaking down and overriding of the laws that govern society. I advocate an aristocracy in society and in State. Not an aristocracy of wealth nor blood, but an aristocracy of moral worth. I take the word, not in its per? versions and abuses, but in its original sense. It meaus a government where the best, most moral and pure bear rule. Should not the purest, most cultured, most genteel in society make laws for the government of the body? Should not the most moral, most intelligent and most capable rule the Commonwealth? The evils of the destruction of caste are far reaching. Our children are brought up to think one calling or condition as hon? orable as another. We allow them to associate with all people promiscuously. The moral sense in them, i. e., the chil? dren, becomes blunted while it is imma? ture, and they will more naturally glide into vice and sin since we, by actions, at least, tell them that one way of making money is as honorablo and respectable as another. "Evil communications corrupt good manners." He who associates with the unchaste will himself, more than likely, become unchaste too. He who associates with thieves will have all tho forms of dishonesty within him put into ot-bed and rapidly derelopod. Ho wbo "puts tbe bottle to his neighbor's mouth," for a living, will almost surely learn to put that same bottle to his own mouth. We may palliate sin and glozo indecency till we cease to condemn them in our own hearts. You may allow profanity and blasphemy to go unrobuked, till you forget that it is as heinous in God's sight as dishonesty and adultery; but one is just as bad as the other. Let us not con? done offenses in any one, anywhere; neither in society or Church or State. If we do, the moral recoil will be sad for us, and God will visit the iniquity of these things on our children. Well did the poet say: "Vice Is a monster of auch hideous moln, That to be hated, needs but to be seen; But seen too oft, familiar with tho faco, We first endure, then pity, thon cm truce." W?e with the day when society or Church fold to their bosom the vile, the sinful, the reprobate. 3. Reforms are also demanded in com? mon honesty. Tho war, among the many evils that it generated and developed, produced the monsters, laziness and dis? honesty. For years men "drew rations" and clothing, working ono day in fifteen. They learned to live without work. Many of them aro trying to do tho same thing yet. They say : "The world owes me a living, and I intend to have it." When I hear a man talk that way, and live on in idleness, I instinctively feel to see if my pocket-book is safe. The world owes no one a living. The God of Nature has blessed men with strength and intellect, and has ordained that in? dustry and economy shall not fail of their reward; but a healthy, strong beggar in this land is an unmitigated nuisance. To-day labor ranks higher than cotton or corn or sugar or bacon or clothing. Im? migration societies aro encouraging labor to come among us. Any man who will can lease land and make himself a farm. These things being so, laziness is a crime, and ought to be punished. The armies of tramps that infest the land are but ulcers on the surface of our demoralized body politic. While the feeble, the widows, the orphans and the helpless are to be assisted, I do insist that it is a sin to assist those who can work and wont. There is DO charity to God or man in giving a bushel of corn to a man who is able to work for it and yet is un? willing to do it. Paul said: "If any would not work, neithor should he eat." ?(2 Thea. 3:10.) That doctrine sounds healthy to me. It should bo put into practice rigidly. Laziness lives near neighbor to theft, for he who must eat and won't work, and has no money to buy with, must be sorely tempted to break the eighth commandment. The Prodigal Son deserves h higher respect than people are wont to give him. We place his reformation at the point when he was obliged to live on husks with the swine, and since no one would give him anything better, he decided to go back aud live on his old father's bounty. Not so. Go back to the time when the famine arose, and he "began to be in want." Here was the crisis and point of turning. Did he say, "the world owes me a living, and I must get it somehow?" Did ho curl his nose at any rough or menial work ? Did he fear to soil his soft, "lily white," dainty hands? Did he sit still and "wait for something to turn up?" Did he turn tramp and mako it his trade to live off of others? No. He niether ?turned thief nor beggar. He took the first work that came to hand. It was base, low, degrading to Jewish sensibil? ity, but it was honest. His manliness come3 out here: "Ho went and hired himself to a citizen of that country, and he sent him into the fields to feed swine," and he went. He was houest, and thero was help for him. If he had not been manly enough and honest enough to work, he never would havo found his way back to his father's house a penitent. Thero is hope for a man?a tramp?if there be manliness enough in him to in? duce him to work. Let this bo the true test: "If any would not work, neither] should ho eat." When all the men, and women, too, who are able to work for a living, are induced by law or moral sua? sion or necessity to go at it, you will see moral resumption in honesty, industry, manliness and self-respect I "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread." Too many people aro trying to eat their bread in the sweat of other people's faces. 4. In the last place, there is need of ! reform in political and governmental circles. The words statesman and poli? tician ought to be made synonymous. We ought to elevate our purest and ablest men to office. It is a sad com? mentary on our government and people that the men wno will stoop to spend money and encourage intemperance can control more votes than the high-toned, sober, capable man. "Ask yo for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein." It was Henry Clay who said, "I would rather be right than Pres? ident." And wheu our own Calhoun was urged to recede from his position ou the tariff question, with the promise that if be would abandon his position there? on ho could be elected President, re? plied : "I would not sacrifice principle to be made President of tho world." We may havo iust such rulers as we want, from President down to Trial Justice. When the freo people of these United States determine to be governed only by men good and true; whon they decide that purity and integrity are worth more than whiskey or money; when men, wbo seek office only for the cohesive attrac? tion of the loaves and fishes, are elected to stay at home, then will we have moral resumption in political life. Here I wish to raise my voice againnt a sentiment that I often hear among Christians: "When a Church-momber goes into poli? tics, his usefulness as a Christian is at an end." It does not follow as a necessary consequence. True, he has great temp? tations and trials of his faith, but I put a .higher estimate upon the saying grace of , Christ than to admit that it is not auhV i cient to kcop a man pure in Legislative or Congressional Halls or Gubernatorial ! chain. The question is this: Is it right to have Governors and General Assem? blies? Yea? Then h it not right to put the best men to fill these responsible positions? Ought we not to pray for our rulers and law-makers more ? Ought we i not oftener to commend them for their j good acts ? Are not the people respon? sible for bad rulers and bad law-makers? Who but tho people put bad men in power? For my part, I thank God when a Christian man is put in office. I thank Him for Alford H. Colquit, of Georgia, the present Governor, who is a consistent member of the M. E. Church, and a lay greacher. I thank Him for John B. ordon, United States Senator from Georgia, who is a consistent Presbyte? rian, whom I have seen kneel down under a "brush arbor," in the dirt, and Eray God to be present and bless tbe umble words of him who addresses you now. I thank God for Wade Hampton and Judge B. C. Pressley, and all the Christian gentlemen everywhere who are serving the meek and lowly Saviour, on the Bench, in the State and National Councils, in every office whatsoever. Christianity ;ia a poor religion if it has not power to leaven tho mass of political corruption and jobbery that calls so loud? ly for redress. Politico and religion are not to bo sep? arated, nor is religion to be a part in the back-ground ; but religion is to permeate the whole and elevate it and purify it. The New Testament does not separate reli? gion and piety. When Jesus stood on the crest of Olivet and looked down on Jerusalem, his own city, tho pride and joy of every Israelite's heart, it was as well the voice of patriotism as of religion [ that cried out, "0 Jerusalem, Jerusalem, [ that killest the prophets, and stoucst' them that are sent unto thee, how often j would I have gathered thy children to- j gether, even as a hen gathereth her chickens under her wings, and yo would not."?(Math. xxni:37.) No purer patriot ever lived than Jesus of Naza? reth, and no more patriotic words ever burst from tbe lips of man than these. As a man, as an Israelite, Jesus loved his own countrymen more than any other nation. As a patriot, Paul stands out as a pre-eminent example. In that sublime expression of Paul, in Bom. ix:2,3, made in behalf of Israel, his fellow-man, his j beloved nation, we find a deep undertone of patriotism trembling on the lips of him who was the chief Apostle of the Gentiles: "I have great heaviness and continual Borrow in my heart. For I could wish that myself were accursed from Christ for my brethren, my kinsmen according to the flesh: who are Israelites." In all reverence I say it: Jesus of Naza? reth and Saul of Tarsus had a patriotic love and dovotion to their own fellow citizens and their own nation, that they had toward no other people. We are to distinguish between Christ the God, and Jesus the man; between Paul the Apos? tle, and Paul the Jewish citizen; ana no violence is done to Scripture nor the sacredness of their offico in thus distin? guishing. Speaking reverently, I do be? lieve that if our Lord and Paul were on the earth now. as American citizens, that they woula both go regularly to the polls, and deposit their bal ' lots on the sido of truth and purity. ' And yet I have heard Christians and Ministers say, "I shall never cast another vote; I see no use; I shall give it all up to the domagogues." Well, that is the way to have bad laws and bad rulers. Let the better part of the peopleJosc all interest in the matter, and relegate it to immoral and irresponsible and ignorant men, and moral suspension will continue. For oue, I feel that I owe it to my coun? try and my God to exerciso my franchise at every election, and cast my ballot for the purest and most capable man before the people. I feel it my duty to encour? age Christian gentlemen to accopt offices, and then pray for them, that they may let their light shine for Christ among their ungodly associates. If I wore a stranger here, I should be favorably im? pressed when told that our members of the General Assembly from Anderson County wer? all intelligent, sober men ; and some of them Christians. Let us resume our ante bellum status in every moral respect. Let us go back whence we came. Let us denounce every evil that we would have denounced be foro the war. Let us raise all our stand? ards to where they were. Let the moral register in society, in honesty, in indus? try, in Church and in politics stand where it did when Franklin Pierce was President. Let each one examine his own heart und life, and see where the war hurt him, and go to work to repair the injury. Take it for granted that you are one of the wounded, and go to work, and ask God to help you to heal the wound. "Subdue resentments, crush out prejudices, down with animosities, lop off evil habits, throw away your sus? picion and jealousies." Moral wounds may be removed by promoting general spiritual health. The best lever to lift the ship from the sand-bar is Christ Jesus the Lord. The best safeguard to a na? tion's liberties is an open Bible, a puro press, and a pulpit devoted to proclaim? ing the Gospel. Tho best heritage, that you can bequeath your children is intel? ligence, honesty and the fear of God. "Thus saith tho Lord, Stand ye in the ways, and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way, and walk therein, and ys shall find rest for your souls." Juvenile IiroitATiTunE.?A woman Sets on the train aud says a very warm earted good-bye to a great cub of a six? teen-year-old boy who sots down her bundles and turns to lcavo the car with a gruff grunt that may moan good bye or anything else. There is a little quiv? er on her lip as sho calls after him. " Be a good boy, writo to me often, and do as I tell you." He never looks around as he leaves the car. He looks just like the kind of a boy who will just as she tolls him, but she must bo careful to tell him, to do just as he wauU to. I have ono brightspark of con? solation as the train moves on and I see that boy performing a clumsy satire on a clog dance on tho platform. Some of these days ho will treat some man as gruffy and rudely as he treats his mother. 'Then the man will climb onto him and lick him; pound the very sawdust out of him. Then the world will feel better and happier for the licking ho gets. It may be long deferred, but it will come at last. I almost wish I had pounded him myself, while he was youug and I felt able to do it. Ho may grow up into a very discburagingly rngged man. extremely difficult to lick, and tho world may have to wait a very long time for this act of iustico. It frequently happens that those bad boys grow up into distressingly "bad" men.?Burdette in the Hawkeye. Another Fat Person Reduced 20 lbs. Royalston, Mass., July 10th, 1878. Botanic Medicine Co., B?? ab, N. Y. What will you send Allan's Anti-Fat per dozen lor. Thero 1b no place within eight miles where we can buy it. My mother bos taken five bottles and it re? duced her weight 20 pounds. J J. M. Partridge. SOUTHERN TEXT BOOKS. Northern Carping anil Southern Cogency. The New York Examiner and Chroni? cle, the organ of the Northern Baptist Church, in its issue of January the 3d, criticised the use of Calhoun's work on Government as a text book in tho de? partments of history and political science in the University of Georgia. Pro? fessor Browne, of the chair of history and political science, replied to tho Northern critic, in a masterly and crushing re joiuder, in justification of the use of tbe text books complained of. The Exami? ner and Chronicle, as we are informed by the Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, satis? fied itself by publishing the "greaterpart" of the reply under the heading, "Cal hounism in a Georgia College?A Letter Defending it," which the Northern edi? tor kindly attached to Professor Browne's communication, interjecting at the same time several headings into the body of tho professor's letter, which he did not see fit to make for himself. The Chroni? cle and Sentinel, in Saturday's issue, gives us tho whole reply of the able professor, the material part of which we 'publish below, and the perusal of which will richly repay our readers. University of Georgia, Department of History and Political Science, Athexs, Ga., January 9, 1879. Editor of the Examiner and Chronicle: ******* To the first of these toxt-books you say, "prepared by a Southerner, who certain? ly does accept tbe situation," you make no serious objection; but you sincerely regret that Mr. Calhoun, whose political heresies were the very tap-root of the re? cent civil war, still furnishes tho only text book from which the students of the University of Georgia are instructed res? pecting their duties as citizens of the United States. The political horesy which you charge me with teaching consists in my instruct? ing the students as you suppose, "to re? gard a 'nation,' which has abundantly vindicated its nationality, as a mere fed deration of sovereign and substantially independent 'States.'" I hope I have stated fairly your chargo and specifica? tions. I admit that the toxt book you have named are those which I use iu the Uni? versity of Georgia, and the only text books that I use which bear ou American affairs. But if you make no serious ob? jection to the use of those of which Hon. Alexander H. Stephens is the author, you cannot justly take exception to theuaeof Mr. Calhoun's work, because Mr. Cal? houn has never, by pea or word, mote emphatically asserted the doctrine that the union of the States is a federation of sovereign and independent States, and not a nation in the sense of a consolidat? ed republic, than does Mr. Stephens in his "Constitutional View of the War Be? tween the States." If the doctrine of tbe great statesman of South Carolina as to tbe nature of the Union is political here? sy, tbe great statesman of Georgia is equally guilty, for tho views of both on the subject are precisely identical. I admit, further, that I do teach the students that the union of the States is a federation of sovereign and independent States, and not a consolidated republic. But is this "political heresy?" I do not teach those solely because Mr. Calhoun or Mr. Stephens asserted it, though I have the highest possible respect for their opinions, nor do I teach it because it is the view maintained by any political party. I believe I do not allow party pol? itics or my individual party affiliations to affect in the least my teachings of what I believe to be historical truth. Did I believe, as fully and as conscien? tiously as I supposo you do, that the fathers of tho republic made a mistake in their choice of a form of government ?that it would havo been much better had all the States been fused into one, and bad a national government been es? tablished?with the facts of history be? fore me, I do not sec how I can teach otherwise than that a purely Federal government was established?a gov? ernment for Statos and by States. Whatever may be my individual opinion as to the guilt of Charles I, whether I do or do not believe that ho ought to have been pat to death, I cannot teach stu? dents that he was guilty of treason, as that crime was then defined in the statute book of England. Nor, whatever I may think of the political treachery of Straf? ford, can I teach that means employed to convict and condemn him were legally or morally justifiable. I may be the firmest believor in the wisdom, justice and good policy of tho alien and sedition acts, but 1 cannot teach that there wero not flagrant violations of the letter and spirit of tho constitution of tho United States. You quote three questions from my examination paper v.'hica you say, are "especially suggestive" and "redolent of Calhounism." Tho first is: "3. Show, by u consecutive statement of historical facts, that the thirteen States, from tho beginuing of their dispute with Great Britain to tho ratification of the constitution of 1787, always acted as sep erato and distiuct political communities, and never as one nation" Allow me to cite a few of tbe historical facts which I asked tho students to state, and let us see whether or not they show what tho question demands. I hold it to be an historical fact that from their original settlement to the declara? tion of independence the thirteen colo? nies were separate and distinct, severally governed by laws of their own making; and, beyond the ties of good neighbor? hood, having nothiug in common except that their inhabitauts wore subjects of the British sovereign. The Congress ot tho colonies which met in 1774 was, as the opeuing lines of its journal show, composed of "a num? ber of delegates" chosen and appointed by the "several colonies and provinces of North America, to meet and hold a Con? gress." The very thing which these delegates did after they organized, was to declare that they were a Congress of separate and distinct political bodies, and that, in all their deliberations, each colony should have one vote. In the credentials of tho delegates I do not find even tho shadow of a bint that any dele? gate represented anything but his own colony, that any delegate claimed to re? present any other people than the people of that particular colony from whom he derived his commission. Tho second continental Congress which met in Philadelphia in 1775, like the first, was organized as a Congress of separate and distinct political oodics, and iu it also each colony had one vote, every attempt to change this rule having been uniformly defeated. Tho declar? ation of independence by this Congress, which Judge Story admits was "an act of paramount and sovereign authority," "an act of original, inherent sovereignty" was made?as we learn from the most authentic record extant, namely, that communicated by Mr. Jefferson to Mr. Madison, and published iu tbe Madison papers, vol 1, p. 9?by the delegates of the several colonies in obedience to in? structions from their respective consti? tuents, ''as no colony could be bound but by. its own consent." Final action on the declaration was delayed until four of the States?little Delaware was one of them?had severally empowered their delegates to assent to it. The title ofthe declaration of independence is? "the unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America." The de? claration says that "these colonies arc and of right ought to be free and inde? pendent States." Washington's commission as Comman? der-in-chief of the continental armies was made out in tbe name of all the col? onies, each colony being expressly nam? ed. Tbe officers of the army swore that they acknowledged "the thirteen United States of America?namely, New Hamp? shire, Massachusetts, etc., etc., (all being named) to be free, independent and sov? ereign States." In the treaty of peace with Great Britain, in 1783, "His Britan ic Majesty acknowledges the indepen? dence of the said United States, viz: New Hampshire, Massachusetts, etc., etc., (naming every one of tbe thirteen,) to be free, sovereign and independent States." The articles of confederation, the first written constitution of the Uni? ted States, were submitted "to the re? spective colonies for their consideration and ratification," and were not of legal force until all the colonies had ratified them. The allegiance of the citizen was due to the laws of the colony of which he wan a member. (Resolutions of Con? gress, June 24,1776.) Under .the confed? eration, each State punished treason, counterfeiting and the like. The per? mission of each State was asked and ob? tained before Congress could raise troops within its limits. Each State bad ex? clusive power to levy and collect taxes and regulate commerce. Congress had no such authority. During the seven yeara of its existence the continental Congress nover claimed to exercise any inherent powers. It nev? er pretended to compel a dissentient colony to conform to its will, even though all the others had severally given their consent. It never enacted a law. It merely cxpressd opinions, passed resolu? tions, made recommendations and re? quests. The very firoi; declaration of the articles of confederation, after setting forth the style of the confederacy, was that "each State retains its owu sover? eignty, freedom and independence, and every power, jurisdiction and right not by the confederation expressly delegated to the Uuited States in Congress assem? bled." The constitution of 1787 was framed by delegates commissioned by the several States "for the sole and express purpose of revising the articles of confederation." In all the discussions the vote was taken by States, each State having one vote, and the proposed constitution was sub? mitted tq the several States, and ratified by conventions of the people of the sev? eral States called for that purpose. In the clause providing for the constitution going into effect when nine State? shall have ratified it, it was declared that it should only go into effect "between the States so ratifying the same." Are not these historical facts, and do they not show that the thirteen States from the beginning of their dispute with Great Britain "always acted ss separate and distinct political communities, and never as one nation or consolidated re? public?" As I read and understand them, they show this and this only; and I cannot teach otherwise. You cannot say that it is political heresy to teach the truth. If I have misstated, perverted or suppressed aay historical fact, I wish you would prove that I have done so. I have not intended to do it. The second question to which you take exception as redolent of Calhounism is as follows: "6. Demonstrate from the provisions of the constitution and the amendments, and from tbe history of its adoption, the Federal character of the government." The equal representation of the States in the Federal Senate, by which a ma? jority of States has the absolute power to veto any measure adopted by the House of Representatives; the impossibility to deprive any State, without its consent, of this equality in the Senate, and the lan? guage of the tenth amended article with reference to the reversed powers of the States, demonstrate, I think, the Federal character of the government. Is it not the prominent idea of the constitution, from beginning to end, that it is a com? pact between States just as much as the articles of confederation were? Does not the history of its adoption prove the same thing? I need only refer to tho striking out of the word "national" wherever it occurred in Governor Ran? dolph's plan, aud the substitution of the words "Government of the United States," to prove that the framers of the constitution believed that they were car? rying out their inteution to frame a Fed? eral, and not a national, government. Surely nobody can read the history of the "Great Compromise" in the conven? tion and come to any other conclusion as to the intent of a majority of the States represented in that body. The third question to which you ob? ject is: "8. Show how the fact that tho consti? tution was submitted to tho Legislatures of the several States, that the Legisla? tures might provide for it* submission to conventions of tho people of the several States, proves that absolute sovereignty was thereby recognized as residing with the people of each State respectively, and not with the poople of all tho States as one mass." It certainly cannot be denied that the constitution was submitted to the State Legislatures, that the Legislatures might provide for its submission to special con? ventions of tho several States, aud that it was so ratified by these conventions. Was not this act of ratification a sover? eign act in the fullest sense of the word? Could the constitution bave bound a single State that might have refused to ratify it? Was it bi'ndiug on Rhode Island and North Carolina during the period of their hesitation to ratify? Do not these facts, referring emphatically to separate State action, exclude the possi? bility of a contemplated fusion of all the States into one mass ? Whether or not, Mr. Editor, had I the making of the constitution, I should fiame it differently, obliterate State sov? ereignty and reduce the States to the condition of dependent provinces, or "districts of people," I cannot change the facts. Mr. Madison, Col. Hamilton and many others who desired a "Na? tional" government "accepted the situa? tion at the time, and whether they liked it or not, declared repeatedly that the government established by the constitu? tion was essentially Federal. I cannot make it anything else, aud so I am obliged to teach. And I do this without any reference to the "lato war," its causes or results. For I cannot see how the late war can be said to have affected the fundamental law, or changed the character of the government. I con? sider the great works of Mr. Stephens and Mr. Calhoun eminently able, per? fectly truthful and critically accurate ex? positions of the constitution, and there lore it is that I have adopted them a* text books in my department.. So long as the constitution remains as it is, I shall be obliged to teach the students, .that ours is essentially a Federal goTorn LEGAL ADVERTISING.?are, compelled ?o require cash payments for advertising ordered by Executors, Administrators and other fiduciaries, and herewith append tho rates for the ordinary - notices, which will only bo lasertcd whan the - money comes with the order: - Citations, two insertions, - H.00 Estate Notices, three Insertions, - - 2.0t Final Settlements, five insertions - ? . 8.0* TO CORRESPONDENTS.?la order to receive attention, communications must be accompanist by tho true name and address of the writer. Re? jected manuscripts will not be returned, unless the necessary stamps are furnished to repay the postage thereon. msst We aro not responsible for the views and opinions of our correspondents. AH communications should be addressed to "Ed- . ltors Intelligencer," and all checks, drafts, money - orders, Ac, should be made payable to the order of E. b. MURRAY a co., Anderson, 6. c. ment, and that we are not a nation in ? tbe sense of a consolidated republic. I think, Mr. Editor, I am quite as will? ing as you can be,^to "let by-gones be by-gones," but I cannot treat historical truth as a by-gone. JI must believe that it is mighty and will prevail. I know how prone men are to reject unwelcome knowledge, and to refuse all knowledge, fact and inference which run counter to their prejudices and! inclinations. I don't suppose, however, that you arc of the number, but that, whether facts are unwelcome or the reverso, whether they ? are congenial or otherwise, you will will-." ? ingly acknowledge truth and do justice. Very respectfully yours, Wm. M. Bbownf, Professor History and Political Science. . A STOBY WITH A MORAL. /The Way to Texas and tho Way Bock. ..' '& The down passenger train from Chat^SH tanooga that reached Atlanta Wednesday, v night last brought among its numerous '" passengers a family of eleven persons who were on their return home to South ? Carolina from Texas, where they have . been existing for tbe past three years.- ./ The head of the family gave bis name as - F. M. Coker, and asked a policeman at the depot to show him and his party to some place where they could stay for the night. The policeman took the entire party to the station-house, where a com? fortable room with a fire in it was placed ? at their disposal. Here they remained until Major D. A. Cook, the kind-hearted and efficient station-bouse keeper, came .'' on duty in tbe morning. Major Cook.- .? upon visiting them in the room, learned ? from Mr. Coker that neither he nor any ' member of his family had eaten a morsel on the day previous, and in consequence were nearly famished for want of-food..- . As soon as Major Cook learned this he sent out and got eleven breakfasts f<~ the ';' starving family. "Well, it would have done you good," said Major Cook to the reporter, "to see. how that family demolished the contents ^' of the numerous dishes that were set be-' fore them. The little ones just pricked up their ears and snapped their eyes as '"r soon as they beard the-rattle of the dish-' es. A little three year old blue-eyed boy sprang out of his mother's lap and com-' : ^ menccd clapping his hands for joy. . ' ' >' "Faces that were without a particle of ".;: life in them changed in the twinkling of an eye and bore expressions of delight. Despite the great hunger of every one ; -1 there was plenty for all, and after a half' '' hour spent in stuffing themselves with the good things, the family, from the old ; man to the baby in the arms of the moth? er, had their appetites fully satisfied." " . ,v' At noon the reporter looked in upon the group. There were the old man and his wife, apparently sixty years, of- age, seated on tue floor, and near them was their family. In conversation with Mr. Coker, the reporter learned that the family went to tbe southeastern part of Texas about three years ago, and that, they had set? tled upon a tract of land that they ren? ted, which is located a few miles from ,' \ Huntsville. During their stay in the Lone Star State, Mr. Coker says he has met with nothing but adversity on every turn. He says that he made poor crops, and in consequence had little to eat. Tbe land he said was poor, and would bring nothing whatever, although he. worked bard to make a living for him- / self and family. Two of bis daughters, - who are grown, assisted him in plough? ing in the fields and worked upon the farm in various other ways. Shortly af? ter their arrival in Texas, the members I of bis family were taken sick with chills ! and fever, and up to the date of their leaving that State, nearly all of them were still subject to this kind of sickness. Mr. Coker says that having become disgusted with tbe land and climate ot Texas, he concluded several months ago to return to his former home, near Wil liamsburg, South Carolina. Every effort that he made to secure money enough upon which to return home proved to be a failure, until a few days ago when he secured two hundred dollars from his brother-in-law, who resides at Williams burg. With this money he at once pur? chased tickets which brought him and his family to Chattanooga. Here he was again without money. The chief of the police learned of the destitute condition ! of the family, and informed Major Hill of their situation. This gentleman soon after repaired to the office of the Wes? tern and Atlantic Railroad and reques? ted the manager to pass tbe family to Atlanta for half rates, stating that 'f the road would do this Chattanooga would pay for the tickets. The request was promptly granted and tbe party arrived in this city without accident, Mr. Coker states that the conductors along the lines over which he was haul? ed have been universally courteous to himself and his entire family, and that he will always feel indebted to them for numerous kindnesses. He says that upon bis arrival at home he will return to his old pursuit, which is farming. His brother-in-law, he says, has promised to give him every assistance that he can to fet thoroughly under way once more in is old State. Mr. Coker says that they can all go to Texas that want to, but for his part he has bad enough, and will re? main the remainder of his life in the State of his nativity. He says that three families wbo reached Texas a few days before he left took the train for home the day after their arrival, they having seen all that they wanted to of that State. Mr. Coker says, that during his sojourn in Texas of three years he only accumu? lated about five dollars, after paying all his expenses and feeding his family. Yesterday Major W. L. Calhoun tel? egraphed to Augusta requesting the su? perintendent of tbe Georgia Railroad to pass the family over tbe line to Augusta for half fare. Major Calhoun says that if the road will do this, that Atlanta will furnish the money witn which to pay for the tickets. At last accounts Mayor Calhoun had not received answer to his dispatch. He thinks that the Georgia Railroad will grant the request and hopes to get the family off to-day. Du? ring their stay hero Major Cook has shown them much kindness. He has allowed them to retain possession of the room and has given them plenty to eat. Mr. Coker, witn his family, will prob? ably get off to-day.?Atlanta Constitu? tion. Vigor of Mind and Body.?Every per? son would have more vigor of mind and body, and mental clearness were they to use a daily diet of unbolted wheat flour. Mix with tho flour dry, Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder, stir in pure water, form a Boft batter, bake in gems or biscuit, and the result will be the most nutritions ar? ticle of food that can be made. Delight all Lovers of Sweet I Scents.?Tbe Unique Perfumes made by I Dr. Price delight, by their lasting char? acter and refreshing fragrance, all lovers I of sweet scents. Dr. Price's Forget-Me , Not, Ylang-Ylang, Musk Rose, Aiista ] Bouquet, and his other odorsjr^J^ sjMotjt exquisite that can b<'J