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VOL. III.] WINNSBORO, S. C.I, S UR DAY.AUGUST 25, 1866. 89 TIlE TRI-WEEKLY NWS, is 1,UnLsitri)E EVEiRY TUESDA Y, THURS D.AY AND SATURDAY, .By Gaillard, DesporLes & Co. fi Winilsboro,' S: C., at Uo.00 per an. imun, in advance. TIE FAIRFIELD HERALD, PUDLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORN ING, AT $3.00 PER ANNUM. THE PILADELPHIA NATIONAL CONVEN TION. Ad -tress to the people of time United States. A DEMAND FOR SOUTHERN REPRESEN TATION IN CONGRESS. The following is the address issued by the National Convention, lately dcid in Philadelphia, to the people of the United States: To the People of the Unitcd States Having mnct in convention at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this l6th day of August, 1866, as the reprcsentatives of the people in all the States and Territo ries of the Union, to consult upon the condition and the wants of our coi mon country, we address to you this declaration of our principles, and of the political put poses we seek to pro mote. Since the meeting of the last National Convention, in the year 1860, events have occurred which have changed the character of our internal politics and given the United States a new place aniong the nations of the earth. Our Governiment has passed through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil- war-a war which, though mainly sectional in its character, has nevertheless decided political differ ences that from the very beginning of the Government had threatened the unity of our national existence, and has left its impress deep and ineffaco able upon all the interests, the senti ments, and the destiny of the republic. While it has inflicted upon the whole country severe losses in life and in property, and has imposed burdens which must weigh upon its resources for generations to come, it has devel oped a degree of national courage in the presence of national dangers-a capacity for military organization and achievement, and a devotion on the part of the people to the form of the government which they have ordained, and to the principles of liberty which that Government was designed to pro mote, which must confirm the confi (lence of the nation in the perpetuity of its republican institutions, and com mand th1e respect of the civilized world. Like all great contests which rouse the passions and test the endurance of nations, this war has given now scope to the ambition of the political par ties, and fresh impulse to plans of in novation and reform. Amid the chaos of conflicting senti-ments inseparable from such an era, while the public heart is keenly alive to all the pas sions that can sway the public judg mnent and affect the public action; while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on either side, and fears for the future take unjust proportions fronm the memories and resentments of the past,-it is diffieult but an im perative duty which on your behalf we, who are here assembled, have un dertaken to perform. For the firat timo after six long y ears of alienation and of conflict, we have come together from every 86,ate vyxd every seotion of our land, as citi, tens of a common country, under.thM lag, the symboL agaia ,of a common lory, to consult tog4ther how best to tement and perpetuate that Union which is again the object of our corn mon love, and thus seoure tho bless ings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. THE INTEREsTs oF PEACE. In the first place, we invoke you to member, always and everywhere, at the war is ended and the natiori again at peace. The shook of con. nding arms no longer assails the hiuddering heart of the Republic, It insurreotion against the suprem< uthority of the nation has been sup ressed, and that authority has beer gain acknowledged, by word and act rnevery State and biy every. citiset ithin its jurisdiotion. We are n< anger required or permitted to regart treat each other as enemies. eIo only have the acts of war been discon tinued, and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of war no longer exists, and the sentivuents, the pas sions, the relations of war have no longer lawful or rightful place any where throughout our broad domain. We are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of one country, bound 1;y the duties and obligations of a common patriotism, and having neither rights nor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve upon us now are again the dui ties of peace, and no longer the duties of war. We have assembled here to take counsel concerning the interest of peace ; to decide how we may most wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has nmade, and perpetuate the benefits it has secured, and the bless inig which under a wise and benign Providence, have sprung up in its fiery track. This is the work, not of pas sion, but of oalm and sober judgment; not of resentment foP past offences pro longed beyond the limits which justice and reason prescribe; but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates what it cannot prevent, and build its plans and hopes for the future rather upon a coni nmunity of interest and ambition than upon distrust and. the weapons of force. POLITICAL RESULTS OF THE WAR. In the next place, we call'upon you to recognize itt their full significance, and to accept with all their legitimate consequonces, the political results of the war just closed. In two most ii portant particulars the victory achiev ed by the National Government has been final and decisive. First, it has established beyond all further contro versy, and by the highest of all human sanctions, the absolute supremacy of the National Government, as defined and limited by the Constitution of the United States, and the permanent in tegrity and indissolubility of the Fed erol Union as a necessary 6onsd quence ; and, second, it has put an end finally and forever to the exis tence of slavery upon the soil or with in the jurisdiction of the United States. Both these points became di reetly involved in the contest, and controversy upon both was ended ab solutely and finally by the result. TI[ RIGnT OF RMPRESENTATION. In the third place, we deem it of the utmost importance that the real charac ter of the war and the victory by which it was closed shoulfl be accurately un derstood. The war was carried on by the Government of the United States in maintenance of its own authority, and in defence of its own existence, both of which were menaced by the insurroc tion which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection accom plisled that result. -The Government of the United States n-aintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all the territorv, and over ll the States and people within itsjurisdiction which the Constitution confers upon it; but it acquiired thereby no new power, no enlarged jtrisdiction, no rights of territorial possession or of civil atthori ty which it did not. possess before the rebellion broke out. All the rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either' in express tterms or by fair and necessary implica tion, by the Constitution of the United States, It was thit power and that au. 'thority which the rebellion sought to ove-rthrow, 'and thes victory of the Fede ral arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. The Government of the Uni ted Stattes acted throughout the war en the defensive. It sought only to hold possession of what was its own. Nei thmer thme war, nor the victory by which it was closed, changed itn any way the Constitution of thme United States. The war was carried on by virtue of its pro. visions, and under the limitation which they prescribe, and the result of tehe war did not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or affect the powers it confers upctn.the Federal Government, or release thlat Govetnme.nt from the restrictions which it has imiposed. The Constitution of the United Sitates is to-<day precisely as it was before the war, the "snIrenie law of the land, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to tho contrary, not. withstanding ;" and to day, also. precise. ly as betore the war, all the powers not conferred by the Constitultion upon the General Government, nor prohibited by it to the States, are "reserved to th'e several States, or to the people thereof." This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of wir Government, and the langiage and spirit of the 0oi stitution, but by all the acts and the language of our Goverinment, in all its departments. and at %all times from the ontbreak of tlie rebeilion to its final overthrow. In -Very Ioessage alnd pro. clamation of the Executive it was expli citly declared that the sole purpose and object of the war was to maintain the authority of the Constitution anil to preserve the integrity of the Union ; and Congress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and-added the assttr ance that, whentver t.lls object should be attaiijwd, the war Ft'nld -case, and all the States should .ain their equa! rights and dignity unmpaired. It is only since the war w'. closed that other rights have been a.& rted on behalf of one department of the General Govern. ment. It has been proclaimed by Con gress that, in addition to the powers coniferred upon it by the Constitution, the Federal Governm nt may now claim over the States, t e territory and the people involved in ite insurrection, the rights of war, the right of conquest And of confiscation, the right to abro gate all existing Governments, institu tions And laws, and to sbject the terri tory conquered and its inhabitants to sitch laws, regulations -deprivations as the legislative departmOnts of the Gov ernment may see fit to ' pose. Under this broad and swee elaim, that clause of the Constitution which pro. vided that "no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its eqal suff rage in the Senate of the United Staties", has been annulled, and ten States have been refused, and are still refused, rep resentation altogether in both branches of the Federal Congress And the Congress in which only a part of the States and of the people of the Union are represented has asserted the right thius to exclude the rest from represen fation, and from all share in makng their own laws or choosing their own rulers until they shall comply with snch conditi )ns and perform such acts as this Congress thus emposed may itself pre scribe. That right has not only been asserted, but it has been e-xercised, an(i is practically enforced at tle present time. Nor does it find any support in the theory that the States thus exclud ed aro in rebellion against the Govern alent, and are, therefore, preclded fron sharing its ant hority. They are not thus in rebellion. They are, one and all, in an attitude of loyalty toward the Governmant, and of sworn allegi anceo to the Constitution of the Unt1d States. In no one of them is there the slightest indication of resistance to this authority, or tite slightest protest agai list its just and binding obligation This condition of renewed loyalty has been officially recognized by solemn procla mation of the Executive Department. The laws of the United States have been reopened and Federal taxes im posed and levied, and in every respect, except that they are denied representa. tion in Congress and the Electoral Col lege, the States once' in rebellion are recognized as holding the same position, as owing the same obligations aend sub ject to the same duties as the other States of our commton Union. It seems to us, in the exercise of the calmest and most candid judgment we can bring to .he stubject, that such a claim, so enforced, involves as fatal an overthrow of the Constitution, and as coinplete a destruction of the Govern ment and U5nibn, as that which was sought to be eff'ected by the people and States in armed mnsurrection against them both. It cannot esape 60serVa tion that the powver thus asserted to er. olude certain Statos frotm repreenltatioin is m&de to rest wvholly in the willE an4 discretion of the Csngress thgt asesrts it; k is not in'ade toe depend upon any 'spe ei8ed conditiu'br efranmat.nda. nor to be subject to any rules or regulations whatever. rho rigit asserted and ex ercised is absolute, without qualification or restriction, not coaifined to Statos in robellion, n6r to States that have rebell. ed ; it is in the right of any Congress inl formal possession of legislative anchor. ity to exclude any Stato or States. and any portion oi t.he people thereof, at any tine, from representatioI in Congress and in the Eh:ectoral College, at. its own discretion, and intil they shall11 perform such acts and coiply with such coidi tions as it may dictate. Obvioasly. the reason for such exchision, being wholly witlim the discretion of Congress, may change as the ( Cotgress itst-I shall1 change. One Congress may exclude a Slate front -ill share in tho Govern i,etit, for oio reason ; and that ruason reioved.the next Congress may exclude it for another. One Stato mnay be ex cluded on one gaound to day, and an other may bo exclided on the opposite groutind to-norrow. Northern ascendan cv mlay exelude Southern Siates from one Congress ; the ascendancy of AWes. Lent or of Sonthorn interests, or of both combiiied, may exclude the Northern or tie Eastern States from the next. finorobable as snch usurpation may seei the establishment of tle principle now asserted and actedi upon by Congress will render them by no means itupossi ble. The character, indeed the verv exi4tevce, of Conlgre5s o nd the Union is this imide dependent solely and entirely upon the party and sectional exigences or forbearatnce.s of the hotr. We need not stop to sLow that aetion Itot only tinds no warranit in the Onsti tition, but is at war witi every princi plo of our Government, and with the vet v existence of free institutions. It. is, indeed, the identical practice which has rendered fruit less all attempts I ther to to establish and maintain free gov. erninents in Mexico and the States of Soith America. Party tte1cessitIes as sert tinselves its superior to the fnittda. mientl law. twhich is ser aside in reck. les- obedience to their behests. Stabili ty, whtelther it the exercise of power. in the administration of government, or in ti enjoyment, of rights, becomes imi possiblo ; and the eenflicts ofparty which, uder constitttioni governmnen'ts, are tht. conditiots and me.ins of political progress, are merged inl the conflints of arns to which they directly and inevita bly tend. It was against this peril, so conspic. tots attd so fatal to all free governments, that our Constitution was intended es pecially to provide. Not only the sta hility, but the very existelice, -of tie Govermaent is made by its provisions to depend upon the right atnd the fact of reprensentation. The Congress upon which is conferred all tle legislative power of the National Government, con. sists of two bratiches, the Sentot and House of Representatives. says tle Con stitution (article 1, section 2), "shall he composed of members chosen every sec ond year by the people of the several States." Not only is the right of ropre sentation thtus rt-cognized as possessed by all the States and by every .Stato, vith out, restrictiori quliticatiou or condition of any kind, but the dity of choosing representatives is' imposed up(n) the1 poo ple of'each and overy State alike, with. out distinction or the authority to make distinction among them, for any reason or upon any grounds whatever. . And in the Senate, so careful is the Constitu tion to secure to every State this right of representation, it is expressly provi ded that "no State shtall withtout its con sent, be deprived of its equal sna'rage" in that body, even by an amendment of the Constituttion itself. When, therefore, any State is excluded from such repre sentation, not only is a right of thte State' denied, but the constitutional integrity of the Senate is impaired, and the valid ity of the Govertnment itself is brought in question. But Congress at the pres snt moment thus excludes frotn repre sentation, in both branches of Congress, ton States of the Union, deny ing thenm all share in the enactment of laws by whioh they are to be governed, and all jaricpation in the election of rulers by *hich those laws are to be enforced, b4 other wurds, a Congress in which o*ly twenty- six States are ,wepresanted ADVEiTISING RATES. Ordiunry advertisemiente ecoipying no t more than ten lines. (one square.) will be, inserted in TIlE NEWS, at $1.00 for the first insertioi and 75 cents for each sub sequent insertion. Larger nilverlisenents, when no contraet is made, will be charged in exact propor tion. For announcing a candidate to nty offito of profit, honor cr trust, pi0.u. Marriage, Obituary Notices, &c., will be charged the same as advertisements, whei over ten lints, and must be paid for when handed in, oi they will not appear. asserts the right to govern, ahsolitelv and in its own discretion, all the thirly six States which compose the Union to make their lIws and choose their rn lers, and to exclude tho olihe- ten from all share in their own government, until it sees fit to adimit themi I hreto. WI I. is there to distingmisi the power thus asserted and exerciseil from the m:>st til) solute and intolerable Vranny ? EXTRAVAGANT Cl,AIS OF Co'Nu\:s. Nor do these extravigant. and unjnst claims on the part of* Congreis to powers and authority never conferred iipon the Governimnit by tho Consfitntion. find an warrant in the argutments or excuses urg.d on their behalf. It, ;s alleged, First. That these States, by tih act of r@ellion and by voluntarily withdraw ing their memlerg from Congress, for. fited their right to representation, and that they can only receive it ngain at the hands of the supreme legislative au thority of the Government, on its own terms and at its own discretion. If rep. resentiatioin In Congress and pa rticipatioti in tlhe Government woro 'i1Y privil. eges coilDferred aind 1 vor, ti is siatement milght br.% i ;;I plansi hility. But. represientation istider t he Coistitition not, only expressly recogni. zed as a right, but is imposed as a dity alil it is essential in both respects to tho existence of the Government and to thi, matntainance of its authority. In free Governuients findimental and essential rights cannot be forfi-itcd, except against individuals by the process of law ; noe' can constitutional duties and obligations be discarded and laid aside. The en joyment of rights may be for the time suspended by tho failure to claim them, and dities may be evaded by the refusal to perforn them. The withdrawal of their members from Congress by thd States which resisted the General Gov. ernment was among their acts of insur rection - was one of the means and agen. cii-s by which they sought to impair the nurhority and defeat the action of the Gonernment ; and that act was mnnulled and rendered void when the insurrection itself was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor the duty to be rep resented was in the least impaired by the fact of insurrection ; but it may have been that by reason of the insurrection the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance of that duty for the time depended could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, the case. An iisurgeiit power, in the exercise of the isnrped and unlawful authority in the territory under its control, had pro hii)i:ted ihat allegiance to the Constitu .oni and la ws of the United States which is made by that fundamnatal law the eissenitial condlition of representation in its Government. No mian within the insurgent States was allowed to take lie oathi to support the Constitution of the Uinited States, and, as a necessary conserinence, no man can lawfully rep. re'senmt those States in the councils of the Unuion. But this was only an obstacle to the employment of the right and to the discharge of a duty-it did not annul the one nor ab)rogate :ho other ; and it ceased to exist when the nsiurpation by wvhich it was' created had been over thrown, ail the States had, again re sun\ed their allegiance to the Constitu tion of the United States. [ To be Continted.] Tums Pauas AND 'rHU A'TIANTIC Titi,s oRAPn NEvVs.-The New York correspou dent of the Philadelphla I1edger writds: I fnay as well state that the talk in newsps . per circles saIdh, that one of the very first necessities of this institution (the Atlantic cable) as soon as it is demonstrated that it is to be a permanent, thIng, must, be an ad vance in the price not. obly of newspapers, but of newspaper advertising. As the cable despatches add nothing to newspaper oir cnlation, the pudlIo Is the only party bene. fitted, and the publio, therefore, must ex pect to foot thme bfil;qther*ise, o half of the newspapers now in existence may as well give tap the ghost. The talk, , In, all probability, will, la the course . oC a "tew days, cry stalli se in the sha agera convent ion of the len;din rgo prietors in all this par try, to discuss the situation 'i Is.t be done. Is there anything over th .s morng, my boy ?'' ." weight of' water lies over it," '" 'his bettor tuh lioi owv on