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\ *4* -iir^ YOR tsii-WEEKL^ l. m. grist & sons, PnbUshers.} % ^amilj) 3}e?rapa|>erj_ 4or the {promotion xr)f )ht political, Social, ggricultural, and Communal Jnteresla of tht geoglt. m^in a^anm. ESTABLISHED 185iL YORKVILLE, S. C., WEDNESDAY, APRIL 30, 1902. NO. 35. ' , ? THE SPUR BY ASBZiB Copyright, 1901, by Charles B. Etherlngt CHAPTER VIII. THE FALL OF GREDSKOV. ^HEY darted from the dungeon only a few minutes before the I A armed ?uar(ls entered I I to obev the command of Stunoritcb. The cries of the prisoners, ({ Z~?s&^f who were l>elng ruthlessly murdered, rang through the corridors of the prison. Kevskl led Darrell by a dark and narrow way Into a dungeon similar to the one he had quit But here there was evidence that the guard had already been to obey the commands of the general Two young mountaineers lay upon the earthen floor with the lifeblood flowing from gaping wounds In their breasts and throats. There was a window In this dungeon, as In Darrell's. It opened directly over a stone stairway leading to a parapet In the defenses of the city. There were bars In the window, but Kevskl found an iron Instrument, with which the two men wrenched the bars away. Then they climbed through the window and ran up the stairway. In a small room on top of the wall there was a gunroom or small armory. Here were some spare uulforms that were held for the soldiers of the garrison. Darrell put on one of them over his other clothing. "Now we must take our places with , the defenders," said Ivevski. He had scarcely uttered the words when a lieutenant on the lookout for stragglers appeared at the door and ordered them to follow him. They joined a party of a dozen men and ( when they emerged from the prison fell Into line with a company that was forming. It was a motley crew, but was officered by experienced soldiers ( and well enough armed. Presently Darrell found himself upon the walls In a position commanding a view of a stretch of land so rough as to preclude j the idea that an assault would be made , at that point. , The nearest line of the enemy was upward of 500 yards distant, and there was a scattering aud useless fire from both sides. Two batteries of light field guns were visible farther back, but they were not In action. Between them and the skirmish line a considerable body of troops in fairly good formation were moving around to the right. From that direction came the heaviest firing, and there seemed to be considerable artillery at work. Wild shots from these guns occasionally flew clear over the town, and this fire, almost in their rear, constituted the chief danger of the defenders at the point where Darrell was posted. Some shells burst rather close, but no one was hurt. Darrell'8 share in the battle consisted In firing often enough to escape attracting the attention of an officer, but under the circumstances he found no difficulty in avoiding the chance of hitting any of the besiegers, whom he viewed as friends. Presently the faint sound of cheering floated across the rugged expanse from the lines of the encircling enemy. It came from the left where there were trees that interrupted the view, and the cause of it was not immediate- < ly obvious. Soon, however, some | mounted officers appeared beading a j force which even at the distance showed a superiority of drill and equipment. The sound of the cheering increased. Evidently some idol of the army was | among the officers. One of them, in- ( deed, was seen to be distinguished by a rich attire, and the sunlight flashed , upon his plumed cap and the hilt of his , sword as if they were set with jewels. A long cloak of scarlet bung from bis shoulders, and that, too. seemed to be Jeweled upon the clasps at the throat. The word ran along the ranks of the defenders upon the wall: "That is Motman Khan!" I And at the command of an officer there was some trial of marksmanship, but the range, though not beyond the , power of their weapons, was far too long for the skill of the men. The , splendid cavalcade moved on unharmed. For an hour or more the conditions remained nearly unchanged, so far as Darrell could observe. There was a slight increase of artillery fire upon the right, and the number of guns in action surprised Darrell, for the country round Gredskov was not favorable for the transportation of cannon. They seemed to be small pieces, it is true, but of a good modern type, to judge by the execution wrought by some of the shells. Gredskov was on fire in a nlonao onH tho omnto rnsp straight up In the perfectly still air, hanging In the form of a great umbrella that spread wider and darker over the doomed city. In the shelter of a row of stone buildings on the other side of an open space that lay between the wall where Darrell was and the close built portion of the town a crowd of terrified people were huddled. They seemed to be mostly old men and boys. "Where are the women?" asked Dnrrell of Kevski, and the latter replied that a great many had left the city, the besiegers having guaranteed them safety among the hills. Darrell was surprised at this evidence of civilized warfare, and he said so. "Wait till the town is taken," answered Kevski, with a shudder. At this moment there came a great access of tumult from across the city. The noise of rifle firing increased. Terror stricken men and children, with OF FATE. y Townrxi. on. a few screaming women, poured out from among the bouses. Then came a heavy explosion that shook the very wails. A reu glow liaiueu lu iuc UICI- a banging cloud. t "It Is the magazine under the east c wall!" cried Kevski. "A shell has blown It up. There must be ruin as a 1 result of It" 1 Even the officers had turned their t backs upon the enemy. They were f staring across the city. A horseman e came dashing across the open space, c He yelled like a maniac, addressing the colonel commanding in that quarter. Then a shell came groaning over the " housetops. It struck the earth almost under the hoofs of the horse that bore the messenger, and they vanished, man and beast, in a flash of flame and a cloud of sand, through which Darrell dimly saw the colonel, who stood upon c the edge of the wall, reeling and with his hands clutching his breast A captain, springing forward, clasped bis superior in his arms, then lost his own v balance, and they both fell headlong to t the ground, where they lay still. f' It was one of those incidents that a have the seeds of panic In them. Men tl cried out with meaningless words, and G In the midst of the uproar officers could c be heard shouting orders that were ii mostly curses. A shout arose: h "Our own men! The city is taken!" ti Ana Darrell saw a struggling mass b of soldiers In the Russian uniform re- a treating in the narrow streets. Then, s with a scurrying as of rats, the force unon that part of the defenses scat- e tered, each man for himself. n "It Is over," gasped Kevskl, turning a a pallid face toward Darrell. s "Not for us." answered the Amer- n lean. "We are all right." 1< "Every soldier will be butchered!" c cried Kevskl. p "I am a prisoner," said Darrell. 0 "Just let me strip off this uniform. Now then! We'll get back to our dun- r, geon, and I'll look out for you." e They dropped off the wall and ran t] along beside it The prison was not tl HUt hands flung up. t( more than 300 yards distant, but be- n fore they reached it u force of Clr- b oasslnns sureed out of the street open- o Ing ou the esplanade, and a dozen or tl more of them tired a rugged volley, but t< the shots were ull high. ti Darrell halted instantly, facing this p little force, his hands flung up. His s first glance centered upou their officer, i< a rotund fellow, unmistakably Ger- d man. Darrell was naturally unac- p quainted with the uniforms of the Circassian revolutionary army, but this t< plump little mercenary looked as if he a might have the rank of captain. There e was a red hand around his cap, and P It seemed pale in contrast with his s face. 1, The smallest part of a second suf- d flced for those observations. e "Friends!" yelled Darrell in German. ^ "Prisoners who have escaped the mas- t, Bacre!" The sound of his native language j, surprised the captain so much that he a screamed a command in the same ^ tongue, his voice high pitched from ex- Q citement and overexertion. The sol- f( diers understood his meaning. If not T the words, and they advanced without firing. Darrell and Kevski were sur- . rounded by a half savage crew, drunk ' with the fumes of blood, but the fat little German was a soldier through and through, and he had his men well * In hand. j. "We're safe as a church," whispered ( Darrell to Kevski. and then, addressing the captain. In German: "I was a prisoner here and was saved ' by this man, who is a friend of Motman Khan, though he was forced to don a Russian uniform." The captain hesitated for the space of about two seconds?longer than any * minutes that Darrell ever remembered ' to have passed. "Spare them!" said the captain, and ( then to Darrell: "Point out this prison. C' Lead me there." K Darrell waved his hand in the dlrec- 11 tion of the building, and the party ad- 1 vanced. h "Does Motman Khan command In { person?" Darrell asked as he ran on by 11 the officer's side. n The audacity of the question gained fl an answer for It. " "Ho lins pono on to Vladiknnkas." v eald the officer. "Prince Kilziar commands." "I am known to hhn." said Darrell. 1 "I aided a friend of his in Paris. He will reward you for sparine me." ^ "You shall be brought before him, a vhen ttila "business Is over." panted the veary German. Another party of soldiers had by this lme Invaded the prison, and the strucure resounded with yells of rage as he evidences of the massacre were dlsovered. Kevskl shook with terror, beleving that the slaughter of the prismers meant death to every one wearng the uniform of Russia In that city. Nevertheless throughout the wild scene hat followed the officer to whom they lad surrendered succeeded In protectng them, and eventually they were odged under guard in a room of the nllUortt hnt'i'Qt.l'O u'ltnro R'PPO psthprpf] ibout fifty other prisoners whojfty va ious kinds of good fortune esaped the sword. At 9 o'clock that evening Dnrrell and ievski were summoned before Prince illzlar, who had established headqunrers In the house that had been occu>ied by the Russian military commandir whose dead body lay at that moment >n a bench under the stone portico. TO BE CONTINUED. pisccltanrous Reading. CHARLESTON IS "WIDE OPEN." Inmbleri and Con Men Making Hn> at the Exposition. Bunco steerers and confidence men . ho saw the chance of a harvest with he opening of the exposition have ound this an easy field of operation nd already i.ave found scores of vlcims, says a Charleston dispatch, iambling Is wide open, and while nc omplalnt is made against the "legitnate" establishments the new places ave been operated in such a mannei hat all gamblers are coming under the an. The lines will be closely drawr fter July, when the exposition is cheduled to close. Several professional confidence workrs who have been forced to leave lany cities by the police, have secured foothold nere and they have made a porting life hard on strangers and inocent countrymen. The failure of the )cal authorities to drive them out has aused no little comment, for the fleeclg goes on from day to day and scores f visitors have suffered. Following the old-time custom here, eception committees representing the xposition have been appointed to meet rains and escort prominent visitors 3 hotels and clubs. In many instances hese committees have not fulfilled heir obligations, and this has left an pening for the bunco' men. A few :eeks ago the confidence men met a peclal delegation from Nashville, inroduced themselves as leading bankrs of Charleston. After a round of leasure the visitors were escorted to "club." the most notorious in town, nd before they got out many of them ad been relieved of a few hundred ollars apiece. A New Yorker, however, who was inroduced to the mysteries of the "skin" Inb and lost $800. was not Inclined tc ubmit. He saw a lawyer and a leadis: politician, and told his story. The oiitlclan went to Mayor Smyth and emanded that the place be closed, 'he mayor promptly ordered the chiel f police to close out the swindlers. It ;as done, but the gang moved to anther location and has continued to rim the unsuspecting. A steamboat was chartered to make pgular trips to Fort Sumter. So many trangers were anxious to see the hisarlc fort that the managers did a trelendous business. In the cabin of the oat there was a "skin" gambling layut. So many visitors were fleeced hat the owner of the boat was forced 3 have the gambling feature eliminaed. Rut other boats have been enaped, and the pamblinp has not been topped. No "lepitimate" game is al)\ved on these boats and the crooked evices make it impossible for the layers to win. The racing season here has helped [>' whet the gambling appetite and has ttracted many bunco artists who othrwise might have stayed away. The ambling games at the track are run o openly that the association has been ijured and to this in a measure is ue the opposition from the turf govrning bodies. Under the grand stand here is a layout like that of a miniaure Monte Carlo. But now the race track has passed ito disrepute and the better element voids it. The track will rank with iloucester, Guttenburg and the other utlaw associations, for it is not run or sport, but for strong-arm profits, 'he place was boosted because it was n exposition feature. It is now slowy dying. When the best element withdrew its atronage from the races speculators aw the opportunity for a poolroom nd last week a very elaborate estabshment was opened. The room got a cense from the city and secured as lanager a man known in sporting dries as "straight." Now a second is eing fitted up. The worst feature about the gamong is the work of the bunco steerers. V. H. Mallett, a gilded youth of Jackon, Oa? was fleeced out of $600 on londay afternoon. His is a typical ase. He was met by the "reception ommittee," and was finally landed in lueen street, where he saw his first ame, and was asked to play. Before e knew it the lad was $200 to the good, le declined to accept it saying that e did not gamble. The gang told him hat he lacked not only sporting blood, ut money. Then the boy produced ooney and diamonds, worth $600. Heore he knew it he was pinned to the oor, his valuable were stolen and he ,-as left alone. When the New York delegation to he exposition arrived here this week he "bunco committee' endeavored to e pleasant. But they found the New 'orkers too shrewd and have left them lone. TIM VS. APPELT. Story of the Meeting at Manning Friday. NO PROOF AS TO REBATES. Senator Appelt's Charges Resolved Down to the Penitentiary MatterSenator Tillman Outlines the Policy He Thinks the Democratic Party Should Pursue as to McLaurin. The following telegraphic summary of the developments. at the Manning ' meeting, received last Friday afternoon, after a portion of the edition of The Enquirer published on that day had been printed, and It Is repub. lished here for the benefit of those of our subscribers who had to be furnished with the first edition on account of the time at which the earlier malls . left: Manntno. April 25.?'There were about 2.000 people here today on account of the joint debate between Sen a tors Tillman and Appelt. Senator Appelt failed to produce any affidavit evrent on the penltentiarv matter: but ottered In evidence two telee-rams from Tillman with reference to his appointment to spepk here, both of which had come with dead-head stamps. t Senator Tl'lman spoke first for half en hour and asked Senator Apnelt for 1 bis case. During his opening. Senator : TlUman read two letters that Appelt t had written him and marked private, cdvlne as justification the claim that he had a rlerht to do so because In this . war Appelt was only acting: as a tool i of McT.aurln. Senator Appelt produced a half dozen affidavits from former employes of 1 the penltentiarv. all concerning oat crop and supplies furnished Senator I Tillman from the penitentiary. There was a statement from Neal to the ef' feet that Tillman pot. from the penl' tentlary wood. coal, vegetables. fertilizers. etc.. giving orders that no charee be made for them and paying nothing. Senator Tillman said all this ! was old matter fully ventilated by the I SWenson committee. L Senator Annelf offered no certificates or affidavits as to bond deal, whisky rebates, or anything of that ! kind: but read a tabulated statement t to show that rebates were paid up to 1R94. Tillman Insisted that Anpelt had made a complete farce and had not fur1 nlshed evidence on which to convict a dog. He stated that there was no use to shave an ass: but taking up Ap| pelt's series of questions, answered f each. The main feature of Senator T111i man's speech was an argument that , the whole primary svstem will become a failure and Its objects defeated, tin1 less candidates are required to pledge i themselves to abide state and nationxta tnra f 1X1 Mdl IV l/lilliui 11101 AAC ittfUiWu w?? V separate aeries of campalen meetings. ' two months apart: one for state candidates and the other for senatorial candidates. He^vleorouslv denounced McDnnrln as a traitor to his party and ' held that his colleague Is certainly a i Republican If there Is any way to mark one. ; The Political Sltnatlon. I In reference to the political situation now confronting the people of the state. Senator Tillman spoke as fol? lows: i Th?re Is a matter of deep Interest which will come up for discussion and i settlement In the coming May convenI tlon, and as I am the representative of the Democracy of this state upon the ' national committee It may not be Improper for me to express my views on It and Inform you as to the sentli ment and feeling of the Democrats In Washington on the subject. The Democratic party In South Carolina has occupied a peculiar position for 25 years. The whites are In the minority In this state, and under the reconstruction dispensation there were some 35,000 more Negro voters than whites. The consequence was that after the overthrow of the carpetbag government in 1876 we adopted a system of party government and the white people of the state were educated In the employment of political methods that obtained hardly anywhere else. We have had . nn "ImnHiim In imnerlo " cir a eov ernment within a government. De[ mocracy has meant white supremacy i and Republicanism meant Negro equality. The necessity for white unity overshadowed the other considerai tlons and the Democrats of the state i were taught that submission to the i will of the majority and loyal support of the nominees of the party were paramount to all other considerations. The lamented Hampton taught us that an independent was worse than a radical. Like all of his actions and ut; terances in those trying days that advice was the very essence of wisdom and patriotism. His clear judgment, his most distinguished characteristic, saw the danger to the state of a Dei mocracy split into factions and appealing to the colored vote. And I take this occasion to say that no other liv; ing South Carolinian more willingly or i glady pays trmute to his leadership or has a better realization of the invaluable services to his people and the state . rendered by this great man in '76. i It was only after the revolution of 1S90 that there was anything like freei dom of political utterance and action. The convulsion which brought this about also brought with it an attempt on the part or tnose who were in the minority to withstand the popular will, and some of those who had been most clamorous for party regularity and submission to the dictates of a convention in selecting candidates, bolted and ran Judge Haskell for governor. The i Haskell movement was based largely on personal opposition to me, and there was never any question in regard to the loyalty of those who supported Judge Haskell to the general principles of Democracy in the nation. Following the independent action of the [ Haskellites came the rebellion of those i who voted against Cleveland for Weaver in *92, amounting to some 2,000 or ? more white votes, mainly in Pickens and Oconee counties. Then in '94 there i was another rebellion on account of the adopting of the "Colleton plan." Dr. Pope ran as an independent candidate for governor and received several thousand white votes. So there nave t been three attempts to resist the will r of the organized Democracy speaking j through regular channels. In each of l these Instances those who had broken t fealty with their fellows and who fall- a ed to support the nominee of the party as they had pledged in the primaries \ to do, were forgiven and admitted g back to fellowship without any ques- c tion. In each case those who resisted i the will of the party, of course, felt t justified in actng independently, but t they were private soldiers, so to speak, and the desire of our people for con- j tlnued fellowship and good will among t the whites prevented their expulsion ] from the party. 8 Now we are confronted with a differ- j ent condition of affairs. The new constitution adopted in 1895 has eliminated, for the present, the Negro majorl- 8 ty. The number of Negroes eligible to vote does not exceed 15,000; but it Is c ?j constantly increasing and there may be a good many thousand who are not 8 registered who would be eligible to c registration. There have been in the 8 recent past evidences of Republicanism cropping out in South Carolina in va- 8 rious directions. There is no doubt, we ^ shall soon have a white Republican party appealing to the Negro votes. The action of one of your United States senators in advocating Republican doctrines and voting with that party on all essential measures, contending all' tne while that he is a Democrat and that he has tne right to define what Democracy means, has t brought things to a focus. The Democratic party in South Carolina, and it ^ is well understood that the state is overwhelmingly Democratic, has a c right to be honestly represented in the t senate and in the house, and in fact I t do not believe the Democrats of the state would intentionally and willingly elect any man to any office whose De- ' mocracy was unsound If they knew it. Our present danger is Republicanism j in the disguise of Democracy. Therefore the ouestion has been raised and t it is now an issue and it must be set- ^ tied as to what constitutes Democracy and who shall define it. It is contended that we should leave the primary Just as it is and make no new rules and regulations to prevent a recur- ^ rence of the election of a man or men ' whose Democracy does not tally with that of the national party. We are urged to permit every man to vote v who will take the pledge, and not to require of the candidates any other t pledge than the one now in force. To a the first proposition there can be no 8 serious objection. We need not be so * solicitous about the rank and file, at 8 least I do not think the time has yet * n come when we must drive out of the party individuals who will pledge 8 themselves to support the nominees, y state and national, though they may 8 be disloyal. It would be manifestly ' unfair to permit Republicans to vote 0 in a Democratic primary, thereby en- ' dangering, if they were in sufficient F numbers, the election of a genuine F Democrat as against some mugwump 8 or traitor. I do not think, however, ^ there are enough avowed Republicans 8 who will take the oath, to make it * necessary to trace their records back 8 to the preceding November election e and see whether they voted as they * had pledged themselves or not. F It may in time become necessary to F use the registration lists at the legal 11 election to purify the club lists, but ? we cannot well make the rules so exacting that we will bar out men who want to act independently in merely local matters. The fact that our fight is in the primary and not in the legal F election, and therefore, hardly half of v _ ,,_j o me Jjemocrauc votes are ever puueu at the legal election, would make It difficult to devise a scheme to prove who had or who had not supported the ? "nominees of the party." I will not therefore, discuss that phase of the F subject: but it Is a matter of vital necessity that we should make candidates define their attitude and give explicit pledges as to their actions while in office. Senator McLaurin was charged with 8 Republicanism in his race in the prl- 0 mary of '97, but he denied it bitterly, ? and I thought he was honest. He denies it still; but his utterances now 0 are all in endorsement of the Republican policy, and his votes tally with ^ his speeches. We must have a revision of the pledge given by candidates which will make it impossible for any e honorable man not a Democrat to se- * cure the nomination, if we are to keep the party from being stabbed in the back and not have a repetition of the present disgraceful state of -affairs, t At this time South Carolina really has f no voice in shaping public matters in the senate, or if she has a voice the a votes of the two senators are nearly v always on opposite sides of any given o proposition. This is something that does not obtain in any other Demo- e cratic state, and I know of no way by v which we can guard against a recur- o rence of this condition, except to re- s quire all candidates for the senate, 1 state officers, congressmen and other positions of honor and trust to pledge o faith and loyalty to the doctrines and c principles of the party, as announced p In the state and national conventions, t This will leave their status as far as it can be devised in words as absolutely t known. Senator McLaurin is no longer t a factor. He is simply an illustration d of what might happen again under the q present loose regulations. While his t actions have shown the necessity for p a revision of the pledge to be given by a candidates, the party can act without n considering his case at all. It is even desirable that he be given an opportu- ii nity to go before the people and let p them show him how they feel about his treachery. The revised pledge can be a required of all other Democrats with- n out any charge of persecution or per- o sonal application. This is important for the future welfare of the party, n Let him run, if he desires to face the n people, and be elected if he can get he votes. If he can win in the prlnary after his record is set before the >eoplet he can win much easier as an ndependent if he is denied admission. IVe do not want to be unjust to him tnd his followers. If the Democracy of South Carolina vants to put none but Democrats on ruard, it must decide the Democracy >f each candidate by requiring a pledge n writing that will define clearly what he candidate's opinions are and a solimn pledge to stand by those opinions. Of course, men may sign such a >ledge and then deceive the people aferwards; but we owe it to our fellow Democrats of the country to at least lafeguard our Democratic primaries as ar as possible. There Is one other subject connectd with party policy that demands selous considerations. The large number ?f candidates wno seek the various itate offices and congressional and sen. itorial honors renders it impossible in ine day for those candidates to have ven a respectful and decent hearing, ^ny man who is fit to be governor or enator cannot discuss public questions n any intelligent way If his time is imited. Some plan must be devised by vhich these candidates who All the eally Important offices and who will hape and control affairs must be given n sufficient opportunity to make the >eople understand wnether or not they ire competent. Many of the positions vhich are sought are largely ministeial and the duties are well defined, and hese officers cannot change or shape lubllc policy in any material degree, ["here is no good excuse or reason why even or eight candidates for railroad ommissioner and fifteen or twenty for he other state offices shall be given ime at a state campaign meeting or o little time as to merely get up and nake their bow. In the last state canass it required about five hours for he respective candidates to speak, alowing only 30 minutes for the candilates for governor and 10 minutes for he others, not counting the candilates for the United States senate, yho usually came last. The llmitalon on the time of the candidates lor he important offices, if it be contlnled, will absolutely destroy all interest n the state campaign meetings, and Inally destroy the primary itself, and am strongly of the opinion that it vould be well, indeed necessary, to lave two campaign days in each couny, say sjx weeks or two months apart ,t which certain specified candidates hall address the people. The suggestion las been made that there ought to be , limitation on the number of meelinps o one in each congressional district. This will never do, because the people ire entitled to see and hear the men vho seek their votes, and, if such a ystem were adopted, there would be ew, if any, citizens at such meetings ther than those who live in the city yhere the meeting is held. The newslaper reporters would have to be detended on entirely in order to get any ort of information as to what candilates were saying and what lmpresion they made, and this would mean he use of the press by those who were .ble to obtain its support to control lections. Money would be freely used, have no doubt, and this does not imily that the preBS is venal. But few teople take daily newspapers, and learly all the weeklies have patent utsldes. Somehow all of Senator Mc Turin's speeches were published in hese outsides or sent as supplements, t was legitimate advertising, but we lo not want rich men who are able to iay for such advertising to have adantage of poor men who cannot. The nly safe way is to have the candiates face the voters, and let each man lecide for himself. I warn the people gainst surrendering the right to Judge or themselves. Government by newslapers may be a very good thing, but he people of South Carolina repudiaed it in 1890 and I have no idea they re( going to return to it, and I am herefore prepared to urge the scheme have outlined, as the best which suggests itself to me. The two sets of andidates could begin on opposite ides of the state and thus not interere with one another. The people ught to devote, at least two days to he selection of the best men, and this annot be brought about without hearng them fully. If the people lose inerest in their government, that govrnment must become bad. "Eternal igllance Is the price of liberty" is as rue now as when it was uttered. Senator Appelt'a QueHtlona. Senator Appelt propounded to Senaor Tillman a series of 24 questions, as ollows: 1. Was not the primary system inncriirntort tr> e-ivo pverv white man a oice in the selection of candidates for ffice? 2. Does not our party pledge allow very white man to be a candidate . ho pledges himself that he is a Demcrat and will abide the result and upport the nominees of the party? 'hen why change it now? 3. Was not one of the main tenets f the Reform movement to bring the andidates face to face with the peole and that there should be free hought, free speech and free action? 4. Are you and some of your preending friends not in favor of fixing he party pledge so that a man who oes not agree with you on certain up.qtinns. notwithstanding he claims o be a Democrat, endeavoring now to revent him from giving the people n opportunity to decide whether or ot he is a Democrat? 5. When the dispensary system was laugurated, did you not make large urehases of the stock? 6. Did there not exist at that time "whisky trust," and did you not lake large purchases from a member f that trust? 7. Did not that trust have an agreelent to pay its purchasers a certain ebate? 8. During several months of your administration large quantities or liquor was purchased. Was there any rebates recorded on the books of the institution? 9. Why do not the rebates appear on the books? 10. Did you ever get cotton seed meal and have It charged to the penitentiary, and insist upon that institution paying for it, and only paid after two years and then by compromise? 11. What authority did you have to buy for your private use and have it charged to the state? 12. Did you not get brick for your private use that belonged to the people of the state? Would you have offered to pay for those brick had It not been exposed through the Neal Investigation? 13. How many bushels of oats did you get from the state farm and have shipped to you at your home In Trenton? 14. Did you have the right to run a private farm at the expense of the state? 15. By what right In law or morals did you get the authority at state expense to get wood, coal and vegetables? 16. Did you not continue to receive products from the penitentiary at your home In Trenton as late as 1897, not even paying the express charges? 17. Did you not denounce your predecessors in office and charge "rottenness" because of alleged pilfering from the penitentiary? 18. Was not a committee sent to Investigate the dispensary transactions refused the right to examine the books, and did not the members of the trust refuse to be subjected to an examiMA4IA?. AM An41i9 19. Was not your dealings with the trust questioned, and did you ever demand of the trust that they permit an Investigation of your transactions? 20. Did you not on the hustings create the impression upon the minds of the people that the cause of their oppressed condition was largely due to corporate greed, and that the state of New Jersey was an Incubator for fraudulent corporations? 21. Are you not a member and a director in a New Jersey chartered corporation? 22. Did you not denounce the interference of a United States senator with our campaigns? 23. Is it not against the law for you to use a free pass, express or telegraph frank, and do you use them? 24. Did you not, as governor of the state and, as such, chairman of the board of directors of the state penitentiary, instruct the bookkeeper of that institution not to charge anything on the books to you or to open an account against you? Senator Tillman In Reply. Senator Tillman's answers to the foregoing questions are summarized by August Kohn in a special to the GreenfllLft Vanra a a fAllnnrfl* ?nre iiwno ?? aviiv fi w< As to the dispensary matter, Senator Tillman stated that the state got no rebates. Neither did he as governor. That the dispensary started with $50,000 capital; that $25,000 of that amount was used in the equipment; that it was out of the question to get. a stock of goods for less; that he had the opposition newspapers and whisky dealers to fight, who said that the dispensary would be a failure, and through the kindness of George Hubbell, of the Mill Creek company, who had faith in him, he got the supplies and he waived the right to rebates so as to get the necessary credit. The. state did not pay for its liquor for a year or two after it got it, and by mixing cologne spirits ' with two-stamp liquor the amount of the rebate was absorbed, and this cost the state $1.35 per gallon. This, yillman, said, was the purest, [cheapest whiskey that the state ever got. He emphatically denied any rebates. He said there was no proof, and that time and again efforts had been made to get proof against him which did not exist. As to the penitentiary charges, he showed that upon the report he had provided that he had paid for everything. Or it was given to him by Colonel Neal personally, who had a perfect right to give him whatever he pleased, and that the report showed that the state had never lost anything by him. And that he mmseii cauea the attention to the oats purchased "by him and to his failure to pay for same on account of not being able to get the bill. He stated that if he went to stealing, It certainly would be for more than a few potatoes, tomatoes, etc. Relative to his connection with the Sabine Oil and Marketing company, he stated that he was simply gambling; that Lockwood, the president of the company, was a friend of his, and that he had gone to Texas, and that he had always fought the Standard Oil company. When Lockwood went to Texas he offered to take him (Tillman) in as a stockholder and Tillman invested $1,200, all of which he now believes to be lost. And that it was after he had gone in the company that his name was used as a director. And the company was organized in New Jersey. This company, he said, was amenable to the laws of Texas and that he. as senator, had nothing to do with it. As senator, he of all men, would not advise the people as to a choice of candidates: this was the chief objection to Hampton in 1890. He said that the use of the frank was not prohibited in Washington and it was not a violation to send a message from Washington to Manning, &. C., and that he did not deserve any blame; he did have a rranK diu was not to be bought by $5 or $10 worth of telegrams a year and no vote of his would ever show tnat he had been bought by his telegraph frank and he did not use the frank in the state. He presented a letter from Burriss that he did not instruct him not to charge articles to ..him bought from the penitentiary. Appelt stated that he was satified with the explanation which he had received as to the rebates and insisted that he was in the Democratic party, and would always remain a Democrat, and that his whole fight was to keep the party as it now stands. There were about twelve or fifteen hundred people present, and as might have been expected, Tillman had a hand primary and the result was almost unanimous in his favor. Appelt did not have the affidavits some expected of him.