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| KEOWEE COURIER. " TO OWN SELF UK TRUE? AND IT MUST FOLLOW, AB THE NIOHT THE DAY, THOU OAn'sT NOT TitEN HE FALSE TO ANY MAN." _ M VOL. 2. I'ICKENS COU11T HOUSE, S. C., FRIOY, JUNE 7, 1850. NO 3. IKHOWEf] COURIER, FRINTEP AND PUBt.lBIIKD WEKKLY BY TltlMMIEH LEWIS. W. K. Easley, Editor. > TK Kills. One Dollar and Fifty Cunts for one year's [\ oubecription wlion paid within tlirco months, Two dollars if payment is delayed to the close Igij of the subscription year. All subscriptions not clearly limited, will be I considered as made for an indefinite time, and H continued till a discontinuance is ordered and B all-arrearages paid. I r Advertisements inserted at 75 cents per | square for the first insertion, and 37 1-2 cts. for H -each continued insertion. Liberal deductions p 'made te those advertising by the year. 1ST All Communications should bo address? ed to the Publishers post paid. SPEECH OF THE HON. JAMES L. OltH, OF ntiVTH CAROLINA. On the slavery Question, delivered in the House of Lepresenlatives\ May 8, I860. The House being in Committee of the Whole on the Union, on the President's Message trans milting the Constitution of California? Mr. Orr said: Mr. Chairman: T pronose, in the brief hour allotted to 1110, to examine and present what I conceive to be Northern sentiment upon the subject ef slavery, and the iuevitable results of that sentiment I believe, srr, there is much misunderstanding, both at the North and the South, as to the extent and character of that feeling. 1 know the misapprehension that exists in that part of tliocountry which I have tbo l;onor to represent, and I desire to lay be fere my con Btituenta and the peoplo of the Sontli the result of my observation sinco I have been a member of this House, so that they may be prepared to judge of the pr< .01 means of meeting, counteracting and repelling that sentiment ! The first evidence of abolition sentiment in the Northern States to which 1 refer, is to be found in tho numerous abolition societies organised in every part of that section of tho Union, uumjivseu iii uirgu iniiuocrs ui itu classes alia Pl'XVft.?TllOMJ aoclotico mooi at novliula, for tho avowed purpose t>f advancing tneir political and moral tenet?; they appoint tlieir emissaries, wlio traverse tlie country, and who, by their slanders, poison the minds of the masses of the people as to tho true character of the institution of nlavery.?Tliey havo established newspnperi and periodicals, which are circulated in great profusion, not only in the non-slave holding States, but are thrown broadcast over the South, through the mails, for the purpose of planting tho thorn of discontent in tho bosoms of our now happy slaves, and inciting them to the perpetration of the b'oody scenes of ,S't. Domingo. These auxilaries of the American ylnti-slavcry Society, not content with a gencral combinatio against tho institutions of tho South, form a component part of the American and Foreign Anti-slavery /Society, in which they uuite with the zealots of foreign countries in an unjust crusade against their brethren of the South. Most of the avowed abolition!*** have, however, tho merit of frankness at least. They seek to emancipate our slaves, it is true, but concede that it cannot be done consistently with tho Constitution; they therefore declare an uncompromising war against the Constitution and tlie Union; whiio others, who intend to cffcct the 8amo end, have not tho candor to own it, and hypocritically profess an attachment to the Constitution which they are really seeking to destroy. Another eviderco of tl?o extent of abolition Fcntimcnt in the Northern ?S'tates is, tho promotion of certain gentlemen to seats in tho other wing of this Capitol. I allude, sir, first to theelectionofWm.il. Seward. It might bo miu mis luciion, us me RDOiuionists navo been denominated, could, through their societies and conventions, create some attention, and excite the contempt of sensible moderate men, for thoir fanaticism; but I would inquire, iio\v comes it to pass that, insignificant as it is paid to be, it is enabled to clcct from the great State of New York?the Kinpiro State?a man to represent it in the Senate of the United States, whoso greatest distinction has been his untiring advocacy of tho doctrines of abolition? Does it not show that tho major part of tho Seople of that/State sympathi/.o deeply with, icir Senator in his nefarious principles! Look at the recent election by tho Legislature of Ohio?a/State in numbers second only to New York?-ofS.P. Chase, to represent that .State in tho Senate of tho Unitou States. He has been amongst tho most zealous of his infatuated compecrs; oven Wm. II. /Soward was pot more so, in the advocacy of rndical obolitjon, and tho Legislature of Ohio, knowing his sentiments, and representing tho people of that Stato, have honored him with ono of the highest official stations en earth. Others, too, have boon elected to that body, who owe their promotion to pledges given their constituent*, I hat they would opposo the admission of any more s!avo States or slave territory into the tlnion, and fuvor the application of tuc Wilmot Proviso?that true Bcion from iu; abolition stock?to tho territories acquired fi oin Mexico One would sup|>oso thnt when a Senator avowed that acting as a Senator, he recognized a higher obligation than ?!a oath to support the Constitution of tho United States?an obligation whtuh requires him to violate and sot usido tht? provisions of that sacred instrument?the Legislature of his State, then in session would have promptly branded such a declaration with tho infamy it deserves. Such a declaration, it ia Vuown to tho country, was recently made in the Sonwto by the Senator from New York k in wlinm T lt*vn ?K?if !>? of'thntfttnto ndoptod no rcioluti^ns ciuideinnntorvofUii? sentiment. ? ' * ; fe BWr'' They did, however, pass resolutions, with I great unanimity, sustaining fully tlio ultra po- ? nit ions of their distinguished?no, tlicir notori- j ous senator. Resoldtiohahave been adopted in every nou-slaveholding state; instructing their j senators nud requesting their Representatives in Congress to vote in favor of tlie adoption of j ! the Wilmot Pro'vfsV>, and in opposition, in many j cases, to tlio admission of any other slave j (States. Mr. McLanahan a*kcd if the gentleman from I iSouth Carolina hail observed that the Legisla- j turc of Pennsylvania had recently laid upon th? table resolutions in favor of the Wilmot j Proviso! Mr. Orr: Ihavo;nndI honor the patriotism < of your constituents in coming to the rescue of i inu ooiisiuuuori in muse perilous times. Jn- ! 1 st ructions,such as I have spoken of, did pass i J tliis Legislature of Pennsylvania two years ago. < | I repeat the assertion, that every tton-slavc- ' I holding Btate lins passed resolutions of an un- i ! lnistakcablu abolition character. Yet the 1111- I ' ceasing efforts of the press here, and newspa- (i | per correspondents are directed to induce the 1 | people of the south to believe that this hostility 1 | to our institutions is confined to a few fanatics, < and that abolition is not the general sentiment < ! of the country. , 1 Another evidence of the progress of abolition f I sentiment i3 the legislation of the non slave- s . holding states obstructing the delivering up of > j fugitive slaves. What is the constitutional pro * vision upon that subject. 'No person held to < I servien nr li'lwir in rain ?!.? 1 ... V..IVIVI 11IVS laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in conse- i qucncc of any law or regulation therein, be (lis- < charged from such service or labor, but shall bo delivered up on claim of the party to whom 1 such service or labor may be due.' /Some of < the Northern states have passed laws imposing j ' heavy penalties on any stale office i who may ' aid tlio owner in recovering his runaway slave, i , The state officers of all the states swear to i ' support the Constitution of the United (State as ! ] i "well as the constitution of the state in which j the officor resides. Now, if the Constitution of i the United /States requires that a person held 1 to st i vice shall be delivered up, and a state i 1 officer refuses to obey that provision, docs he1 | prove faithful to his ontht And is not the pen- ' i alty imposed by the particular state a compul- I lllnil IIIV1II Ihn <? : ?? ' ..j?.. vmwi ?.? vv/inuiih jjuijuryt l Ills i legislation reflects truly the feeling of tho Nor- < them states upon this subject. When n slave i escapes, friends receive him with open arms, < and clandestinely convey him beyond the i leach of his lawful owner. If the slave, per- < chance, is overtaken, or hunted out of his secret hiding place, tne owner perils his life; 1 through the lawless violence of the mob,i n re claiming his property, and in assorting rights i solemnly guarantied to him by the Constitu- 1 tion. Tho laws and popular tumults against < tlie muster, to ntitcli 1 imvu uUwitcd, cYoarly i indicates the settled, deliberate purpose of the i Northern states to deprive us of our rights in | I mnt spec 103 ot property, ) Northern sentiment on the subject ofaboli- j j thin speaks trunipct-tongued in the political j j privileges conferred on free negroes in some of ' the Northern states. Maine, New Hampshire, I Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhodo Island ami all extend the right of suffrage to the African, j ] At the last state election in New York the I free negroes held the balance of power be twoen the two political parties. Represent n- t tives upon this floor rcceivc the votds of this ' degraded class, and the success of republican j institutions is made to depend upon the judg liient and intelligence of free negro sovereigns. The aim of the abolitionists looks first to the emancipation of our slaves throughout the South, and then is to follow their elevation to i nu tne social an l political privileges of tho j ' ! wiiito nian.Tlio thick-lipped is to vote [ at same ballotbox, cat at the same table, niul sit in tho eaino parlor with tho whitonian. This, ! the abolitionists would say, 'isa consummation devoutly to be wished for.' Another ovidoncc; sir, of tho progress and intolerance of this sentiment is to be found in tho separation m* two of tho most numerous and respectable Christian denominations in this Country, (tho Haptist and the Methodist.) They assembled in convention nnd conference, year after year, to advance that holy cnuee in which t!oy had mutually embarked. Hut, sir, the demon of fanatical discord stalked into their associations. Christian charity nnd brotherly love wero impotent in resisting its encroachment upon their peaco and union; Northern members demanded that their southern brethren should surrender and eschew the institutions of I llm (*niihlrv in wlilnli ilm? K..?.l *t.~i -- J ? ...VH Uiv-J- llfVU?WIWV IJlt'V should bceonic traitors to (ho slate to which 1 their allegiance was duo, and provo recreant t to their obligations to their obligations to the i community in which thoy resided. They were too holy to commune at the samo altar with t their southern brethren, until the latter should I pronounce slavery a sin, au.l ngreo to enlist in I an effort for its extinction. The terms were t too igiiominoua for Christians or patriots. With t a manly independence, the southern wings of ( both denominations rejected tho oiler,and the 1 separation of their churches ensued. These * two* sir, wore heavy blows against onr political t union, from the shocks of which wo have not, i yoticcovored. t Another evidence of tho extent of this sonti- * ment Is exhibited in tho popularity, the univer- 1 sal popvdarity, of tho doctrine of free soil?tho J ivgiiiiimw scRxi, as 1 neioro remarked, of the 1 al>olition stock. Tho popularity of that doc- c trine is not to bo judged by indepondentfree- r soil party organization. Tho.<o who candidly ( avoTi k?o opinion arc few in number; they re- ? fnso to co-operato with either of tho other par- )' ti )8, anil hanco a separate organisation; but the 1 nrnis of tho Northern people comprising tho 1 two great political parties, sympathize in sen- ' tiinent and fcoling with tho frecsoilern. It is ' idle to disguise tho fact. Tin speeches deliv- 8 crecl by Northern Representatives sinco tho commencement of this discussion is a thorough " vindication of the truth of this assertion. They f may bo well arranged into two classo*; ono of ' which broadly aseerts tlwt tho North has been * guilty of no nggrossions upon thosouth?that v the south has IIO iiistejuinn (if cmnnlninl anminol ( them?that our Jemaud to sharo equally in tlio ~ common property of all tho states is nn aggrcs- ^ rion upon tho North?that our fugitive slaves aro always promptly surrendered upon tho *dornand of Uio owner. This is tho languege * addressed by thorn by Northern constituencies 4 hoy do not appeal tothointo quiet this infix- j nous Agitation?they do not remind them of [ heir constitutional obligations; nnd thus their I lourse can have no other effect than to fan tho j lames of fanaticism until they shall burn out ! the vitals of tho Coiistitutioh and the Union. Tho other clrtss show equally, in their spoechjs,their attachment to tin? doctrines offree sod. Kvery Northern man of thisChiss Nvho has adhessed tho committee 011 this subject, except r?y friend from Indiana, (Mr. Gorman,) ami my friend from Pennsylvania, (Mr. Ross) is in tho iame category. Their speeches open gederal iy, wun h Yiuieut pmupptc against tho south, l'hey ohttrge us with arrogance, find some of Ihein are in hot haste in volunteering their scrrices to inarch troops into our midst to force us lo continue in tlic Union, if wc should choose to secede from it. They tell us they nre in fuvor sf non-intervention. What docs this non-intervention amount to? If it were a bonajt'le nonnterfercnce with our rights, it would be all [hat the south could ask?all that she has a right to demand under the constitution But this much die does demand; and depttrtd upon it, die Will he appeased by nothing less. Some >fthe Norlhcan non-interventionists deny that Congress has the power to pass tho Wilniot Proviso; othersminUtain tho position that Coirjress has th^. ,/iwcr, but should not exercise it, uul straightway offer the excuse to their constituents that it i* not necessary to pass it? that the Mexican laws arc in force, and they exclude slavory. 2'hia is the opinion entertained by Gen. Cass Mid all the nonintervention Northern Democrats in this llonse. Is not this a heavy tribute which non-intcrventioh pays to free-soil? It is tantamount to saying, we are in favor of the end which the proviso aims to accomplish, viz: Iho exclusion of the slave States from ali the territory nemiired from Mexico?we oppose its adoption only because we regard it as unnecessary, and because we believe the course wo propose to pursue will most effectually subserve the end without giving offence and producing irritation in the South. 1 repeat it,/Sir, such ton-intervention paya a heavy tribute to abolitionism. Another, and perhaps, Mr Chairman, the most pregnant indication of tlic progress of Abolition sentiment, is the remarkable condition of things that now exists throughout the country in relation to the admission o? California into the Union. I venturo to say that never in the hittory of this Government has any important question been presented for the consideration of Congress where party lines were all broken down as they have been on Ibis question. It is an Administration measure ?one which certainly reflects but lfttle creditupon its wisdom or patriotism. Parties have but recently emerged from the heat of a presidential struggle, and upon all other questions, ??rc this alone, which have been introuiiced into this House at the paescnt session, partisan gladiators lmvo waged as tierce a contest as in : lays of yoro. Irregular and objectionable as | ah uiu proceedings nave been, but one solitary Representative (I refer again to my friend Mr Ross) from the free States has nvowctl himself opposed to its admission nto the Union; parties are broken down?the North is making it a sectional question. Northern Whigs and Northern Democrats, Whig LYee-soilers and Democratic Free-soilers all ! rally upon this common platform, and the cm- [ illation between them is great who shall he foremost in introducing this embryo Stnto into the Union. Some of the objections to its admission into the Union I will briefly notice. No Census had been taken etthcr by tho authority I >f the pretended State or by tlia authority of J Jonnress. We have no official information which woeld authorize us to determine wlieth ! sr '.! <' population wftsten thousand or one bun- I >1 i in ?- ' * * k.vu inuu"Uini. l liu DIIIIIIIIT 111 VOICS FrtUltO Imve been polled in the ratification of tho constitution was about thirteen thousand. This number of voters, where tlifl population is an iverage one, would indicate a population of j seventy thousand souls Tho proportion of the] idult male population iu California is greater | far than in the States, comparatively few wo- | inen or children having emigrated t nit her. If , thenumber of votes polled bo adopted as tho criterion by wnicli tho population is to be adjudged, it could not have exceeded, at tho date >f the ratification of tho constitution, forty lwusand; and, with those facts, Congrosa is import uncd to admit California with two Rcpre jtiimuvi-s, wuii u icaa i>o])iiiHiioii 01 American litizens than each member on this floor represents. Then as to its boundaries, they contain tuificient territory to make five largo States, and unbrace a sea-coast of moro than eight hundred niles. Tho convention which framed tho constituion wan not called by authority of Congress, >ut by u military ofticer, who, by virtue of tho K>mmission ho held under the Government of lie United States, exercised tho functions of livil governor. His ukase directed that tho ^invention should consist of thirly-scven mein>ers. lifter tho convention "was elected, itas; lemblod, and, by a vote fcr which it had no anhority, not even from the military dictator, it ncrcasod tho number of delegates from thirty oven lo seventy-muo, ami allowed tlie addiionnl number, without referring It to tlio peo>le, to take their seats, tlioy being tho defeated andidates At (lie election. In my judgement t was tlio duty of the President to liavo censur;d the officer who thus excreised tho high peogative of military dictator. If the l'resilent had desired to carry out tho will of Confess according to his pledges, th.it officer could i lot have escaped punishment, for Congress at ts last session jiositively refused to allow tho >eoplo of California to vlo that which tlie mill- 1 ary governor, by a military order or proclama- ; ion, bearing striking analogies to an order, in- i tructed them to do. Who are tho people of 6'alifbmiu? A world ( 11 minature?tho four quarters of the globo aro , onrfispntpd tlioriv N(i nnliinilifiiilinnlntiid I ig been passed, t'.cro was iy> legal impediment ? o their exercining the right of suffrage. The I yholo proceeding?nothavnig the consent of ( Jongres?, the rightful legislature of tlio territory ?Wfu illegal and rovolutioaary. I repeat Mr, ' Jhairtmm, that with all theao irregularities we 8 ind cvory party in Congress from tho Northern r Kates in favor of thordmission of California in- t t> tho Union?and whyl For no other reason ( hau that slavery ha? bocu excluded by her # constitution. If her people had assembled under lawful authority, with an ascertained population equal to the present ratio of representation, they alone would have had tlio power to determine the question whether slavery should or should not exist within her limits. If (hat dcclftion had been to exclude slavery, no murmur of Complaint would have beeh hoard from ally Southern man; but I undertake to say here, if slavery had been tolerated, we should have found just ns unanimous a sentiment in the Northern iS'tates cgninst her aomission into the Union as we now find in favor of that proposition; ond I do not make this assertion without good foundation. When Florida applied for ftdiHission into the Union, a large majority in Congress voted against it, when eveVy initiatory step had been regular, on the insblatcd ground that she was a slavcholdin State. I have other evidences, Mr. Chairman, of Northern sentiment upon the subject of slavery. The speech recently delivered by the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster) and tlie action of the /Anise in laying upon the table the resolution of the gentleman ft-otn Ohio, in the early part of the session, lias in,1.., 1 ?>..? it.. 11.-1 _ .. c umuu mv: WUIIUI 111 IIIC OUUlll mill i\ snisu U| justice had returned to (heir Northern brethren. Those appearances arc deceptive. It is an illusion wliich I deeply deplore. The Senator from Massachusetts made a truly patriotic speech; but what did he propose} All chat ho offered was, fog!ve to the South her clearly-dcfincd constitutional rights. This gratified us. It gratified us to know that a distinguished Northern man would frankly and ingeniously concede our rights, and enforce their execution by his vote and voice. How has that speech, been received in the Stnte of Massachusetts, of which he is the proudest ornament? Her legislature was in session; and fearing lest that speech might contain the balm to heal the divisions of the. country, straightway new poison was poured into tho wound. Resolutions were passed, taking the strongest and mo.it offensive I m 1: i i ? i.: - K uuiiu. i iu:v uiu nuv iiimiuui iiiiii, 11 is iruc for the dominant party do not assume ahe right to instruct; but that Senator has not been sustained by his immediate constituents, but a large majority of the people and of the press of Massachusetts have condemned liim. He has not been more fortunate here?one after another of the Massachusetts delegation has addressed the committee, all assi 'ning jiositions adverse to those taken by Mr. Webster. The only hope of aid in this House v.iOk its departure to-day, when the honorable ge.itleinen who preceded me (Mr Winthrop)announced himself in favor of General Taylor's nnstatosinaulike plan of settling the existing difficulties. DnnI : .. .1. i . . i i >_ IV51 M t'UMt'r Ulll'l hJKIKU it I 1 I'OUUl HUUilK lt>l Now England. Tire waves <>t' fanaticism have broken over ibe land of tire Pilgrim Fathers, and arc sweeping off the influence and power of her best and brightest men. When his gonitis has proved itself impotent to stay this onward wave m the minds of three whose service he lias so much honored, upon what ground can the South rest her hopes 011 peace and safety in this Government? The action of the House in laying Root's resolution upon the table promised fruit which will never be gathered. If the proviso is not pressed at the present session it will not be because the North have abated one title in their devotion to it. The ndvocatesof that measure are satisfied they will accomplish tlioir purpose quite as effectually, and much more adroitly, iu another way. But, sir, there is still further evidence of Northern sentiment. We hive been told by one gentleman, in this debate, "that the only way in which the abolition of slavery in the Stntcscnn be constitutionally effected, is to confie it within its present limits;" another said, "thi.t no more slave States or slave territory should come into this Union?soonnr civil war," &c.; another, "tho W'ilmot Proviso was an abiding principle in the hearts of the people of the free States;" and still another, who is a moderate Northern man "that slavery was a national shame and a national disgrace." I quote these sentiments that they may be contrasted with thcoftrciterated assertion, that it is not the purpose of tho Northern States to abolish slavery where it now exists. They loll us plainly that they can effect abolition in the States, through the legislation of this Government, without violating I he Constitution; and they admit, further, that they will do it by indirect means, but their constitutional scruples forbid di cot lcgis lation hi abolishing slavery. Now, sir, I have a great contempt for the morality or honesty of that sort of reasoning which would make an act unconstitutional if executed directly, but satsfies the conscience that it is constitutional if done indirectly. The institution of slavery being a "national shame and a national disgrace" in the opinion of the North, and having the power to abolish it by indirect means, the 1 legislation of this Government (for the North have the majority) is to ho hostile to our institutions. We then present this anoinoly, that a Government established by wise and patriotic men for the security nnd safety of the persons and properly of all its narts?a Government which derives its sustainanco by taxation tipou all its | parts,is to depart so far from the purposes [)f its crcation as to destroy, by its hostile legislation, the property of one-half of the States composing that Government; and that, too, v/hen the /States thus threatened are in such a hopeless minority in Con-! jress that they are unable to prtcet them- j iclves nominal that hostile, unconstitution il legislation. Tlio vnlue of our slnvo ' property is somo sixteen hundred millions )f dollars: this is to be destroyed through j i majority. I . 'J The rule for constiucting the Const ilu* lion, which is fast beir>? established, is? that the majority have the right to rule* and whatever construction they give Is the true constructioni Such, Mr. Chairman, is not our reading or construction of that instrument. The Constitution is to protect the rights of minorities! majorities have always the ability to protect themselves1 If they have tho absolute right or making and censtructing> thtrt there is no necessity for a wiillcn Constitution. If the will of the majority is absolute it is the strong against the weak; the law of force which existed betwen individuals beforo Governments were instituted. If the power now claimed for the Northern ?tates is persevered in it requires no spirit of prophecy to foresee that it must end in disunion. The institution of slavery is so i intimately interwoven with society, and is ' so indispensable to our social, political and i national prosperity, that it will not bo j surrendered so long as there is a South* cm hancl to strike in its defcncc. We intend to preserve and perpetuate it. Wo have another demand, and that is, that we shall be allowed to enjoy our proper1 ty in peace, quiet and security. 1 tell Northern gentlemen to-day, that five years will not elapse before they will to * required lo make their choice between non-intervention and non-agitation thro* Congress on the one hanu, and adissolli1 tion of this Government on the othcrj and I tell Southern people, if this agitallnn .1....:. 1I..1 .1 iiyjtt 10 vvmiuu\;u uuuii^ tllilt illlll*, UlCir peace and personal security will require them to choose between secession nnil negro emancipation. Sir, I do no desire to be considered an alarmist; but if gentlemen will recur to the history of the country, ihey will learn that the antislavery party was contemptible and insignificant, but it has now grown to be n great colossal power overshadowing almost the entire North, and has enlisted under its banner all the political parties there. If its progress is as rapid in the next liva years as for tire last ten, you will find no Northern Representative who will J far Dlltraco tho sSnllmpnt nf liU O * w* * constituents as to oppose even the aboli-1 tion of slavery in the ?S'tates. (Concluded next week.) Oapt. (Schenck, of the steam ship Ohio* on his arrival at Havana from New Orleans on the 18th inst., was not allowed to come to an anchor at a place which lie considered unsafe for his ship. He wrote to Gen. Campbell, our Consul, protesting against his being compelled to comrt to an anchor and remain in so insecure ?. spot, and that lie should hold the Spanish Covcmmcnt responsible for loss or damage which his ship might sustain. This protest was communicated by the Consul to the Governor of Havana, ?vho directed his Secretary, in acknowledging the receipt of Gen. Campbell's communication to say, "If the 0..ptain finds that that place does not offer to his vessel all safety, he can go to sea, as no one compellshim to remain here. The government of the island has nothing to do j with the responsibility attached to said Captain for the preservation of his steamI ftr " i 7 he fate of Genius.?There is in this city an old man of sixty, who graduatedat the University of Dublin, Ireland, at i the nge of twenty-two years was admitj ted as a surgeon in the British army, and ! in that capacity visited this country with ! the English, was present nt the dcstruc' lion of the public buildings, 3tores, etc., at Wjishing City; has been in Iuaia with the British army, hns been present, doing his services as a surgeon, at over four ihous amputations, and fifteen severe battles; was shot twice, performed surericnl operations on three hundred wounded generals, seven colonels, twenty captains, and over eleven thousand officers of j smaller grade, privates, etc. Has dined | with two kings, one empress, one emperor,, the sultan, a pope, innumerable great 1 generals, ect. lias held the largest diamond in his hand known .?the world, except one. Has had the British crown in his hand. Has been married three times, father to eleven children, a.l of whom h? has survived. Broken down by disease, be could no lonrmr nrnr-lif a Vi? npAf/ici.!n.? D_. , too poor to live without employment, and too proud to bocome a pauper, lie sailed in an emigrant ship t? this countiy threff year.'1 ago; nnd this man of rcmnrkabk adventures, classic education, master of" four languages, sixty yearn of age, pooiv old, and decaying, is now peddling oranges and apples in tho streets of this city ! "We know what we nre, verily we know not what wo may be!" From an experiment recently made nI the Patent Office, it is found that a rod of" good wrought iron, ono inch square, will support 83 tons without br?akuig.