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. -yfmm Y0RIC?IIL? ENQUIRER. ISSUED SEMI-WEEKLY. l. m. grist's sons, Pubu.h.r., j % ^amitg JFJeicsgageit: ^or thi; promotion of % political, Social, Agricultural niul <rommtt;cial Jnfcresls of thi; jp(op!<. ) established 1855. YORKVILLE, S. C., FRIDAY, JUNE 14, 191*2. . !NTO. 48. ? "THE PROGRESSIVE SEEN FROM NE Splendid Address Deliver Of the Baltimore Sii Carolina Pres * Tuesday At last Tuesday evening's session of the South Carolina Press Association, Mr. Charles H. Grasty, of the Baltimore Sun, delivered the annual address. Being presented by President Watson in a happy speech. Mr. Grasty said: Two things I want to lay stress on In my talk tonight. The first is that the American people are assuredly capable of self-government^ From 1776 to today they have proved themselves capable, developing with every increase of power granted them. There >?"? defeats in the system which It have prevented perfect results In all cases, but there are no vital defects in the people. And my second point is that the newspaper is the agency through which the people will work out their # destiny. We have a clumsy system of developing and registering the will of the people. By reason of the great amount of main strength and awkwardness required the people have not yet taken upon themselves in any steady fashion the tasks of govern+ ment. Perhaps this is the neglect of youth -perhaps -the confidence in his own strength of a young giant who dallies with dangers that he knows he can overcome in his own good time. ^ While the American giant follows his bent?which, in the main, is chasing the almighty dollar?the newspaper is expected to make some kind of bluff at getting representative government. The game can't be made very interesting under existing rules. For both its dullness and its ineffectiveness the newspaper is berated and blamed. There might at least be entered for us the plea in mitigation that was made for the orchestra in ?i the old Leadville dance hall. "Gentlemen"?read the famous sign? "Gentlemen"?notice the politeness? "please don't shoot at the trombone player, he's doing the best he can." We newspaper men are doing the ^ best we can under very adverse conditions. Bslisvss in "Bleachers." The fathers tied us up tight, tentatively, pending a further development of our government capacity under untried democratic institutions. My ^ reading of the history of our people makes me credit them with purpose and sagacity. I am a believer in the "bleachers." The American electorate has been lethargic in the face of the prevailing and unavoidable futility. ^ The people have been sizing themselves up. They have become convinced that their dangers of temperament do not lie on the side of radicalism. They are going to trust themselves a little more and take a some what more active part In their own - affair?. * How shall we change? The anxiety lest we shall act too quick or too radically Is all misplaced, dear, conservative friends. We are a pretty shrewd bunch of Yankees?what do you call them In South Carolina?not crackers? We'll sleep it over a lot before we actually do much. The English system has always seemed to be to mark out safe lines along which a more direct control by the people might be patterned. They have a pretty real representative government over there. And a feature about it not to be despised by us of the fourth Ik estate is that under the English system the newspaper is effective because it is Interesting, and interesting because it is effective. I can never quite get away from the Idea that the highest d\ity of a newspaper is to be "* interesting. Results of Publicity. The beneficial results of publicity are most striking on a world-wide scale. The world scheme of progress In broad outline has been remodeled by steam, electricity and the printing press. We do not profit in full measure in our republic. We are bound down by archaic restraints and restrictions. That is the spirit, as I see it, of the American unrest at this time. ^ Mark you, not being a historian or an economist, I cannot discuss philosophically or profoundly expert questions. You and I are here to swap experiences, and I am here to give you my impressions as formed on the firing line of Journalism. The editor is obliged to shoot on the fly and be shot at "settin.* " The somewhat cynical reading public is inclined to think that the only good editor, like the only good Indian, is a dead editor. ^ The one-cent newspaper is a modern marvel. There is nothing quite like it. price considered, in all our modern civilization. In spite of its cheapness and excellence and the work it is doing for the people. I hear so much criticism and dissatisfaction that I sometimes feel as if journalism snouiu oe un-iuufu wan meuitmc m the Inquiry: "Why Is it that a man will cheerfully pay a thousand dollars to a lawyer to keep him out of " jail and kick at paying ten dollars to a doctor to keep him out of hell?" The newspapers are constantly engaged In an effort to keep the country from going to ruin at one cent a keep. It is from the newspaper angle that I wish to discuss the question of what is the matter with the United States. Perhaps not so very much is the matter as yet. But the people of this generation are right to be concerned now about future generations. We who are on earth at this moment are but a single link in an endless chain. It is manifestly very important that we shall be the right sort of link. Posterity is always the paramount issue. Nothing the Matter. The characteristically cocksure American may come back at me when t p 1 ask what Is the matter, and point to the things accomplished as showing that there is nothing the matter. In certain lines, like municipal PROCESSION AS WSPAPER WINDOW" ed by-Charles H. Grasty, in, Before the South s Association j Night. J government and tariff reduction and our perfectly barbarous currency system, our boasted up-to-datedness reminds me of the story of the late Samuel Spencer, president of the Southern railway. He was riding on one of his own trains and on arriving In Atlanta pulled out his watch and saw that the train was on time to the dot. He sent for the engineer and complimented him and ofTered him a ten-dollar note In .token of - his appreciation. The engineer said no, he couldn't take it; that, "as a matter of fact, this is yesterday's train." We are riding on yesterday's train in many respects. It is true that in our rough and unready way we have gained some ground. But we should always remember that we are the advance guard of the globe-girdling Aryan race and we have had first chance at the virgin continent of the temperate zone. It is time for us to be looking about as to whether our stewardship prospers. With so much failure and futility In many of the details of government, we are properly put on inquiry as to whether the people are geared right with their governmental machine. Is the big engine of government coupled up with the big dynamo of patriotic public opinion? Has somebody tapped the wires that carry the current. We have the best average people. We have the best plant, so to say. Is our backwardness In many essential points, as compared to many other countries, due entirely to our youth, and, if so, what are we doing to make sure that we shall get better as we get older? Assuming, as I do, the purpose and sagacity possessed by the people, those propositions, It seems to me. point to the real significance of the stirring in the country that is called the progressive movement. I cannot discuss such questions as the initiative. referendum and recall with technical expertness, but I can tell you how the procession that' is now passing by looks to him who watches It from the newspaper office window. In spite of the constant criticism and chastisement that we newspaper men are subject to by a public that we try hard to serve?and sometimes I think that the people punish us because we are theirs and they know it, and they are actuated by the sentiment expressed in the homely phrase by Marse Henry that "things have come to a hell of a pass when a man can't wallop his own jackass"?we are struggling faithfully to pull the load of popular indifference uphill. The same causes that tend to diminish popular Interest in government and to make government unresponsive to such Interest as survives our deadand-alive system are constantly and injuriously affecting the newspaper. I admit a selfish viewpoint. The dullness of our politics deprives us of a class of news that not only would make our papers more interesting, but give more power to journalistic leadership and vastly Increase the activities and value of Journalism in public affairs. Demand for Sensationalism. Now, the most common indictment that dally journalism has to face is that it is too sensational and that it deals too much in crime and scandal. The discussion of the progressive movement gives me the chance to show how the defects in our system are responsible in part for so-called yellow Journalism. Few of the editors who are printing sensations like that part of their Job. They are driven to it by competition and public demand. Journalism must get right straight to the people on pain of perishing. Many American newspapers go below the line of average public taste. Most of them stay above. lrf)ok at the English newspaper; by reason of the difference in relation between the public and the government it can afford to devote a much larger proportion of its space than we do to the affairs of government, and it is a kind of matter that interests the human being. The I^ondon paper prints word for word every morning a debate in parliament that makes an appeal to the elemental love of contest in human nature quite as strong as a great football game or a big prize fight. There the giants of politics are hard at it all night long, pounding away at each other and at the government. They are standing up the cabinet ministers and shooting questions at them. and. under the rules of the game, the ministers are obliged to answer. The administration is under constant fire from the opposition benches. At times the government loses its majority, is overthrown by adverse vote, and then there is an election, and the election is on a real and living issue. The people decide directly, and while they are Interested and the facts are fresh. In parliament and before the country, year in and year out, the fight is one for blood, and the English paper gets the benefit of news that is highly sensational, but fit to print in the very best sense. Now, contrast that condition with the one that confronts a press that is obliged to cater to human interest or stop running. I want to ask you If anybody in this audience would read three, or four, or ten columns of a congress debate. In the first place, we have so many congressmen and they meet in such an enormous hall that they cannot hear each other. Under such conditions there can be no debate. It is simply a matter of leave to print. But deeper seated, of course, than that is the fact that we wind up the government every four years like a clock and there is no stopping it until it runs down. We hold elections at fixed times regardless of whether we are voting on timely questions. I wonder how many hundreds of thousands of voters have b?>en unable to vote their true sentiments since 1892, when Grover Cleveland was elected president the last time? In 1896 and 1900 tariff reformers were voting for that prince of protectionism, William McKinley. The issue grows stale or is clouded by some other question by the time we get a chance to vote on It. Suppose that the Republicans, going into power In 1908 with a solemn promise of tariff revision downward, had. after the English fashion, encountered an adverse vote in congress through a coalition of Democrats and insurgents and had been obliged to go to the country on the Payne-Aldrich bill In the fall of 1909? Would we not have had a glorious campaign filled with talk and writing about real things, with the voters using their minds rather thdn their partisan emotion and the newspapers filled with the kind of human Interest stuff that would have been an education for every youngster In every school In this broad land? My friends, it was not In the least what the fathers meant. The government we live under was expressly designed to prevent that kind of popular excitement. Perhaps the fathers at that time were justified in distrusting the people. Perhaps they acted precisely right in providing for delegations of power and various checks and balances for the purpose of keeping within the bounds voters not then intelligent and expert. Must See Chips Fly. Whatever may have been the situation 135 years ago, we find ourselves at this time confronted by a futility that is peculiarly repugnant to the American temperament. An American will cut a cord of wood and be happy about it, but nothing could induce him to hammer on a log for the same length of time with the blunt end of the axe?we must see the chips fly. It Is impossible to get the typical American interested if such interest can result In no action. A deadly apathy thus ensues. The disease deepens and spreads into a paralysis of the functions of citizenship, and Anally results in a sort of political paresis. We are not interested In the questions of government all the year round and in a businesslike, systemat.c way, but once in two years, or once in four years, for two or three months, we work ourselves up into a passion, which Is usually Impotent. When the thing is over the excitement immediately dies down and General Apathy -takes the field again. And yet, Mr. Conservative, you say touch not these sacred forms. And all who do so are anarchists or Black Hands. I will take the liberty of viewing this Black Hand danger in the same way that a similar danger was viewed by a certain business man, who, coming down town one morning, found a letter with a skull and crossbones on It pinned upon the door of his office. It read as follows: "Dear Sir?Unless you send $5,000 to such and-such a place next Tuesday morning at 10 o'clock, we will kidnap your wife. Signed: The Black Hand Society." He turned the letter over and wrote on the other side and pinned it back on the door: "Gentlemen?Your terms seem high, but your proposition Interests me." I am a good deal interested in the proposition to put out of the way the strait-jacket features of the constitution. I am aware that many good people will continue to believe that we don't need to turn our government topsyturvy; that we do need to put some epergy and a little old-fashioned conscience into the discharge of our public duties. I haven't been raised a Presbyterian without hearing a whole lot about duty. I haven't been wearing my life out in an effort to get voters to maintain attention to public affairs without finding out that mere plenty doesn't last long or go far in politics. The newspaper that preached duty, duty, duty all the year round would have to give way soon or late to a red-blooded yellow Journal. Politics Must be Game. The human being must be interested in politics along lines of elementary human interest. The mainspring of all human activities is the love of contest. What is the struggle between good and evil?the Lord and the Devil? A contest. What is the struggle for survival, for bread and meat? A contest. What is business competition? A contest. This principle has been applied successfully in oth^r countries. They have done it in New Zealand, but we don't have to go around the world and across the equator to some outlandish country, or to some Latin country where socialism and anarchy breed, or even to a continental country like Switzerland. All we have to do is to follow the example of our own mother country, where for a long time and with undoubted success they have had a referendum that kept the people thoroughly alive in politics. May we not hope that out of all the agitation there may come some simple mechaniccal change in government that may vivify us without plunging us into some experiment in socialistic democracy? After many a weary year spent in trying to help the people maintain wireless communication with and some sort of long-distance control of recreant representatives, bartering and selling and otherwise misusing delegated power, 1 am not particularly impressed with the saeredness or toe letter of government as handed down by the fathers. We should clearly discern that the fathers were dealing with an electorate inexperienced and uninformed, nor should we forget that, thanks to steam, electricity and printer's ink. we are living in a world wide publicity. Thomas Jefferson said that he would rather have newspapers without government that government without newspapers. When Mr. Jefferson enunciated hat audacious doctrine the American press was in its swaddling clothes. Ther? were no printing machines as we understand machinery today; the issue of papers to immense constituencies was impossible. There were no bic organizations for the gathering ol news and there were no telegraph lines for its transmission. There were no railroads or steamships to distribute newspapers. And yet, in those stage coach days, Mr. Jefferson undoubtedly did say that he would prefer newspapers without government to government without newspapers. The mechanism and organization of journalism have reached a develop 0 by tootfett studio PRESIDENT WILLIA ment not dreamed of 136 years ago. So far as actual publicity Is concerned it may be said that we live In a garish daylight. The news of the world goes to practically every citizen at least once a week. Most of us would not be satisfied unless we had It at least once a day, and many of us want It twice a day. Personally, I wish that I might have a good rest on Sunday or. In any event, that I could have a paper of about four pages with the news of Saturday severely boiled down. It Is useless for a newspaper man to talk about what he wants. There Is a great American public which gets what It wants. In this age of publicity, all Christendom Is one great household. Bvery country and every citizen of every country may know what all of thereat of the world is doing day by day. All the processes of progress and of government have undergone a radical change because of the influence of publicity and intercommunication. If it should transpire that warfare is at an end it will be because nations can no longer nurse secret-grievances and that warlike preparations must proceed with the full knowledge of other nations. Publicity projects Its piercing rays to every nook and cran ny of Christendom. The Aryan began his western odvance from northern India at a snail's pace. It was many centuries before he appeared in Greece. The transfer of his civilization to Rome had to be personally conducted. The Aryan fought his way through Spain and France with a torch In one hand and a sword in the other. On he went, bearing up against the forces of resistance. The head of his flying column now rests on these shores. March of Civilization. The march westward of the white man's civilization was characterized by two great physical processes. There were the inevitable wars of conquest, followed by the mixture of race, with the resultant change of civilization. A pause, a waxing of luxury, a partial decadence, and then in due time an irresistible restlessness and a new movement to the west. As the bees, having completed the work of the hive, abandon the products of their intelligence and energy and swarm for a fresh enterprise, so the great Aryan race has shown its contempt for comfort and luxury and struck out anew in obedience to some deep-seated pioneering instinct which has been the inspiration of the world's progress. The completion of this globe-girdling tour?if, indeed, the full circle is to be rounded out?will be achieved by a different method. The processes that required hundreds of years may be worked out by steam, electricity and printer's ink in a decade. For have we not seen Japan a little heathen country in the antipodes, emerge in a single generation from utter barbarism to a high order of civilization? I am far from thinking that the Jap is a white man or that he is a Christian. Scratch a Jap and you will find a barbarian. I believe that most of us have waked up from the dream that misled us into an unnolnrol oirmnof hv xxrlfVi fKIa Htf lo Vol. low man In his fight with the Rus, slan. Most of us now see that war as it really was?the struggle between one nation standing in a rough way for Christianity and another nation l distinctly and irretrievably heathen. But Japan illustrates my point. Under the old order. Japan would have fought battleships, sanitated an army and conducted government?if at all i ?only after the white race had con quered her and there had ensued an actual amalgamation of race. She ' has done all that on information i transmitted by wire and mail. A people much less quick to learn, but more sturdy, and lying further to i the west in the path of the Aryan bound back home has only wWhin a few months, by means of the modern ' mechanism of steam, electricity and printer's ink, caught the spirit of progress. ' China, with its countless : millions, has aroused itself from its long sleep and started on a career of ' progress, the end of which no man can see. ^ ^ls 1 i^Twr-^H /g3g& I ^JjtM'y^mgL ill?g? F" / V^ -*^ K / J? ^ ' XieTv^^S*^ 'xjspl c U M HOWARD TAFT. With two such nations touching elbows, each the complement of the other, and between them rounding out an almost perfect cosmos of war, government and commerce, we may no longer treat the yellow peril as a figment of yellow journalism. The day has gone by when Arnold's beautiful lines are applicable to the Orient: "The East bowed low before the blast "In patient, deep disdain, She watched our legions thunder past, "Then plunged In thought again." Talk of Mob Rula. But we will let posterity walk the floor about the heathen Chinee and his ways that are dark and his tricks that are vain. It is the Occident, and particularly Uncle Sam's portloa of the Occident, that we are interested in. In the discussion of the progressive policies I hear a good deal of limnrnnt talk amnnnr the Wall Street contingent about mob rule. I have lived in every section of this cotintry and I havf never seen the slightest tendency that way. As a preacher's son Virginia, Kentucky and Texas, a country school teacher In Missouri, and an editor in Missouri, Minnesota and Maryland I have never run across a single thing that has shaken my abiding faith in the American people. Let the dead ones and the cynics who herd on the reactionary side of the line that divides American temperament hold up their hands in horror and predict dire calamity as a result of any change In government, but I want to tell you that# the American people are not going to be bound down by precedent br terrified by the counsels of fear. For it Is not without the courage to dare and the ability to do that the American?the most competent and resourceful human being up to date?is stirred in these times by a great yearning to make the future excel the past. I am not in favor of anything sudden or drastic. 1 believe In growth and development rather than change. It takes twenty years for a walnut tree to grow and you can't get a twoyear-old bull in less than two years. In several states they ore trying out the principle of referendum, and we are at the threshold of a national election in. which magnetic and forceful leaders will drive home the great Isr sues. A certain colonel is one of those leaders, not the only one, though he may think so. That colonel reminds me of another colonel?Colonel Smith, of the Confederate service, who, when wounded, spent the days of his sickness at a house in Virginia. After Colonel Smith recovered and went away the two ladies who lived thenwere interested to know what the darky servant who took care of him thought of him. "He is a mighty nice gen'men." said Sambo, "but that there Colonel Smith he don't think no harm of hisself." In spite of Colonel Roosevelt's ingrained instinct against selfdepreciation, he will add?he is adding?to the gayety and the earnestness of the discussion of the great problems that our people have to solve. And there is Mr. Taft. .He has been figuring and ciphering and claiming 570 delegates 'steen more than enough to nominate. He reminds me of a story I once heard of a teacher who gave this sum in arithmetic to one of his pupils: "If there are twelve sheep In a pasture and six jump over the fence, how many will be left?" "There won't be none," shouted little Willie. "Why," said the teacher," think again." "How man^ does six from twelve leave? Isn't six the answer?" "Teacher, you may know something about arithmetic," came back Willie, "but you don't know nuthln* 'bout sheep." Is a Democrat. I am a Democrat, and I hope and pray that my party may take an active and honorable part in the solution of these problems. I hope and pray that it may avoid the mistakes of the past. I am particularly desirous that we shall turn a deaf ear to the blandishments of those interests which are always with us until they can name our man and are always against us afterward. If we go lookj ing for luck in the neighborhood of Wall street, we will get and we will deserve the fate of the man who went out In the road to pick up a horse shoe and was run over by an automobile. Fellow-craftsmen, the newspaper lias fought the good fight for a sound progressive policy. The standpatters tell us that our hard earned primary has broken down at Its first trial. They arc seeking for pretexts with which to confound us, for we know that the child must crawl before It can walk, and walk before It can run. They tell us that popular rule has brought intemperance of speech and mischievous agitation: but we khow that in apathy and dry rot lurk, the real dangers to the republic. Nobody need feel discouraged. There will be a cyclone of debate between now and election, time?on November 4 there will be a downpour of ballots and on the day after the sun will shine?God will reign?and the government at Washington will still live. The germs of rienth hidp In th* staenant nool. not In the running: stream. I am preaching: the gospel of discontent. "A noble discontent" furnishes the impulse for every great forward movenf^nt. Let us not be content as newspaper men with the part we are now playing In the crusade of civilization. Let us throw in our lot with the progressive forces In the effort to establish a new order In which the people shall be free because they know the uses of freedom and not because a self-constituted ruling class Is willing to vouchsafe a measured freedom. Let us sink or swim, survive or perish, as a people fit for self-rule. Let us plant our feet firmly on the modern acceptation of the ancient doctrine: "Ye shall know the truth and the truth shall make ye free." CRUEL OLD PUNI8HMENTS That Prevailed in ths Tim# of Richard I of England. Old-time punishment for offenses at sea was most severe. The code of the time of Richard I. of England, drawn up for the government of his fleet on the crusades provided "that whoso killed any person on shipboard should be tied with him that was slain and thrown Into the sea. And if he killed him on the land he should in like manner be tied with the partle slalne, and burled with him In the eartli." In Elizabeth's time a thief was to be ducked three times, towed ashore at the stern of a boat and marooned with a loaf of bread and a can of beer. Mutiny was punishable by the culprit's being hanged by his heels "until '.lis brains were beaten oute against the shyppe's side." The penalties Imposed for sleeping on watch were progressive. For the first offense the man was to be "headed" with a bucket of water, on the next occasion he was to be strung up by his wrists and to have two buckets of water poured Into his sleeves, the third time he would be WKmv " & mmm ; H % & by American Press Assoclalloa EX-PRESIDENT THEC loaded with weights and bound to the mast, and for the fourthe time he was to be hanged to the boltsprlte, with a can of beere, and a biscotte of breade, and a sharp knife, and so to hang and choose whether he would cutte himself down and fall Into the sea or hange still and starve." Among the rules issued by Raleigh for the governing of his South American expedition In 1617 was that no ma should be allowed to gamble for his arms or clothes, "on the pain of being disarmed and made a swabber of the ship." A general punishment for i blasphemy at this time was for the ofKnuria tn the mainmast I irilUCI uc wwuiiu kw %?.-w with an iron bit between his teeth, the alternative being a scraping of the tongue. All sorts of old and frequently hideous punishments are to be found described in old manuscripts. In 1775 a man found drunk aboard or ashore was taken care of until the following morning, when, in the presence of the ship's company, he was presented with a pint of salt water, which he had to drink. The dreaded "cat" is probably the best known of these old naval punishments. Whipping was provided for at least as long ago as the fifteenth century, and in Drake's time the regular trouncing of the ship.'s boys by the boatswain on Monday morning was regarded as the only means of insuring a fair wind for the rest of the week.? Chicago News. X&" "I have got to perform a very distasteful operation this morning." remarked the eminent surgeon. "Whaia is that?" "One of my rich patl^^fl wants me to cut a little somethiMBH g WALL ST. FOR ROOSEVELT. Bitter Opposition to Ex-Presidsnt Said to Have Been Withdrawn. Theodore Roosevelt's bitter and most powerful enemies in Wall street have capitulated. Within the past ten days, following a series of conferences at Oyster Bay between midnight and dawn, the whole complexion of the presidential campaign has changed. Not far off Broadway, in the New York financial district, stands one of the nation's largest banks, controlled by perhaps the wealthiest family in the country. To the management of this bank the mention of the name of Roosevelt at any time during the past four or five years has been as the rubbing of salt into an open wound. When, at the last state election. New York was handed over bag and umbrella to the Democrats, one of the controlling directors of the bank, in voice atremble with emotion, said: "It was an awful price to pay, but it was a case of doing anything to get rid of that 'rabid heretic* once for all." The management of this same bank has now declared Itself in favor of Roosevelt, predicting that he will be 'nominated and elected. The explanation of the tremendous II UIISIUUII III tilt? ailliuuc ML tuc |/unv?ful business group which, up to ten days ago, looked upon the ex-preeldent as the most threatening spectre on the business horizon, is this: "We have decided to support Roosevelt because, In spite of all of our fprmer hatred of the man's personality, he is the only man in sight who can give the country the four years of tremendous prosperity for which all fundamental conditions are ripe. "If we are going to have prosperity for the next four years, the railroads of this country must have a moderate Increase In rates. There is no mtfrket for railroad securities to-day, except at Impossible bargains. That is because, with the increase in wages and taxes, aqd with the decreases in rates under government regulation, the investor no longer has the assurance of security of railroad earnings that will make certain even a fair return on his capital. For that reason the Investor has turned almost entirely to industrial issues, which yield 6 per cent or 7 per cent. This change in American investment conditions is momentous. It means that unless greater assurance of security is given to the railroads by the government the railroads will be unable, in the future, to sell their bonds except at prices which mean that such profits as the road may make will be eaten up by Interest charges. That would mean that the vast capital requisite for the development of the country in the next ten years will not be invested. "Theodore Roosevelt is the only man who can convince the people of the United States of the fairness of the f'''' ?4 $%&&'<'/' ? '<'s ^^L. Bk w#$% ''' }. ' *'' Mf&fi&?g wfy . J:^^H \J^ IDORE ROOSEVELT. demand of the railroads that they be allowed to earn sufficient to prevent the diversion of capital from railroad securities. He sees the position the railroads are In. He appreciates the attitude of capital in its demand for the security of fair return, and he knows that with rates at their present level tnere win noi ue mvesieu m ore country's transportation system in the next three or four years the hundreds of millions of dollars necessary to provide adequate Increase of facilities. If he is elected, he will work for a moderate Increase In railroad rates because he knows that will meanopening the flood gates of tremendous investment in railroad development and that that will mean four years of the greatest prosperity the country has ever known. "That is why we shall hencefortH support Roosevelt. His electioi^^H mean four years of trmendo|^H^HH prise, because he has the people and them see the falriu^flR^HM^^H encouraging try's transj)|^BKQHH^BM99H teen bilU^HBMH|H?flH^^E9|| er and Influence of a wonderfully capable man of whom the country has heard little. The country has known for some months that from some quarters in Wall street Roosevelt was receiving support. The question has been how Important these quarters were and whether the support was really sincere or Intended to kill Roosevelt's chances by putting upon him the stamp "Wall street's candidate." With the lining up of these tmpC rtant interests in the financial district In Roosevelt's favor this doubt has been dispelled. The dark eyed little banker who has taken a leading part in this change .In attitude is not well known to print, but is one of the seven American "princes of finance." In common with the other leaders of business, he has a tremendous personal dislike for Roosevelt. But he believes thoroughly that If Wall street Is to get what It wants In the future, it must be gotton by giving the people what they want and not by opposing them. He thinks that the people want Roosevelt; that they trust him; and that. Interpreting or moulding the will of the people, Roosevelt can be relied upon to give Wall street a ''square ueai. Out of the bitterness between Roosevelt and H&riiman has there developed a means for an understanding between the people and the corporations? As Incongruous as It may sound, if Theodore Roosevelt Is elected again to the presidency this fall, it will be somewhat due to the still potent InflUr ence of Harriman, working through the broad comprehensive policy of a better understanding between business and government?a policy whose foremost champion In Wall street is Harrlman's surviving associate, Otto H. Kahn.?Wall Street Journal, June 8th. MYSTERY OF A LOST SHIP. One Boat That "Passed in the Night" Mysteriously. The big freighter Naronlc was one of those boats whose fate the Insolence of the Atlantic kept secret, says the Philadelphia Ledger. The Naronlc on the day of her launching was the largest and strongest ship of her class in all of the merchant navies. Twin screws, then an Innovation in freighters, gave her tremendous power. Eight bulkheads were counted as the perfect protection for her hull. The biggest, aafoAt atviftoaf aan narrUr nro urhat shipping men called her. The Naronic made six round trips from Liverpool to New York, Justifying the boasts of her owners on each trip. Then one day in February she nosed out of her berth on the Mersey full laden and fully manned, bound for New York. Capt William Roberts was her commanding officer; a crew of sixty worked her, and fourteen cattlemen were booked as passengers. The -a5,780-tOn ship was weeks overdue when the first whisper of disaster came shifting in from the Atlantic. The British steamer Coventry put Into Bremen, out of Fernandina, with word that when about 600 miles southeast of St. Johns, Newfoundland, It had one morning passed a lifeboat, riding bottom up on the long swelL The name on the stern of the capsized boat was hidden by the water. Later on the same day the Coventry passed a second lifeboat, floating upright, but almost awash. A sea anchor, made of oars and a spar, was dragging astern at the end of the painter. On the stern, just above the wash of the waves were the black letters "Naronlc." The waterlogged lifeboat was unoccupied. No other trace of the Naronlc was found ' until five months later, when another of her lifeboats was picked up off Azores. This, too, was empty, says Harper's Monthly. Steamship men tried to reconstruct the moment of disaster that had blotted from sight this biggest and safest boat of her class. The place where the Coventry had sighted the drifting lifeboat was approximately 1,200 miles northeast of New York and twentyfive miles south of the eastbound winter track across the Atlantic. There could not have been a collision, because no other boat plying in the vicinity had been missed, not evep a Bank's fisher. Icebergs had not been sighted on the winter track, subsequently it was not probable that the ill-fated steamer had rammed one In a fog or snow squall. The sea ancho? on that second lifeboat sighted by the Coventry gave the only faint support of speculation. Those oars and that bit of spar shipped over the stern, mute testimony to some despairing effort of men in peril, meant only one thing?a storm for no lifeboat could keep upright In a winter storm on the Atlantic. A storm, then, it had been, said the men who tried to read therebus of the sea; such a storm as raises the waves of mid-Atlantic to a height nt KO AO Avon 70 feet from crest to trough. The Naronlc had been overwhelmed by one of these waves and, staunch as she was, had wallowed for awhile, then dropped like a plummet. The Onion.?The onion Is a vegetable that everybody dislikes and everybody eats. People will shudder at the odor of the onion on the breath of some one else. They will draw away and makl faces to themselves like a prohibitionist who is sitting beside some one far gone in strong drink, but when they are placed before a platter of onions they reach for the nearest one. The onion Is really one of natunftffl^^HH^ choicest gifts to man. is thing. It asks n is & thing garden and a spot ofJ^^^HH^^HRQE^KHBj a perfume, its an onlot^^n^R|^B^n|^nH|Hl apoiogiz^MnggKnBnBnHBB^Hl