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^ ^ ISSUED SEMX-WEEKL^ ^ '' l. m. grist s sons. publishers, j % Jfamilg Bemspaper: ^or the promotion of the political, Social. Agricultural and Commercial interests of the people. {T''SiS'Shi.Vivec nt?!an'k established 1855. YORKVIL L E S.~C., F* RI PAY ,~8E jPTEMBER25," 1!)Q8." XO. 77. BATTLE 0T The Political Lea< High TWO SIDES TO THE Mr. Bryan Puts Charges 1 Roosevelt In Manly, S Letter?Mr. Roosevelt Looks Like a Crusher Governor Haskell Giv< For More Talk. Mr. Bryan Demands the Proof. I Detroit, Mich., Sept. 22.?Tne mosti sensational development in the present campaign was the sending today Dyi William J. Bryan, Democratic candidate for president, of a telegram to President Roosevelt, demanding that he produce proof that Gov. Charles N. Haskell of Oklahoma, treasurer of the Democratic national committee, ever was connected with the Standard Oil company. Copies of the telegram were given out for publication just before Mr. Bryan's departure for Ann Arbor, late In the afternoon. The programme of the local committee Included an opportunity to Mr. Bryan to take a long rest in the forenoon, but the statement of President Roosevelt, published this morning, in which the president endorsed the charges made against Gov. Haskell by William R. Hearst, that Gov. Haskell had been connected with the Standard Oil company and had attempted to bribe Attorney General Frank Monnett of Ohio, was sufficient to cause him to forego that much needed luxury and devote himself to the subject of preparing a reply. He call ed to his assistance John E. Lamo 01 Indiana. Edwin O. Wood, national committeeman from Michigan, ancf several others of the Democratic leaders, and also held lengthy conferences over the long distance telephone with New York and Chicago. Altogether Mr. Bryan consumed five hours in these consultations before concluding to address his telegram to the chief executive. Up to a late hour tonight he had received no reply from Mr. Roosevelt. . The Telegram. The telegram is as follows: "Hon. Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States. "Dear Sir: In a statement given out by you yesterday and published in this morning's papers you endorse a charge made against Gov. Haskell of Oklahoma to the effect that he was once in the employ of the Standard Oil com pany and as such employe was connected with an attempt to bribe cr influence Attorney General Monnett of Ohio to dismiss suits pending against the Standard Oil company. In endorsing this charge you attack rtie Democratic party and its candidate, saying that 'Gov. Haskell stands high in the councils of Mr. Bryan and is the treasurer of his national campaign committee,' and you add that 'the publication of this correspondence not merely justifies in striking fashion the action of the adminstration, but also casts a curious sidelight on the attacks made upon the administration both in the Denver convention, which nominated Mr. Bryan, and in the course of Mr. Bryan's campaign.' "Your charge is so serious that I can not allow it to go unnoticed. Gov. Haskell has denied that he was ever employed by the Standard Oil company in any capacity or was ever connected in any way whatever with it or with the transaction upon which your charge is based. "Gov. Haskell demanded an investigation at the time the charge was first made, offering to appear and testify, and he demands an investigation now. I agree with you that if Gov. Haskell So oroiltf OC nhoro-Dil ho is unfit to be connected with the Democratic national committee and I am sure you will agree with me that if he i* innocent he deserves to be exonerated from so damming an accusation. As the selection of Gov. Haskell as chairman of committee on resolutions at Denver and also as treasurer of the Democratic national committee had my approval and endorsement. I feel it my duty to demand an immediate investigation of a charge against him endorsed by the president of the United States. Your high position, as well as your sense of justice, should prevent your giving sanction and circulation to such a charge without proof and I respectfully request therefore, that you furnish any proof which you have in your possession, or if you have no proof, I request that you indicate a method by which the truth may be ascertained. Without consulting Mr. Haskell. I will agree that he will appear for investigation before any tribunal, public or private, which you may indicate, and I will futher agree that his connection with the national commitee and this campaign shall cease in the event that the decision of such tribunal connects him in any way with this charge, or in case you. after an investigation of the facts, say that you believe him guilty of the charges made. "As the candidate of the Democratic party I shall not permit any responsible member of the Republican organization to misrepresent* the acts of the Democratic party in the present campaign. I have assisted you to the extent of my ability in remedial measures which I deemed for the public good which you have undertaken; I have urged Democrats to support such measures and I have advocated more radical measures against private monopolies than either you or your party associates have been willing to undertake. "The platform of the Democratic party is clear and specific on this subject. as on other subjects, while the platform of the Republican party is uncertain and evasive. "The Democratic candidate for vice president. Mr. Kern, joined ttlth me in requesting the Democratic national committee to fix a maximum of $10,000 for individual contributions and to publish before the election all contributions above $100 and the committee THE GIANTS. tiers are Stirred to Pitch. BRIBERY QUESTION Against Haskell Up to Mr. Itraight From the Shoulder Comes Back With What for Governor Haskell, and 2S Out a Reply That Calls acted favorably upon the request. The Republican candidate and the Republican national committee DroDOsed. not publication before the election, but publication after the election. I submit that our committee has given the better evidence of its freedom from connection or obligation to the predatory interests. Our committee has not knowingly received a dollar from an official of any corporation known as a trust, and it will not receive tiny money from such. If any money is contributed by such persons without the knowledge of the committee it will be returned as soon the fact is discovered. "The Democratic party is making an honest and an honorable fight in defense of the principles and policies enunciated in its platform and it expects and will demand fair and honorable treatment from those who are in charge of the Republican campaign. "With great respect, etc., "Very truly yours, "William J. Bryan. "Detroit. Mich.. Sept. 22." President In Reply. President Roosevelt and cabinet spent all of Wednesday in preparing a reply to Mr. Bryan, and Wednesday night mailed him the following, which was at the same time given out to the press: "The White House. Washington. D. C. "September 23d, 1908. M T? trvlnrrro m T'All I CMI. Ill %>\?ui ICICfti Clin j vu speak of so much of the charge against Governor Haskel! as dealt with his relations, while in Ohio, with the Standard Oil company. You omit the charge as to his relations with the Standard Oil interests as shown by his action while Governor of Oklahoma, this very summer, this action being in part taken while he was at Denver, where, as you state, he was by your wish made chairman of the committee which drafted the platform upon which you are standing. In my statement I purposely made no specific allusion to the Ohio matter, and shall at this time make none, in spite of its significance, and in spite of the further fact that Governor Haskell's close relations with the Standard Oil interests while he was in Ohio was a matter of common notoriety. In Oklahoma it is a matter of court record. By this court record It appeared that the attorney general of the state, elected by the people, obtained an injunction to prevent the Prairie Oil and Gas company from building a pipe line: and that Governor Haskell found this out while he was at Denver, as appears by the representations for the dissolution of the injunction made in his name on behalf of the state, before a court of superior jurisdiction to that which had issued the injunction. In this the governor states that the acting governor, in his absence, had asked that the hearing be postponed until he. the governor, might return and have an opportunity to investigate the controversy. The governor sets forth in his petition that he is the sole authority to demand such matters, and that the attorney general and the judge of the lover court had no right in the matter, and that the action of the judge of the lower court represented "an encroachment by the judiciary." The attorney general opposed the dissolution of the injunction, stating that the Prairie Oil and Gas company was a foreign corporation which had not accepted the provisions of the constitution applicable to such corporations and that without authority of law it was employing a great force of men and teams to dig up. across and into various highways of the state for the purpose of laying its pipe lines. The governor prevailed, the injunction was suspended and the pipe line was permitted to continue its work, to use the words of the attorney general, "without any color of law." I call your attention to the fact that the question is not whether or not the judge erred, or whether the injunction was proper. The point is that the governor was alert to take out of the hands of the attorney general what the attorney general felt was his sworn duty to prevent. an alleged instance of the breaking of the laws by this particular great corporation. "As far as 1 have seen, Governor Haskell has not even attempted anything which can he called a defense of this action of his. It thus appears that his action was as inexcusable as it was wanton, except on the theory that in defiance of the attorney general of the state and at all hazards he intended for some reason of his own to protect the interests of a great corporation against the law. It has been suggested on his behalf, after all. he did not favor the Standard Oil company but merely' the Prairie Oil and Gas company. This claim is disposed of by the testimony of the Standard Oil company itself taken in the latter part of 1H07 in the suit now pending before the United States court at St. I?uis against the Standard Oil company. In this testimony the Standard Oil company, upon being required by the governor to put in a list of all the companies in which it held stock, or in which its subsidiary companies held stock, reported among others the Prairie Oil and Gas company, total capital $10,000.000. of which the National Transit company's proportion was $9,999,500; and. furthermore, it appears that the National Transit company had si capital stock of $25,455,200, of which the Standsird Oil company owned $25,451,650. In other words, this Prairie Oil and Gas company was owned, all except $500. by the national Trust com pany, and this National Transit company was owned, all except about $3,r>50, by the Standard Oil company. "Now contrast your action in this case of Governor Haskell with Mr. Taft's action as regards Senator Foraker, as set forth in his letter of July 20th. 1907, which I quoted in my statement. It was a matter of common notoriety about Senator Foraker, as it has long been a matter of common notoriety about Governor Haskell, that he was the defender and supporter of certain great corporation interests and therefore hostile to the policies for which the administration has stood. There was no such convincing proof against Senator Foraker at that time, however, as there was against Govern or nasKen, wneii, as yuu aay, nc ??s with your approval made treasurer of your campaign committee. But Mr. Taft refused to be a party to the renomination of Senator Foraker, even though it was represented that only thus could he advance his own interests, showing by actual deeds, that his words were true when he said, "I do not care for the presidency if it has to come by compromises with any one on a matter of principle." With a hundred-fold clearer evidence before you as to the connection of Governor Haskell with the Standard Oil than Mr. Taft then had. as to the connection of Senator Foraker with any corporation, you nevertheless, having secured Governor Haskell as chairman of the committee to write the platform on which you stand, put him in as treasurer of vour campaign committee. "Let me add that Governor Haskell's utter unfitness for any public position of trust, or for association with any man anxious to make an appeal on a moral issue to the American people, has been abundantly shown, wholly irrespective of this action of his in connection with the Standard Oil interest. As an American citizen who prizes his Americanism and his citizenship far onv mipstinn of nartisanshiD. I regard it as a scandal and a disgrace that Governor Haskell should be connected with the management of any national campaign. "I have not the space in this letter to discuss Governor Haskell's conduct, for instance, in vetoing the child labor bill; or the fact that his name appears as one of the defendants in various suits brought by the government to prevent the Creek Indians from having certain of their lands fraudulently taken: or his connection with various matters of the kind, but let me call your attention to his conduct in prostituting to base purposes the State University, as set forth in an article,in the Outlook of September 5th last under the heading of "Shall The People Rule?In Oklahoma?" rn this article you will see that Governor Haskell was given full opportunity to make every explanation, and that he made none. After setting forth the facts as to Governor Haskell's conduct, the Outlook article concludes as follows: " "On this state of affairs we have two comments to make and two questions to ask. " 'The people of Oklahoma are taxed to support their educational institutions, from the primary school to the university. They pay their money to have their children educated. When the politicians use this money to promote the interests of a political machine or a church sect, they are guilty of a breach of trust. What do the tax payers of Oklahoma think of the use which their public servants are making of the public funds? What do they think about this financial policy?the taking of the money due their sons and daughters and diverting it for the benefits of politicians, ecclesiastical and civil? " 'Governor Haskell was one of Mr. Bryan's right hand men in the Democratic convention, and at Mr. Bryan's instance, has been made treasurer of the Democratic national committee. It is appalling to think what would be the results in the educational systems of the Philippines and Porto Rico, in the digging of the Panama canal, in the work of irrigation and reforestation, in the administration of the postofflces, the interior and agricultural departments. in the appointments of foreign ministers and consuls, if the spirit which has actuated the Democratic authorities in the state of Oklahoma should be permitted to take control of the Federal government at Washington. Governor Haskell, by actions which speak louder than words, has declared his disbelief in Grover Cleveland's motto "A public office is a public trust." and Mr. Haskell is a representative leader in the Bryan Democcraey. What does Mr. Bryan think of Mr. Cleveland's principle? What do the American people think of Mr. Haskell's contemptuous reversal of it?' "You close your telegram by saying that you expect and will demand fair and honorable treatment from those who are in charge of the Republican campaign. I am not in charge of the campaign, but am greatly interested in it. I have shown you in the above fairly and honorably that Governor Haskell is a man who, on every account I have named, is unworthy of any position in our public life. No further investigation of these facts is required. They are spread on the record before you, and they were available before Mr. Haskell was chosen for his position as treasurer." Haskell Hits Back. Guthrie. Okla., September 23.? Governor C. X. Haskell tonight issued a statement to the Associated Press in reply to President Roosevelt's letter to Wm. J. Bryan, dealing with four specific charges against Mr. Haskell. namely: That he is subservient to Standard Oil: that he vetoed a child labor bill: that he dealt extensively in Creek Indian lands and that he had allowed politics to dominate in the removal of members of the faculty of the state university and the appointment of others to succeed them. Governor Haskell took up the four charges as dwelt upon by President Roosevelt in turn, dealing with each in a characteristic manner. The Prairie Oil and Gas company charges Governor Haskell declared to be a "joke on Roosevelt's stupidity," asserting that he had done nothing which would confer upon the Standard Oil subsidiary company more .authority than it already possessed under a franchise granted it by Secretary Hitchcock. "1 assert that it is fair for me to assume that if my case was to be dignified by an all day cabinet meeting that beyond question Mr. Hearst and his campaign associate, President Roosevelt, left no sftone unturned to blacken my character. That being true, they certainly raked Ohio fore and aft concerning the Ohio Standard Oil cases of 1899 and finding absolutely nothing reflecting on me, the president tried to waive his charge of last Monday aside by saying he will make no allusion to that. He drops this subject because-his original statement was untruthful and he must know from what he knows and tried to find in Ohio that I spoke the truth when I said that I never in all my life had any interest in, connection with nor service for that company. "I say the president knows now that my statement is true and I regret that he tries to brush it aside without doing me candid justice. Were I to adopt the character of language so commonly used by the president, 1 would spell it in rewer letters man 'falsehood.' "Mr. Roosevelt, I hope to speak in Ohio soon. May I hope to divide the time with some partisan of yours or Prince William, who will defend your action in this instance? "President Roosevelt comes to Oklahoma and finds a substitute for his Ohio failure, does he, in the case of the state against the Prairie Oil and Gas company, which he complains I compelled to be dismissed! "Yes, I did have it dismissed. We all know that the Prairie company is a Standard Oil offspring, and don't forget the president claims to have known this also, and I charge that the political allies, Hearst and Rooseveft, both know that I acted properly. "First, the Prairie Oil compahygot its franchise in our state, not from me, but from Roosevelt's secretary of interior, long before statehood began, and had its main line built and operating, and congress in our statehood bill was careful to declare that our new state, when organized, must respect all such vested rights and existing franchises. That was all I did and the Federal courts stood ready to call me down if I violated the Roosevelt territorial franchises. "Now, Mr. President, why did your secretary of the interior grant what you knew to be a Standard Oil pipe line franchise in our then helpless territory and fasten it on our new state by a permanent statehood bill? Will Mr. Hearst or the president please answer? I will also remind the president that the company tried to enlarge its rights so as to include a gas as well as an oil privilege. Tnis I defeated, and even last April, Mr. President, your secretary of interior tried to help the Standard Oil to get gas privileges against my protest by actually granting them a franchise to lay an interstate gas line also. I notified the secretary that with statehood your days of giving valuable franchises in our state had passed and I would resist laying the pipe only after you yielded and cancelled your unlawful act. "I again assert that my act in that Qase was not only required by what Federal authority had been unable to do, but that the public interest of our own people, based on conditions growing out of your original special favor to the Standard Oil company in granting that franchise, required me to pursue that policy in the case you criticise, "The president comes to the local affairs of our state and assails me for vetoing a child labor bill. "True, I did so, simply because the bill went too far and included things not desired by our people. Union labor representatives approved my veto. T hnrio 1h? nresidfint will survive this veto of a local bill and permit us to run our local affairs. "The president complains that we removed certain professors from our state university, our three state normal schools and preparatory school in violation of civil service rules. That is, the president, in his usual impetuosity and reckless disregard of others, misstates the facts. Less than one-ftfth of the faculties are changed. All changes were for good cause other than politics and done by boards of regents and not by the governor. The president complains that there are several suits pending against me to reclaim Creek Indian lands. The president should have gone further and said that 1 was not a dealer in Indian land and only came in as a subsequent purchaser and was only incidentally a party without personal interest at all, and especially he should have said that it is quite apparent that those who are being sued in those land cases appear to be, and apparently are, the victims of political chicanery, which the president can better explain than I. "In short, the president and Mr. Hearst picked the wrong man and are now driven into ward politics rather than surrender like men. "The president assumes that all Oklahomans are grafters just because his territorial associates Justified the name: that all ex-railroad contractors are bad just because Paul Morton needed his protection; that we all in Oklahoma violate the civil service law just because Mr. Roosevelt removed the best United States marshal we ever had, the only reason being he voted for a good Democrat instead of a bad Republican and then the president appointed his cousin to fill the vacancy "As to the reports of labor on a. child labor bill, and my work in the interest of labor, Mr. President please remember, with me, it's doing things. With you it's talk only. You are the same president who threatened to turn down our constitution because it provides a jury trial in certain contempt cases. Don't forget, Mr. President. I flatly dared you to make that objection. Rut as the price of your approval you did compel us to cut the prohibition or removal of personal injury cases against foreign coifx rations from state to Federal I courts and several other good provisions that would benefit humanity and curb special interests. Xot content with your own threats against our constitution, you sent Secretary Til ft here t<? spean in our campaign a year ago to induce the people to vote to turn down the best constitution ever written. We remember that we preserved Mr. Taft's speech. It differs widely from his speeches of thif vear. "Knowing all these things, the president must pardon us for thus taking issue with the occupant of the high office we all respect. Let us hope that in the future he will appreciate and preserve its dignity and not try to reflect upon the character of a humble citizen.. We fail to concede his false position when he knows it is false. "C. X. Haskell. iUioccllanmuo Reading. REPUBLICANS ARE ALARMED. Looks Like New York Situation Is Very Doubtful. "What are you fellows trying to do? scare us this early in the campaign?" Inquired a man who is conspicuous in business circles here, of an officer of the Republican national committee this evening. 'What do you mean?" the latter asked in turn. | "Why the newspapers are full of matter tending to show that Bryan has Taft on the defensive, is stirring up the middle west against the Republicans, s.nd expects to carry- New York. Is thai: true or not, or are you folks planning a raid on our bank accounts?" The Republican politician's answer is immaterial, for the point to this Uttle colloquy Is that a genuine scarethas set In among the so-called big Interests, particularly those with Republican leanings. Most of the news that has reached New York tells of Democratic aggressiveness in the states which are debatable?Indiana, Ohio, Kansas, Nebraska, Illinois, etc. These tidings have been so consistently of the same general trend that at last Republicans have awakened to the fact that a real danger confronts them; that confidence begot of former triumps may be misplaced and that Democracy is making headway which, if unchecked, will sweep Bryan into the presidency. It was pointed out in a previous dispatch that, as a general rule, the larger business interests of the metropolis preferred the election of Taft to that of Bryan, and that this preference was inspired by the belief that commerce and industry would more readily be restored to normal conditions if the Republicans continued in power at Washington. When Bryan came here he was quick to discern this sentiment, and started in at once to attempt to counteract it. In his speeches he repeatedly declared thot tKoro woo tin ron ann fnr ctinh r1i<3 quietude in business^circles; that Democratic administration did not signify turmoil, disaster, or hard times. That, he assured his audiences, was a Republican deception practiced with success in the past, and should not frighten the people any more. In pursuance of a definite plan to conciliate business men who have been opposed to him in the past, he directed the national committee to send all radical stump speakers to the middle west and assign only men of proved conservatism to proclaim Democratic doctrine in the east. This is illustrative of the tactics this consummate political leader is employing these days. Now that the Excitement incident to the Republican and Democratic state conventions and the visit of Bryan has subsided, the managers of the two parties are beginning to take stock. The Democrats find more cause for satisfaction than the Republicans do, for reasons specified in recent dispatches. Tlie Democrats have more to accomplish in order to carry New York than the Republicans, because the state has been in the control of the Republicans since 1894, and they have had plenty of time and opportunity firmly to intrench themselves. But their adversaries have succeeded in weakening their grip, and now the Republicans must regain what they have lost. This means they have less an advan tage than they had a week or two ago, but still some. If they prove their ability to prevent further inroads by the Democrats, to adjust their own differences, and to get into a position where they will no longer be on the defensive, the chances are the electoral vote can be saved for Taft and Sherman. If incompetency characterizes the management of their campaign, internal dissension does not cease, and much is left to luck and Providence, Bryan will finally score a victory. In summarizing the situation in New York at this stage of the campaign, it may be said that Taft should carry the state, if? First, the support of the business interests, whose disposition since 1896 has been to assist the Republican party, is not alienated to a more palpable degree than at present. Second, Governor Hughes maintains his inherent advantage over Lieutenant Governor Lewis Stuyvesant Chanler, due to his services at Albany, and his being the initiator of various reforms to which his Democratic opponent has subscribed. m u: ~ /i Tr>flo?\nn/1onnp rmrtv Tin I IlIIU, IIIC lUUCi'Viiuviivv , (ler the skillful leadership of William R. Hearst, polls the vote its friends are predicting?between 170.000 and 200,000?or, the Republican managers anticipate, about 100,000. Bryan should swing the state into the Democratic column if? First. Tammany Hall's professions of support and loyalty prove to be absolutely .sincere, and it does not trade votes on the presidency for votes for the state, legislative, and county tickets. There is still some suspicion as to Tanjmany's pretensions in high Bryanite circles. Second, certain large business interests satisfy themselves that they no longer need fear Bryan as chief administrative officer of the nation, and that his repeated assurances to this effect are to be depended upon. Third, Republican disorganization continues in consequence of the interference by the national administration last week with the Saratoga convention. These are the primary factors which will contribute to the success of one party or another. By the middle of October?by the third week of next month at the latest?the campaign will have passed the formation stage, and the developments should he sufficiently susceptible of intelligent interpretion to enable one to judge in which direction the tide is inevitably running. Today, as previously stated, the odds still appear slightly in Taft's favor, although they have heen noticeably reduced by the ingenious and effective tactics of Bryan and his managers.? -xr?i. i ontVi *<? \Vrnchintrfnn ,\CW I OI K spruun, .uiii . ? Post. Rkmovkd Fhom Sight.?A small girl, Inst at Coney Island, was kindly cared for at the police station until her parents should he round. The matron endeavoring to keep the child contented. had given her a candy cat, with which she played happily all day. At night the cat had disappeared. and the matron inquired if it had been lost. "No." said the little maid. "I kep* it most all day. But then it got so dirty I was shamed to look at it, so I et it."?Youth's Companion. NOT MEXICAN WEEVIL. Report That Pest Exists In This State Is Erroneous. The following articles, contributed by Mr. H. W. Barre, botanist of the South Carolina experiment station at Clemson college, and Mr. A. H. Conradi, enI tomologist of the experiment station, will prove of interest to the farmers of the state, in view especially of the recent reports that the boll weevil had h#>An foiinil In this state. Mr. Barre's statement concerning the cotton pest is as follows: "Anthracnos a Boll Disease." "Articles have appeared in the various newspapers of the state within the past few weeks stating that the Mexican boll weevil was present in some sections of South Carolina and was causing an immense amount of damage to the cotton. On investigation these reports, without exception, have been found to be erroneous and the trouble has been found to be due to a fungus disease which' is known as anthracnose. "Anthracnose is a kind of boll rot which Is caused by a minute vegetable organism, a fungus, and is in no way connected with any insect work. The symptoms of the disease are such that it can be readily recognized. It first appears on the bolls as small oval or round, dark-colored. sunken areas. These spots or diseased areas increase in size until they sometimes cover onefourth of the surface of the boll, or several spots may occur at different points on the boll at one time, and these as they increase in size converge and form large irregular diseased areas. In the later stages of the disease these spots are covered with a pinkish, powdery mass, this pinKisn coloration is very characteristic of the disease. The powdery looking surface is a mass of the fungus spores (tiny seed-like reproductive bodies). "Bolls affected \ylth the disease open poorly or not at all. Where they do open, the locks of cotton are stained and rotten so that the diseased bolls are a complete loss. In some cases practically all of the bolls on a stalk will rot in this way. "The organism which causes the disease, as indicated above, is a tiny, parasitic, thread-like plant, or a fungus which penetrates the tissue of the boll and ramifies it with filaments which are so small they can not be seen except with the aid of a compound microscope. The growth of these threadlike structures in the boll either cause the tissue to be broken down or secretes some poisonous substance and retards the growth of the boll. This causes the affected parts of the boll to rot, the general effect being somewhat like irots of fruits, potatoes, etc. The fungiis is reproduced by the little seedlike foodies or spores, which are produced by thousands in the pinkish areas on the surface of the diseased bolls. These tiny spores are blown by the wind, carried by insects or washed, by rain to neighboring bolls and there start the disease anew. "With this very efficient means of reproducing itself, the disease spreads rapidly when weather conditions are favorable and is truly characterized as a contagious disease. This makes it hard to fight, for anything that blows about everywhere in the air or is washed about by rain water readily spreads at will. It can not be controlled by spraying, because it would be too expensive to spray large cotton fields. Like seed plants, though, these fungi pass through a dormant period. They thrive during warm, damp weather, but their growth is checked when the weather is dry or when winter comes on. It is when they are in the dormant condition that we must fight them. The anthracnose fungus lives qyer the winter In the dead bolls and stalks and in the soil, and it is there ready to attack the cotton when it comes up in the spring. By rotating crops in such a way as to not plant cotton on the same field two years in succession we can starve out the fungus and in that way get rid of it. At the same time it is necessary to select seed from stalks or from fields which are not affected with the disease, for if seed are planted from diseased stalks the fungus will germinate about the same time the seed does and infect the seedling plants as soon as they are up. "We find also that some varieties of cotton are more susceptible to the disease than others. In the variety tests at the experiment station we find some varieties badly diseased and some scarcely affected at all. Information will be given out later to those interested as to what varieties show most inclination to become Immune to attacks of the disease. "Anthracnose is becoming a serious pest. It occurs to a certain extent in every section of the state and unless some effort is made to check its spread and to blot it out, it is sure to become ever more destructive. The botanical division of the South Carolina experiment station are making a special study of this disease and will be glad to give out any further available information to individuals by personal letter. H. W. Barre, "Botanist South Carolina Experiment station." Mr. C'onradi has this to say about the insect which has been found in cotton bolls in this state: Cotton Boll Weevil. "There have been reports in the newspapers of the state concerning the occurrence of cotton boll weevil on cotton plantations of South Carolina. These reports have been carefully investigated and personal inspection made as far as possible by the botan ist ami entomologist of the South Carolina experiment station. These insects proved to be the acorn weevils, which are very common ail over the southern states at this season of the year. They breed profusely in acorns and emerge from them at this time to go into winter quarters. These weevils are larger than the Mexican cotton boll weevil and have a longer, more slender and somewhat more curved proboscis. One way of distinguishing the cotton boll weevil from the many other weevils that occur in the southern states is to carefully examine the knees of the front legs. Immediately above the elbow there is a swelling on each front leg. which bears two spines, a larger and a smaller. It Is not necessary to have a magnifying glass to observe this character, but a careful observer will notice It by examining the Insect with the naked eye. "We wish furthermore to state that the Injury by the cotton boll weevil is caused by its habits of puncturing or boring into the squares and bolls. These punctures resemble openings made by a coarse needle and where the insect only fed from the square these holes are left open, causing decay in the square. Where the female, however, has deposited her eggs in such an opening It is carefully sealed in every Instance with the chewed material when making the puncture, and this work may be readily recognized by conspicuous pimples. Generally within seven days after tnts puncture taxes place the square will drop to the ground. The eggs will hatch in the course of two days and the young larva will eat the Inner contents of the square, transform to the third stage, known as pupa, after which It becomes a full-grown weevil. All this takes place inside of the square, the weevil eating Its way out after It Is mature. "A. G. Conradl, "Entomologist South Carolina Experiment Station." PRINTERS' BLUNDERS. Comic Effects Frequent In the Days When Bad Copy Was the Rule. Typographical errors that produced weird or comical effects are described by the St. Louis Republic in an article recalling the days when all of that newspaper's type was set by hand, before the introduction of typesetting machines, when the copy, instead of being typewritten, was turned over to the printer in an infinite variety of good, bad and indifferent chlrography. Comparatively few of the errors were allowed to contribute to the gayety of the subscribers, as the majority were squelched in the "house of correction," as the proofroom was facetiously termed. From a collection made by a proofreader the following instances of ridiculous misreading of copy are taken: "His blushing bride" was transformed into "his blustering bride." A captain was said to have "served with destruction in the Confederate army," but the writer thought he wrote "distinction." Two pictures entitled, "The Galley Slave" and "Each In their Turn" were referred to as "The Galley I Love" and "Enoch In Shin Town." Having Irr mind the Influence of former citizens of the land of the shamrock upon the political destinies of the town, what more natural than that the printer man should set up an "Irish district court" where It had been the "first district court?" Professor Frank Geeks was mentioned as having rendered "violent selections" rather than "violin selections." Somebody was quoted as saying that "all the singing folks on the vaudeville stage have hundreds of wives," but the copy, when carefully examined, was found to read "husbands or wives," and a sensation In the theatrical world was averted. "They sailed for three days around the cape an'd finally slaughtered a small Italian'" was corrected to read "sighted a small Island." On one occasion the reporter wrote of certain "dwarfed and hungered children." who' were made to appear perhaps more pathetic when the compositor substituted the words "doorfed and haggard." "He takes delight in talking on his family shame" was a shameful thing to say about him, for "favorite theme" was meant. "Red Cross Society Will Fight Corbett" was the way the typesetter transformed the copy concerning a crusade against cholera. THE IDEAL HEIGHT. For a Man It Is an Inch and a Half Under Six Feet, Recruits who are much over six feet tall are not desired for the United States army. There are exceptions, of course; but, as a rule, men who run much over six feet lack depth of chest and by reason of inadequate lung capacity fall below the average in power of endurance. The ideal height for a man, according to observations from a military point of view, is an inch and a half under six feet. It does not seem to be intended by nature that the male human animal shall exceed this stature if due regard is to be had for development at all points. On the other hand, It is an obvious disadvantage for physical effectiveness to be under the average number of inches. At five feet ten and a half a man attains his best development of muscle and bone, with highest vital efficiency. Just what is the average height for a man seems to be not satisfactorily settled. Obviously it differs largely with race, we and the Japanese representing among civilized peoples the two extremes. On the other hand, the American Indians are taller than we are, and the aborigines of Patagonia are \ no amnph lue iwiueai iwirv. in mc ?unu, as the men commonly run over six feet in height. When the early Spanish explorers described them as a race of giants they were not far from the fact. Even in the United States the-stature seems to vary considerably with locality. During the civil war, from the beginning to the end of which our government put into the field and on board of fighting ships more than 2,500,000 men. the tallest recruits came from Kentucky, averaging over five feet eight and a half Inches. Kansas, Minnesota. Missouri, Californta and Nevada came next in the order given, all of them over five feet eight. Maine, Illinois and Michigan averaged five feet seven and four-fifth inches and Ohio and Pennsylvania a trifle less. Recruits from Massachusetts and Connecticut stood at the foot of the list, measuring five feet six and a half inches. After fifty years of age the human body begins to undergo a progressive shrinkage. Not only do the muscular tissues lose bulk, but even the bones become smaller. Meanwhile there is a contraction of the cartilaginous tissue between the vertebrae of the backbone, ...i. i ?i, ? Iaoo r\f hoicrh t a TTlfl Fl WHICH a v/oo v/i uviQMt, originally six feet tall frequently losing as much as an inch and a half of his stature by the time he is seventy years old.?Saturday Evening Post. tv The grasshopper jumps about 200 times its own length. DEATH OF A WOMAN. There It Need For More Humanity In Thit Christian World of Ours. A woman killed herself Monday night because her child was 111 In a distant state and she had no means by which she could reach It. The woman was earning her bread in the sweat of her face. Her child was in Oklahoma. The woman's husband was dead. The woman had few acquaintances and no friends here. She was a stranger in a strange land. She felt that If she did not reach her child at once she would never see it alive, yet she knew no one to whom she could turn for aid or sympathy. There is no condition that is so destitute among strangers. A destitute man can get food and clothing for the asking. All that he has to say is that he is without work and out of funds, and men will give to him and ask no questions in return. With a woman it is different. Often if she seeks aid she is Insulted. Often she is Jeered at, and men and women, if they do not know her, in her hour of distress turn away from her as something unfit to receive a kind word or material aid. A man can walk the streets, sleep in an open lot today, get a Job tomorI w/vitf on/1 of fKo on/1 /\f Via nr/Wilr TIT I Vl ivyn, anu at biiv vtiu v*. tuc n> wn* *? wages In his pocket, can stand the peer of any other man on earth, asking no favor and able to fight any battle. If' prosperity follows him, and he be| comes rich, he will talk over his wine and walnuts of his early struggles, of his hunger and of his beggary. And a woman- is prouder and more sensitive than a man, and rather than make her destitution known she is content to die. A woman will starve rather than beg, not so with man. There is a man who owns a building in New York city today, which stands opposite a great park. This building 13 worth probably 110,000,000. The man himself is worth 130,000,000. Once he sat by a window in this building which he owns and looked across at an iron seat in front of the city hall, and here is what he said: "Many years ago I came to this country ignorant of the English language. One night I slept on an iron bench, which I now see under the tree in the park across the street. The next morning I had to beg for a chance to work to earn money to buy my breakfast." A woman can have no such expe rience. Women are weaker than. men. They are less able to struggle for existence than men, but with all that, the struggle is made harder for them. Our civilization Is strangely out of joint and our system of society Is strangely unfair, that we make the struggle for existence easier for strong men than for weak women. We hope the good God was merciful to the woman who took her own life because she could not get the money to go to see her dying child, for she suffered much when she lived.? Memphis Commercial Appeal. AN HONE8T ARTI8T. He Would Not Paint a Lie Even For a Napoleon. There was no love lost^ between the Emperor Louis Napoleon and his cousin, Prince Napoleon, whom the Parisians called "Plon Plon." The prince used to make abusive speeches agralnst the emperor, which people were only too ready to repeat to him. "Let him alone," Louis Napoleon would reply. "He Is too well known. No one would turn me out to place him on the throne." The emperor was correct, for no one said a good word about "Plon Plon." He was commonly believed to have shown the white feather In the Crimea and never exposed himself where the * A ? TTW.^1I?V* 1 rsAir ieaa was iauin^. ah ^iigiisii mu; who In her younger days mingled with French society tells in her "Foreign Courts and Foreign Homes" a story as discreditable to Prince Napoleon as it is honorable to a French artist. While the artist was painting the , historical picture of the battle of the Alma, which the emperor had ordered, Prince Napoleon called at the painter's studio to make known to him the facts. On leaving he said he * wished the prominent figure in the battle to be himself mounted on his white charger. He sent the horse to the artist, so that he could paint its exact portrait. When the picture was finished and invitations were sent out for a "private view," the white charger was seen, a pVominent figure in the battle, but without a rider. On hearing of this terrible omission the prince sent an aid-de-camp to ask the reason. The honest artist said the horse should remain if the prince wished, but no rider would be on it. ."Tell the prince I have never yet painted a, lie." The hint was taken. The prince ordered the horse to be rubbed out. A CASE IN POINT. Why the Postmaster Leaned Toward the Sheriff There is a town in northern New Hampshire where the families have intermarried to such an extent that it is difficult for an outsider to make the least criticism on one person without the danger of offending some of his family connections. When an unfortunate visitor commented on this fact to Mr. Corbin, the postmaster, Mr. Corbin nodded violently. "Bill Harmon, that's our sheriff, complained of that no longer ago than last week," said he. "You see, it took him more'n a fortnight to arrest Nate Giddlngs because Nate got wind that he was wanted on a little matter o' selling hard cider, and he went on a round o' visits among his relatives?aunts, nephewsin-law and I don't know what all?and 'twasn't till he'd had his fun and went back home to his wife that Bill could make the arrest without seeming to kind o' butt in. as you might say, and spoil the reunions." "I should think he would make a queer kind of sheriff," said the visitor. t.i " *1 * oAMflmanfol \. aitins Ull II1UL 11I11C 1U1 sciiuiiictimr reasons and then arresting a man when he went home just because his poor wife wasn't a relation!" Mr. Corbin drew himself up and assumed a remote expression. "That's as you look at it," he said in a chilly tone. "I may be a mite prejudiced In Bill's favor, as he married my son-in-law's youngest sister. Anything that concerns him concerns me, you understand."