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LA/4 t~ CO A Family Companion, Devoted to Literature, Miscellany, News, Agricultueiakes c AYVol. XVII. NEW BERRY, S. C., W EDNESDAY, MY25,18.N.2. F:..> fN d1ERAL~ IS PUBLISHED ~VERY WEDNESDAY MORNING, it Newberry, S. C. BY 'PHOS. F. ORENBKKR, Editor and Proprietor. Terms, $2.00 per .In numa Invariably in Advance. 17 The paper is stopped at the expirationc time for which it is paid. gy' The M4 mark denotes expiration of snl criptioa. Pianos and Or-ans. 8-4 C.)n CC 10 N z eo C), tIt o . W'o} ~n absolute ottbest ?c~~ bowe~u. bZOO aLU ness, 'iw-oruer ~ ~ will b SfyoU AITIT'flfl obacco,@ Hop B giseellaneous. SPEECH OF I HON. M. C. BUTLiR, t OF SOUTH CAROLINA, t In the Senate of the United States, F Thursday, April 28, 1881. a MR. PRESIDENT : I have had no n dposition to take part in this de.1 bate, and should have carried out o my purpose to remain silent but fi for the most remarkable and un- t, called-for philippic of the Senator ; from Maine [Mr. Frye] and some novel and extraordinaiy proposi- c tions of his republican colleagues, , which have made it necessary for t me to enter into a vindication of b my own course and to fulfill a ri promise made to the honorable ei Senator from Rhode Island, [Mr. I Burnside.] a It is not an agreeable duty-a a very ungracious duty-but never- d theless a duty ; and I shall en- fc deavor to discarge it fearlessly, t< and with becoming consideratiLn t< for the feelings of my brother d Senators and a due regard for 'S those amenities of debate that ri should always control us in this a high and dignified branch of the national Legislature. And if in t the heat of earnest discussion I a should appear to transcend the t limits of parliamentary propriety, I trust it may not be regarded as b intentional or wan.ting in a pro. t per estimate of senatorial deco- a rum. t Mr. President, on the 20th of b this month referring to some ob- h servation made by the Senator t( from Maine, [Mr. Frye,] who I re- ci gret very much is not in his seat, e in a colloquy between the hon- r< orable Senator from Rhode Island b, [11r. Burnside] and myself, I used u] the following language: ti The Senator sat there and heard al tit tiratde ; but when I rise and m at t em pt to vindicate myself; t he a Senator comes to the front and o, declares that whoev'er says there g was a bargain in this Cbamber, u has uttered a failseh'ood Mr. Burnside. Well, I do say a so yet. Mr. Butler. I1 have made no soeb charge; but, Mr. President, e if I do not demonstrate it by irre ti fragable testimiony I1 will resign te my seat in this Senate.p Again I said : al The Senator from Maine ar- e raigned the entire South almost ; ~ he arraigned every Senator from c< the South, charging that we are ci here the representatives of States ti that have repudiated their public a obligation, as an excuse for some- i thing that is being done in this e $enate- b Further on I said : But Mr. President, I have been betrayed into saying a great deal more than I intended when I a rose. I repeat that at the proper , time if the remarks of the Sen- v ator frojm Maine, in my judgment, b shall require further notice at my a hands as to what he may have a said about my State and the con-a dition of affairs down there, I r shall take occasion to ask the Sen-. e ate to hear me in response ; but for the present I desire to repeati that that is not the issue. The real issue is whether or not a bar-r gain has been made on this floor by which it is proposed on thet one part to take something which does not belong to the republican caucus or the democratic caucus or both combined in exchange for e the' influence or the vote or the power of any man or set of men,r to wit, the officers of this Senate. They do not belong to us. They belong to the sovereign people of t this country, and we control them in trust for the people and not toc barter away for political power-. I regret extremely that the Sen ator from Maine who saw fit to make this arraignment of myself, and my associates, and my people is not in his seat; [ regret that circum stances will not permit me to post pone what I have to say, until his return ; for I shall have something to say about him, and about his State, which I should prefer to have 'hrn bear. I ., Mr. PresidIent, that I made Iio charge of a bargain in th Sa.o. and I rer.eat it. I said urther that I would produce the .vidence which in my judgment vould go to establish beyond all loubt that a bargain had been nade; and in proceeding to do hat I wish it to be understood hat with the motives and pur >oses and intentions of Senators, ,s individuals, I have nothing to .o. I am not here to impeach notives, to call in question the ndividual integrity and honesty f Senators. The junior Senator rom Virginia [Mr. Mahone,] says hat 'no mau can search the hu ian heart.' That is true. No ower b'it the power of Omnis ience and Omnipotence can earch the human heart' and in 3rpret. its mysterious operations; at in making ordinances and ales and regulations for the gov- 1 rnment and protection of society, I iankind provided that men who re twenty-one years of age, who i re sui juris, who are not under ' uress, should be held responsible )r their acts as well as their ut- 1 3rances. While I do not attempt 1 > 'search the human heart' and etermine what motives influence enators or gentiemen, I have the ght, and it is my duty as a Sen- 4 tor, to criticise, legitimately, the ublic acts, the public votes, and ae public utterances of all Sen tors and all men who belong to ie public. It is not my habit, it has never < een my habit, to impugn the mo ves or question the integrity of 1 ny Senator; and while it is true f lat we cannot 'search the human i eart,' how many human beings i ave been sent to the gallows and > the State's prison for life upon i rcumstantial evidence ! How any of the greatest and most 1 >volting crimes in history have Sen investigated and determined i pon circumstantial or presump- < ve evidence, when no eye saw 1 d no ear heard the actor com- i itting the crime! It is also true I at there can be no crime with-< it intent. The presence of crim- 1 al intent is necessary to consti- 1 to crime or wrong-doing, but 1 ankind frequently determines ie character of the crime com itted or wrong done by the acts1 ' the individual, by circumstan- I as, by indirect evidence, not by I i plea of not guilty or the pro stations of the accused or sus ected. It is not snfficient in the< fe~irs of this life, in a civilized >untry to meet a cbarge by the< lea of not guilty and by the >unter charges of falsehood and i >ardice and slander and revola on and treason. No, sir, charges re not met in that way. The L demands something' more sub-4 tantial, and in the conduct of uman affairs the interests of so iety are more exacting. In the familiar illustration of a ian who stands upon a house-top nd recklessly throws a bille't of ood upon a crowded street be > and kills one of the passers y, homn perhaps he had never een or beard of before, will it vail for that man to come before court of justice and say, 'I am ot guilty ;' 'I never saw tbe de eased ;' 'I had no malice against im,' (and malice is a necessary ngredient to constitute murder ;) it is a cruel falsehood to charge ne with murder.' This does not atisfy society, it does not satisfy he law made for the protection f society. So the law intervenes, rd says, 'Although you may ever have seen or known the de eased, you have a heart devoid of ocial duty and fatally bent on nischief.' and the law implies nalice from the reckless act of urling the billet of wood from he house-top into the crowded ighway and destroying the life f the innocent. So there are in iumerable examnpies that .I might ise. to illustrate the propo.sition, .hat acts and circumistanuces sme)W- I imes 'speak louder than words;' s true when applied to political e.tion and official life as to law or roras or social duty. I repeat, I1 have nothing to do with the motives of the-Senator, 'om Virginia. I make no charges gainst him. I have nothing but he kindest feelings personally for him; but when he and his new political allies rise from their seats in.hi en ae enri chargn me with 'revolution and treason,' it is my duty, it becomes necessary for me in vindication of myself. to ac. count for the course that I am taking, and for the votes that I cast. If there has been nothing improper, if there has been no po. litical arrangement by which the offices of the Senate are proposed to be transferred from one party to the other for an improper pur pose, then my conduct is unjusti fiable, but if I believe conscien tiously, from the evidence, not from my own say-so, that there has been, it is my bounden and sworn duty to act accordingly and prevent if I can by all constitu tional and lawful means the con ummation of that which I believe will bring trouble and disaster ipon this country and npon the iberties of the people. 'Political bargains' may be es ,ablished by circumstantial evi lence as well as crime. 'Political )argains' are sometimes made y political parties and receive ,he assent of men who, as individ lals, would never think of con >enting to them. Wlere party tmbition, party exigency, tbe love )f party power, become aroused and a line of policy is entered up >, every member of that party is swept along before its irresistible >ower, the honorable and the dis ]onorable, the courageous and the ,owards, the patriot and the dem Lgogue, the staesman and the ,ime-server, and honorable men ;ometimes find themselves obey ng the behests of party dictation, nvolved in measures and policies tgainst which their private judg nent and feelings revolt. It will ilways be so, Mr. President, while arty tyranny is so unrelenting .nd exacting, like the cyclone in ature, when it bursts from a :loud and sweeps over the face of ,he earth, tearing up by the roots ,he strong, sturdy monarch of the 'orests, at the same time that it :arries before its whbirling tempest be chaff and dry leaves of au .umn. Many allowances should berefore be made. Many are nade for the weakness of parti ~ans whbo are un willing to brook e displeasure and eneounter the ~rowns of less scrupulous party riends by resisting the uncon cionable demands of par ty. But if when I propose to vindi ~ate myself and thbose with whom 1 m aicting and to justify our offi ,ial conduct in this senatorial con est I am met withb denunciation nstead of facts, argumen t, and eason, the country will not be atisfied, the people will not be atisfied. I had never made any barges upon the Senator from Virinia, I had never charged aim with being a repudiationist, I had nevei- charged him with reachery to the party that elect d him to the Senate, I had never barged him with a want of fidel ty to his trusts ; and yet, in the rst utterance be made on this ko, he takes occasion to arraign very democratic Senator who did 2ot choose to admit that he was right in all that he was doing. But, Mr. President, recurring, what is the evidence which dem anstrate s the existence of' a 'po litical bargain ?' What is that evi dence ? Whbat is that circumstan tial presumptive evidence by which it is proven ? Hundreds of criminals have been sent to the gallows and hanged until they were dead with not one particle of direct evidence as to the crime with which they were charged. The power and for'ce and efficacy of' circumstantial evidence rurs through the entire civil and crim inal code of this and all civilized countries, and it has been affirmed by men learned in the law to be in many cases the ve:y strongest and most conclusive and co[nvine ing of' all evidence. Now. what ar' the facts and circumnstanices, and thbe inevitable inferences and conclusions to be drawn from thbem, going to establish the tr'uthm of taie charges that have heen made ? They may be grouped and formu. ated as follows: First. The Senator from Vi ginia [Mr. Mabone] was elected to the Senate by a democratic constitneney. as a dlemocr'at, and S't ond. His purpose to vote wit th ,-Cpbut-an was nevei announced to the public until hi first vote in this Chamber de veloped that fact. Third. Following close upon this 'new departure' and that vote, was the assigtnment Of the Senator, by the republican caucus. to the chairmanship of an inpor t'nt committee of this body. Fourth. In a brief spacc of time followed the nomination by the republican caucus of Mr. Riddle berger, a democrat, his intimate, personal and political friend, for Sergeant-at-Arms, and the Sena tor says he is responsible for that nomination. Fifth. the nomination of Mr. George C. Gorham for Secretary of the Senate, the (:ditor of the republican organ in this city, who had earnestly espoused the Sena tor in his newspaper, although he (the editor) is an uncompromising 'stalwart' republican, and the Sen ator a 'better democr?at than the Senator from Georgia.' [Mr. Hill.] Sixth. The appointment, by the Senator, as clerk of his committee of the brother-in-law of said Gor ham. Seventh. The nomination, by the President, of the personal and political friends of the Senator to important Federal positions in Virginia, although the Senator says, and they say, they are dem ocrats. Eighth. The President has not appointed other democrats, the political friends of any other democratic Senator:; in any other State, to important. Federal posi tions. ' Ninth. The Senator has voted one hundred and twelve times, up to April 26, since he has been a member of the Senate, and every time with the republicans-never with the democrats-although be said in his speech, printed in the Record on the 31st of March last, that 'I was elected to the Senate of the United States to do their will, [meaning his constituents,] not to a caucus to do its petty bid ding. Tenth. By said votes the Sen ator is carrying out the wviI of the republican caucus as obediently as if he had never belonged to any other party. Eleventh. He moved his seat from the democratic to the re publican side of the Chamber, and appears to obey the dictation and 'bidding' of the republican caucus and republican Senators as abso lutely as if they con trolled his will and senatorial action. T welfth. Thbe republican caucus and republican Senators have re fused to transact the business for which the Senate was convened in extraordinary session until tL ey shall have disorganized the Senate and elected the friends of the Senator to the vacancies which they seek to create, thereby para lyzing the executive arm of the Government, preventing the pro. per discharge of the public busi ness, obstructing the wheels of the government-all this to re ward the Senator for his votes and for political power that his vote gives them. Thirteenth. The Senator still claims to be a democrat, but votes steadily with the republicans. Fourteenth. The Senator avow ed in his speeches that he 'is the custodian of his own democracy, and yet he has transferred the custody of it to the repu;blican caucus and votes its 'bidding.' Fifteenth. Tue action of the Senator and the republican caucus in seeking to turn ont faithful officers at an executive session of the Senate and elect and install others, some of whom are un tried and inexperienced, is with out precedent in the history ol the Governmcut. Sixteenth. Mr. Riddleberger is, as he avows, a -democrat' and un reconstrueted ; a : readjuster' or rep,udationist, and must thcrefore be objection)able andl offensive to republican Senators. Seven teeth. Trhe irepublican Sen ator from Obio avows that 'any thing that will beat down that party (the de mocratic) and build 0Up ou -wnhe republican) i iustifiable in~ r.irals and law. Corrupt 1'ar aTs, perjury, mur der,l)ircy, ~LluJe,arso,rap, i cendiarism-'anything' is 'justifi able,' says that Senator. Eighteenth. The same Senator and otners of his caucus propose to buy our acquiescence in their cc,rrupt party policy by tendering pay to the present democratic em ployes of the Senate until next December, if we will allo:v the election of Riddleberger and Gor ham, and this, too, without the semblance of law or right. Nineteenth. The Senator from Virginia and other republican Sen ators have assailed the motives and questioned the official integri ty of every democratic Senator on this floor, because they vote as their conscience dictates ; and we have a right to assume that they do this to divert the attention of the country from this unnatural alliance, and bolster up and give plausibility to an untenable and wrong position. Twentieth. The Senator from Virginia has said that he has nothing to apologize for respect ing his part in- the confederate army, is therefore, unreconstruct ed, and the President of the United States has said that he will shake hands with no man who has not expressed repentance for his sins of rebellion ; and there must, therefore, be some other reason for the interchange of political and personal favors than political affinity and personal regard. Twenty-first. The Senator from Virginia and some of his new po litical allies, instead of inviting in vestigation of charges that have been made, far and wide, of cor rupt partices, seek to prevent oo this floor free speech and legiti mate discussion touching those charges by threats and denuncia tion. Twenty-second. The reason as signed for this extraordinary coalition is that the Senator from Virginia is in favor ofa 'free bal lot and fair count' in Virginia; that it secures 'a free ballot and fair count. Whereas there is no evidence here or elsewhere that thbe 'ballot' is not p)erfectly 'free' and count 'perfectly fair' in Vir ginia. The elections in that State are managed by three election judges-one republican, one read juster, and one democrat-and if these is not a free ballot and fair count the fault lies with the re publican and readjuster. Twenty-third. It has hereto tore been the unbroken, universal "ide and practice of the republi cans to nominate none but repub licans for Sergeant-at-Arms, and make none but republicans chair men of the committees, when in the majority, ekcept as to the last, to give unimportant chair manships to three of the oldest democratic members of the Sen ate. They have never before made a democratic Senator chair man of one of their important committees-in this case one who has been recently sworn in-and never before have the republican caucus nominated for the impor tant position of Sergeant-at Arms a democrat unreconstructed and a repudiationist. * * * * * * Mr. President, it is said that you want 'a free ballot and a fair count' in the South ; you want to dissolve 'the solid South.' I hope I may not be cousidered as indi vidually offensive to any republi can Senator on that side when I say a 'free ballot and a fair count' is the last thing that you want, and I have only to turn to the re cord of the last election to show how absolutely empty and unreal that-claim is. 'A free ballot and a fair count !' when the gallant democratic State which my distinguished friend on my left [Mr. Voorhees] so ably represents in par on this floor was colonized with colored voters from the Southb im mediately pre ceding the last election to nullify neutralize the democratic vote of that State. A 'free ballot and a fair count !' whben you sent your emissaries into Indiana with bags of money, and they camped upon that State prepared to buy Kevery venal voter who offered himself for sale; when you spent millions~ all over the country buy in" nanges and corrupting the suffragans when your powerful co1 porations and monopolies coerced their employes, dependent upoi them for their daily bread, to votc their will and their bidding, and made a travesty and mockery of free elections. 'A free ballot and a fair count!' If I do not show as to Maine before I get through that such a thing as a 'free ballot and a fair count' is scarcely known there, then I shall be more mis taken in the effect of evidence than I have ever been before in my life. The Senator from Virginia said in his speech: The desire of our people for cor dial relations with all sections of a common country and the people of all the States of the Union, their devotion to popular educa tion, their efforts for the free en joyment of a priceless suffrage and an honest count of ballots, their determination to make Vir ginia, in the public beli.ef, a de 3irable home for all men, wher ever their birthplace, whatever their opinions, and to open her fields and her mines to enter prise and capital, and to stay the retrograde movement of years, so as to bring her back from the fir teenth in grade to her original position among the first in the sizterhood of States, forbid that my action here should be controll ed or influenced by a caucus whose party has waged war upon my constituency and where party success is held paramount to what I conceive to be the interests of Virginia and the welfare of the whole country. He asks a blessing for Virginia He will pardon me for saying that 'the voice is Jacob's voice, but the hand is the hand of Esan.' I think I. hear the republican par ty coming to him, and in the lan guage of Rebekah to her son, ex elaiming, 'Upon me be thy curse, my son only obey my voice, and go fetch me them.' The republi ean party says this to the Sena ator and the Senator responds for Virginia with 'the voice oi Jacob,' but with the 'hand of Esau.' He says that he is called upon to de t'end Virginia from those who at Lack her and ought to have been ber defenders. I have never at Lacked Virginia; I could not find t in my heart to attaek that State. I have seen her fair bosom rent and torn by the rough plow share of war. 1 have seen too mueh of the uncomplaining, un nagging devotion of her fair and beautiful daughters, and splendid gallantry and daring genius of her peerless sons. I have received too much of kindness and hospi tality and consideration at their hands to attack Virginia, and I have given some evidence at least of my desire to defend her by tak ing the chances of death upon her beautiful hills and classic fields, and so has the Senator. I have made no attack upon that old State. My own blood is mingled with her dust, and I would as soon .think of'attacking the grave yards of my own dead as to at tack her. If I had any inclination to attack anybody in Virginia, it would be those of' her sons whose course, I believe, is bring ing dishonor and degradation up on her. If I had any disposition to attack 'the old mother of States' or her sons, or any of her people, it would be those who are asking blessings in her name and receiv ing them for themselves. I have not only not attacked Virgini2, but I have attacked none of her sons. But I am not content as a southern Senator to permit her junior Senator, or any other Sen ator, to impugn my motives and aspcrse my integr'ity because 1 see fit to vote as my inclinations dictate in this body. * * * * * * And now I crave the indulgence of the Senate while I discuss another matter. The Senator from Maine apologized for the remarks he made in this Chamber upon the ground that he was a new member here, 'the youngest Senator,' I believe be said, and then proceeded to read us all a lecture on this side of the Chamber, assailed our civilization, arraigned our people, attacked .our habits and methods of life, denounced our pol ities, morals, and customs. ADVERTISING RATES. Advertisemhents insertcd at the rat ct SI.00 ner squar(on oinch rfor first inlsertionf. :,nl 75 cent- for ::tcll suhsmqient insert,or.. D)t0,'1- column adIverti'etnents ten per cent. 01; +b~C I oie:of meetings, obinere% and trlil- tes ofdresct,;m rates per -square as ordiu::ty Seecial Notices in Local column 15 cent Advert i;rmncts tie' r1: :e~-i with the numn her u, ,, ~1..:.?. a"il %vp 1 ill fo hi anid c1 fOrihd,c.nIngl Special e~ontracts m,de- with large adver tiers, with 'her: i .-utoo above ratt s IJOB PRIX'TLV'G DONE WITHI NEAXTNE-SS AND D1,_P.,TC1i TERMS CASH. He arraigced my State. Hec said we did nut have -a free ballot and a fair count,' and he used this unfor tunate expression : b, it is easy to shoot labor when it has been ground down for a hun dred years by slavery. He said that the civilization of the South was founded upon barbarism, and the civilizahtion of the North (meaning I suppose New England) was founded upon the Bible, and the school-book, &c. ; that there were two civilizations in this country ; there had been an 'irrepressible conflict' be- -- tween slave labor and free labor, and he arraigned the entire South for her 'barbarism' and want of civilization ; that we had been con quered ; and he rattled the raw-head and bloody-bones of war and famine and revolution at us with terrible significance. So far as my own State is concerncd I would simply say this : She needs no defense at my hands. Her records under democratic govern ment answer the calumnies against her and I confidently refer to them. I wish I had time to run through the