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THE H ERALD an\iv 75 r ent '. -or tL( sc jgt se r IS PUBLISHED Do W r-at: o ne 's r e- t , gVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING,.N:e on:tig,buriadtib - - of~~~~~~~ dvresp1: snrt espreureaodn it Newberry, S. C. A BY TP , GRRIEKRR, * ber of in errinzs will be kept in till forb . S- --- -- -and chrged accord ng. l Editor and Proprietor. ts r_,_it_!_h_1___ue_sth___ho_e_r_t Ter*u, $,s.00ver -***""A Family Companion, Devoted to Literature, Miscellany, News, Agriculture, Markets, &o tuvariabl-v iu Advan1c. -: - the paper is stopped at the expiration of T TLI. :-eFo The ihmark denotes expiration of subVWEDNESDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 29, 1880. No. 40. TERMS CASH. crbtioXVI .WMiscellaneoMus DR. S. F. FANT, Wholesale and Retail DRUGGIST NEWBERRY, S. C., Offers Imported and Indigenous )rugs stipie and Rare Chemicals. Foreign and Domestic Medical Prepar tions. Fine Essential Oils and Select Powders. New Pharmaceutical 'Remedies. Special attention is called to the folli ing Standard Preparations FANT'S Liver Regulator. PANT'S Eliri ae Calisaya with Pyroph phateyof Iron. PANT'S Con p4nid Fluid Extract of Buch FANT'S Cowpouand Extract of Queen's light and Sarsaparilla,- with lodit of Potiassem. PANT'S Soothing Syrup. FANT'S Essence of Jamaica Ginger. FANT'S Agpe Cure-well known to eve: one in the County, having bee thoroughly tested in fever an ague. PANT'S Gologne. Curatine and Iron Bitters-the gre Blood Piurifier. Sole Agent for Swift's Syphilitic Specifi the Great Eliminator of all Impurities of tr Blood. The- core for Scrofula, Rheum; tism, Neuralgia and all Nervous Affection Buckeye Pile Ointment, a specific ft Piles. .. I also eFir the largest assortment Lamp- Se.ps, Perfumery, Hair Brushe Tooth Biashes, and Toilet Articles, of e ery deseription; at the very lowest prices. Call and examine for yourselves. Prescriptions carefdny compounded at a hours of the day and night. Mar. 31, 14-tf. H.HE.Fi IF YOU GET SICK From Biliousness and call a physician, nit cases out of ten he will give you the san prescription as - Unless he gives you CaO:M. Many co stitutions cannot stand Calomel, and it generally considered injurious to the ph sieul system. There is NO CALOILEL HIL'S HEA TIC PA NACEJ And if taken in time will save you the e pense of a physician and his prescrip tion. Sep. 16, 34-1y. NEIIBE RIY IJOL L EGI NEWBERRY, S, C. 'THREE COURSES of Instruction: CLA $QA*L, PHILOSOPHICAL and SELEC Alsoes - PREPARATORY DEPARTMENT presenting the very best opportunities f thorough preparation for college. Special advantages afforded to those d :siring to pursue an English Course. Board-in private families, including ful lights, farnished room and washing, $12 * unonth. Tuition, $30 to S856 per s'ession of unonths. Next session begins WEDNESDAY, SEPTEM~BER 15, 1880. For particulars, address G. W. liOLLAND, President Aug. 11. 33-2an. INEW HOTEL. This commodious edifice, situated E AIN STEEET, NE WBERRY, S. C., a knowa s Xhe BLEASE HOTEL iis now open, and invites the people one a -.al1 to call and know what can be done at huours, to wit: An Extra Good Breakfa Dinner, or Supper, for TWENTY-Fil CENTS. Forty or fifty regular boarders will taken at proportionately low rates. The convenience of location, excelle spring water, welt furnished table, et commend this house to every one. Oct. 16, 42-tf. STATE OF SOUTHl CAROLIN NEWBERRY COUNTY. By Jacob B. Fellers, Probate Judge. Whereas, Ebenezer P. Chalmers, Clerk Court, hath miade suit to me, to grant h Letters of Administration, of the derel Estate and effects of John HI. Gilliam, ceased. These are therefore to cite aind admnon atil and singular, the kindred and credit .of the said deceased, that they be appeat, before me, in the Court of' F Ibate,to be held at Newberry Court Hot S. C., on the 12th day of October ne agar publication hereof, at 11 o'clock the forenoon, to shew cause, if any tl have, w-hy the said Administration sho not be granted. Given under my Ha this 30th dlay of August, Anno Dom 1880. Sep. 1, 36-6t. NOTICE. .Applicationl will be made to the Gea Assembly of South Carolina, at its ii Session, for a Oharter re-incorporating Presbytery of South Garolina. Aug. 18, 34-3a. G. W. ABNE Y, TORNEY -AT -LAM OverBooser'S Store, Mowet'iuidii ill praee in the Courts of Edgel Newberry. A! business entrusted ill be promptly attene~ .to. * 1.5, 3s-tt. Pianos and Organs. K-y raw OW_ 11L is C I- ri ttz CO.MI, . C ,, er Afl tocfPr eiie,Ce r Ordrsrmtl a to. Ar. 11 15-t" ~ bo 0s Lif o rttnb hsH el SEN, ANCOCrrien.nor.. c-nosd yGn ac ck,tepato e a Co 00 DR.. Es Ea Ao ON ty. also s~Tny eNDsd BothiofIc COimesLpopuA, Sn ovrC0, week !! eeler ainou0sedy. t A f- stuck HUBAR BReMdce,Ce 4nd Fi lfes Rallas inBggein. modrat pris.AroTes Apr. 1, 14-tf. eyt Dem atores' oWhatonalre, d iders dmoress; Poflso, 15 cets o cnts byv mairadli.a ish. Fitchs Poplr Lbanuhr of widela ceht r tion alo stonglyendortsae.Bohc ,d imese poplar, sngove v rty. r do- ach.u ohr rebles boo k n ts. Srse,ucap, tterade BROnd Envlpes iG e. Se2, 39-St.~ ~IIS LECEIOl I ra 400i Halfe Retors toBr,Gigsf - motapodsye. Nov.I &2 C7 ofTJUSTINN . Ol Psents ers onboail.u ndd Aston tch's Poulartibrar of eeG. & CR .r do and convenient. R sh. oe d Seasie wLibar prep svaed n h rie ro-Vro uste.r S.bl bo..EJI se Cap. 41tf. n oe adEvlps Fvp I m B GENTLE HUMANITIES. I sb Shoe the horse and shoe the mare; Never let the hoof go bare; PC Trotting over flinty stones u t Wears away the hardest bones. Life has many a stony street o0 Even to the toughest feet; Men, the sturdiest, find it so Ere through half of life they go. th Streaks of blood are in the way, Trod by hum:ans every day; dE Seen by love's annointed eye gc While the blinded world goes by. ac Yea, if all the sighs were caught, in 4 Wherewithal the air is fraught; u What a gale would sweep the skies Laden with man's miseries! S av Gently then, or brother man! Do the utmost good you can; o God approveth e'en the least of Deed of truth to man or beast. Sa - -Thomas MacKeller. wu -aiilaneQ . m MR. PULITZER'S GREAT tu SPEECH AT INDIANAP. an OLIS. th -- ex "The Five Great Historical Results." Si! efl Mr. Joseph Pulitzer, of St. Louis, yi deliverec: a Indianapolis, on Au- fo gust 14th, the following most re- gl markable speech, one well worth perusal and solemn consideration. tr The orator said : at NOT IF THE PEOPIrE WILL BUT IF tih THEY CAN. gc The real question is not whether a change in Washington is poli- wi tic, but whether it is possible. de The issue is not to ascertain the w! will of the majority, but whether la that well-known will can be per- pr manently defied. It is not why th should the people want a change ? hi i but can they have it if they want ev it? Thrice in six years the Ameri can people showed unmistakably th that they wanted a change in be the character of their national o~ government. in 1874 they elected ch a Democratic House. In- 1878 be they elected stili another. In dr S1876 they also elected a Demo- sh cratic President. The results of tr these successive elections also an Schan'ged the Senate until that body W too is D)emocratic to-day. 'Thus be there are d FIVE GREAT HISTORICAL RESULTS in six years, the election of a i Democratic President, a Demo cratic Senate and three Demo- til cratic Houses, to show that the w majority of the American people az a- desire a change in the character ul en of their national govern men t. Yet, has there been a change ? Is the El ruling party or the ruling spirit re . at Washington not unchanged ? Ut 2 Does the majority govern to-day ? tb zDoes not the fraudulent ]Execu- K o tive, by the abuse of the veto it! -power, thwart every measure of nt na reform, retain every partisan abuse it rand defy the will of both Con agress and the American people? ca -Thbe Democracy is not only ht now, but really never ceased to tt be. the majority party , in this it: country. lii Is this still a representative p< government.? is this still a real fo republic ? Do the people truly lii govern themselves? Is a politi- E ) cal party in this country still re- ct sponsible to the people ? Is there g~ - no accountability, no day of judg- of menit? -Shall those who stole the K Presidency~ retain it indefinitely ? T 20 Shall fraud and political wrong be in up indorsed ? Is this to become a is personal and permanent govern- nm ment? Is this a government w based upon law and public opin- g ion, or on fraud and perjury ? 7LEsSONS BY FRANCE AND ENGLAND. ti Not long ago we read that the 0' - French people ordered a changeg in their national government. ItC NGwas a great urisis. The marshal president had a conflict with the French Congress. L.t was a con- o le, flict very much like tbe one b we had in this country-between ti ie place, force and power as against e f public opinion-the will of the a pole. It was said that MacMa- g ahnwould never yield. Troops ir )n were ordered out. Paris was at t1 at Ifever heat. It looked like another f< "revolution. The unarmed repre- o ea- sentatives of the people seemed to ft ilitary President with the half illion soldiers at his command. it there was no bloodshed. Mar al MacMahon submitted. lie cated the presidency and stop d into oblivion. It was a tri npb of public opinion. It was a etorv of the will of the people -er military force. It was self )vernment. A few months ago we read that e people of England, too, or red a change in their national vernment. England has a Queen d Empress, and no Republican stitutions. The English Queen s known to have a strong per nal dislike of Mr. Gladstone-an ersion which the whole royal mily had frequently and most ensively demonstrated. It was id that the Queen never would bmit, never would yield, never )uld send for Mr. Gladstone to .ke him prime minister. There is no law, no line in the consti tion requiriug it-only custom d public opinion-the will of e people. We heard of great citement and. another great eri But the Queen, after several ort.s to the contrary, finally elded. Mr. Gladstone was sent e. He is prime minister of En. and to-day. In this case, too, it was a great umph of public opinion-a tri ph of representative institu >ns-a triumph of popular self overnment. But how was it in free America ien -we last elected our Presi nt ? Did public opinion, the 11 of the people, the voice of w, the letter of the Constitution evail here? Was the choice of e great majority not kept out of 3 place by the greatest fraue er known in history ? WHAT IS IMPERIALISM ? It is often asked why it is that ose not to the manor born should so earnest and united in their position to Grantism and ma ine politics generally ? But why .s this republic so many chil en ? Why has every land and ore, every race and tongue con buted fresh blood and brawn d brain to our rising nation ? by do these millions of foreign rn already here still receive ily accessions by the thousands ? It is the spirit of imperialism. And what is imperialism ? Injustice, inequality, class dis ictions, privileges to the few, rong- to the many, corruption d venality, but above all-fraud ent one-man power. Those who wvait for a King or peror to appear before they cognize imperialism will wait itil it is too late. No purple or rone, no sceptre or crown, no ing or Emperor will ever herald advent in this country. Its ~tural advance guards are venal , fraud and centralization. It is all the moire dangerous be use it comes unheralded and un odd. Its spirit may creep~ in to e arteries of free institutions, essence may poison the very~ ~e-blood of liberty. Already im ,rialism rules in the name and rn of many republics. More erty exists under the British rpire than in the South Amieri .n so-called :epublics. Less self vernmen t exists under thbe name some Presidents than that of ings. Names signify nothing. bey deceive rather than denom ate. Brazil has a monarch who really a republican. There are any republicans in this country ho are really monarchs. En and has a legitimate3 Empress o does not govern but obeys e peop)le and Parliament, while ir illegitimate President over verns and defies the people and ongress. THE SPIRIT IF NOT TEE FORM. Show me a land where the will SCongress is held in contem,t y the Executive, and where, by le impudent use of'the veto pow ,it ceases to be the executive d becomes the dictator of Con ress ; show me a land where seats Sthe Senate arc bought with 1 gold of Nevada, bartered >r a mission to Peru or handed vern as personal property from Lther to son, as in the State of .....on - sho me a land where two men like Conkling and Cam eron are practically the political monarchs in the two greatest States, and over nine millions of people ; show me a land where ex ecutive influence of the vilest par. tisan character controls-the army, the navy, the treasury, the ju diciary, and a legion of over 100, 000 office-holders ; show me a land where one person controls 8,000 miles of railroad, mostly built by government subsidies; where an other has forty-seven millions ofj government bonds registered in his name, and where still another can appear at a White House re ception with diamonds on her body worth over a million of dol lars; show me a 'and where the money power, the organized cap ital, privileges and monopolies of tht country, the railroads, tele graphs, banks, protected manu factures, etc., are favored and fos tered by the government, and where all these powerful interests unite in opposing any change of that government; show me a land n, here laws are disregarded, elections nullified and the highest courts are perjured to prevent a change and give the enormous executive power to one clearly defeated by the people ; show me hero worship, one-man power, boss rule, Senatorial triumvirates, defiances of the popular will, fraud and sham ; show me an im potent House of Representatives, a polluted Supreme Court, a stolen Presidency, and you have shown and seen the spirit of Imperial ism ! The danger is not about a change in the form but in the spirit of our government. THAT DANGER HAS ACTUALLY COME. It is before us now. It is the issue of the hour, and the duty of the Democracy is to meet it, battle with it,overthro.v it and restore es tablish and the same principles of true, popular, self-government up on wbich the republic was origi nally founded and without which it is sure to founder. Gentlemen, those who were born to it may treat it as a matter of course, but I prize American citizenship. I did not gain it without sacrifice, and cannot lose it without sorrow. Where I was born-the most ant cient empire of the world-im perialism flourished. I tore thetie s of home and kin, broke the fetters of a subject, and, though but a boy, came to these shores friend less, homeless, tongueless, guide less-save that grand guiding star of liberty which this republic pre. sented to all the world. I became an American ; I became free. Be fore the republic clothed me wvith equal citizenship its laws exacted as a condition that I should re nounce all allegiance to imperial ismn and Emperor. I joyfully com plied with that condition. I have kept faith. I am only keeping faith now. When, by the secret march of centralization and the open defiance of' a daring and des. peiate political party, this rep)ub lie itself is infected by tendencies of' imperialism-what more natu ral, what more fit, what more grateful than those should be first to recognize the danger, give the signal of alarm and come to the rescue whbo know from actual sad experience whbat imperialism real ly is and whbo owe thbeir freedom to the republic ? PROSPERITY MORE DANGEROUS THAN POVERTY. One point made by Republican orators is the great pro~csperity of the country. The country is do ing remarkably well-everybody is prosperous-- all due to the IRe publican party, of course-why not let we!l enough alone !" If there is prosperity in the land, it is in spite of and not on account of the ruling party, it is through te labor of the toiling millions, not the work of politicians; through the unexampled resour ces, harvests and industries of the marvelous countr-y, and not thrugh a notoriously fraudulen t administration or a corrupt party. But there is one aspect of this prosperity whbich deserves serious thought. Great prosperity pro. duces great wealthb. Great wealth is power. It inevitably forms a class which selfishly, though na t.uly fersm its own interest. No goverrment can make the wealth ofacountry, but the wealth of a country may make the gov ernment. I heartily despise de magogical appeals against the rich or any one particular class, but this question is so grave that it must- be treated without gloves. The growth of the money power in this country has been fabulous, and its eonnection with, and in terest in, the government is alarming. Our foreign commerce -that is, exports and imports alone amounted to, for the year just clsed. how much do you sup pose? Over $1,500,000,000 IN A SINGLE YEAR. There is not one importer and not mauy exporters who do not de pend directly or indirectly upon the national government. There are 2,048 r .tional banks, with a capital of over $455,000,000 and $713,000,000 of deposits. Alto gether there were last year 6,360 bauks, with $656,000,000 of capi tal and $1,893,000,000 of deposits. You know that, more are less, they were directly interested in and on the lookout for Wall street and Washington. Do you know that we have about as many miles of railroad in this country as all Europe ? Actually we have over 80,000 mil's of railroad, or more than England, Scotland, Ireland and Wales, all Germany, all France, all Austria, all Hungary, all Italy and all Russia combined. Do you know that the amount of money interested in our railroads, capital and funded debt is $4,589, 000,000, or more than twice the amount of the national debt ? Last year the receipts of our rail roads amounted to $529,000,000, or more than twice the amount of the total revenue of the national government, and though the five years after the panic of '73 were the worst ever known, they still managed to divide for the last ten years $700,000,000 in dividends. The capital invested in manufac tures and industries is fabulous. There are over four thousand du tiable articleson our glorious tariff, and there is hardly a manufactu er under our present system of protection who does not have to look to Washington for tariff 10 gislation. Now, nearly all these powerful interests are united in the support of the Republican par ty. So, of course, are the 100,000 officehoders. To all of them Re publican rule means personal pros. perity sure enough. But the masses of the people may stop to remember that history does not show a s'agle republic that did rot perish after its people became too rich. No republic perished while it was poor. No republic lived after it became too rich. History has no exception to this rule-that as long as republics are poor they arc pure. As they grow and become richer and richer, cor ruption grows, public virtue de clines and popular self.govern ment becomes difficult anid decays. Thbis is the teaching of Rome and Greece. It is the lesson of his. tory. It is the danger of this me public-the very fact that it is almost incredibly different and changed from what it was when it was founded-the very fact that it is no longer poor, but rich, daily growing richer. We ali want prosperity, but not at the expense of liberty. Pover ty is not as great a danger to lib erty as wealth, with its corrupting demoralizing influences. Suppose all the influences I have just re viewed wer~e to take their bands off instead of suppjorting the Re publican party, would it have a ghost of a chance of success ? Let us have prosperity, but never atI the expense of liberty, never at the expense of real self goverment, and let us never have a govern ment at Wasbington owing its me ten tion to the power of the mil lionaires rather than the will of the millions. THE ARGUMENT AGAINsT CHANGE AN ARGUMENT FOR A MCNARCIIY. Point iNo. 3 is that the Demo c-rats are terribly hungry for a place, and that a change in the 100,000 offices of the country would be a calamity-would, in the language of Mr. Seburz, take th e-y machinery o1 the gov ernment into pieces-would be something dreadful to contem plate. But this is a direct argu. ment in favor ofa permanent gov ernment-a permanent oflce-holid ing dynasty. If we cannot afford to change the ruling party because that means the change of 100,000 office holders, we shall certainly be much less able to do so four, e;ght or twelve years hence, when the power and number of these office holders will be much -rreater. In my opinion a change of adminis tration does not imply a change in every office of the cotin try. Nor would such sweeping changes be desirable. But to hold that the country cannot afford to elect Hancock simply because of the office-holdeis who would lose their places is to give up the very spirit of our institutions, the character of a representative re public based upon governruent by political parties, their accounta bility to the people and frequent changes. if we cannot have a change now we can never have one. If Mr. Schurz's argument against a change because it would put the ins out and the outs in is good to-day, it will be still better in the future, and we might as well settle down to the idea of a permanent party dynasty as irre movable and irrespcnsible as it is reproachable -- the monarchical idea in Republican clothes. - THE SOLID SOUTH. Point No. 4 is the cry about the solid South. I understand the Re publican position to be this-that it is a great political crime for ten Southern States to be all Demo cratic, but it wouid be the highest political virtue for twenty-two Northern States to be all Repub lican. A solid South is monstrous, a solid North sublime-according to Republican logic. Now, what is there in all this cry ? When the war closed every Southern State was made Republican by force. They were put under mil itary rule. Next they were put under the rule of thieving carpet baggers. To make Reublican rule praeta million negrocs just emerged from slavery were made voters and masters over the disfranchised whites. What en sued you know-the must mon strous miisgovernmnent, irobbery and corruption, probably, the world ever saw. Tphen the South was solid for the Republicans. But a reaction had to come. It came. Gradually these Southern States regained local self-govern men t. To them Republicanism meant rob bery, oppression, and government from Washington ,govern meut set up by bayonets and kept up by bribery. Democracy meant lucal self-govern men t. There was no alternative-they had to become Democratic. There was no other place to go to, arnd the Republican party itself is alone responsible for it. There is riot a single State in the North that would not have done the same thing under the same circumstances. The Repub lican party had the South at its feet and could have made out of it what it pleased. Had it acted with recal statesm'anship and wis dom' it could have saved it. But in its anxiety to force the South to be Republican it employed and tolerated methods so gross and re volting that they produced a re action. If there is a soli South to-day the Republican policy and leaders are responsible for it. Now what has the South done since 1868, when it was Republi can ? If you believe partisan lies. the Souther-n peole are exclu sively engaged in bull-dozing, kill ing negroes, organizing for an other rebellion and genera! thr-ift lessness and dL'c~pulation. But the highest Republican authority pronounces this infamous. No less than GENERAL GRL'NT, returning from his last trip trough the South. Now, what deed or crime, 1 ask, has she committed since she ceased to be Republican to deserve so much villificationi ? I will tell you in figures and facts taken from Republican authorities. -OVER ONE-THIRD OF ALL oCR EX T>ORTS are raised in and by the South. According to the most eminent liepublican statistician in the coun try, Edward Atkinson. of Boston, the value of the last ten cotton crops alone was not leas than 82, 500.000,000, and probably 83.000, 000.000. Two-thirds of this has been exported--which means that for one single staple produced by the "rebels" during the last ten years this country received the enormous sum of 2.000 millions in gold, or more than the entire na tional deb:t, from Europe. That this was largely due to the opera tions of reg-ain(d sell govern ment is shown by the si:npl!e fact that while the (otton produced in the four years of Carpet-bag rule of 1866, '67. '68 and '69. amounted to about 8462.00000 in the years 1876. '77, '7S and 79. under Demo cratic rule, it amounted to over 8951.000,000. or absolutely MORE TIAN TwICE AS IUCH, an increase of over 100 per cent., ai. addition to the national wealth io four years alone from a sinio staple of 8500,000,000 as tlhe differ enee between Republicanism and I.mocracy. If you look at any R)epublican almanac you will see that of the 82,978,000,000 of agri cultural exports between 1865 and 1871, the products of the South alone amounted to about 81,546, 000,000. If you believe that emi nent Republican. Mr. Atkinson, the value of the cotton crops of 1870-79 was, as I said before, about 83,000,000,000. Now, is all this the result of bull-dozing. the ku-klux and South ern outrages and rebel rule ? Were these glorious rebel deeds com mitted under Republican carpet bag rule or Democracy? Can such results be due to the shot gun, the ku-klux or the tissue ballot ? Slavery is dead. Seces sio,: is dead. State sovereignty is dead. The Union is no longer in danger because there is too little power at Washington, but on the contrary because there is too much. We have rushed from ono extreme to another, from secession to centralization and imperialism. As we killed secession, we must kill centralization. As we de stroyed the slave power, let us now destroy fraudulent one-man pow~er and the money power in polities. All these have their abode in the Republican minority. if' the republic will not destroy the Republican party. the [Repub lican party will certainly destroy the republic. To keep the Repub lican party in p)ower is to give it a vote of confidence. To give it a vote of confidence is to endorse and approve the great theft of the Presidency. To approve that - is to encourage and invite its repetition, not only by itself but by other parties in the future. To retain the Republican party after all it has done is virtually to de clare that political par-tics may do as they please, they will not be held reSponsible. Upon these ideas we demand a change. We demand the election of Hiancock and the success of thbeDemocracy. We de mand it niot for the sake of party, but for the vindication of liber-ty. We demand it not for the sake of the offices, but to preserve the republic! How A WXATER SNAKE FISH Es. A corresp)ondent, writing from Plan to. Texas, describes as follows the manner in which a moccasin used his body as a sort of sieve in catch ing small fish. His snakeship was in a shallow pool abounding in minno ws, and was briskly twist ing and tur-ning in all directions, giving his body as many conga! sions as possible to inclose the fish or* force them into narrow spaces between him and the bank, in either case the fish would endeav or to escape by leaping over the snake's body into the water be yond. Meantime the moccasin with elevated head caught the fish in his mouth as they passed through the air. They who '-e fallen lowest remember the heights of virtue, honor, and peace, whose shining they once beheld, and whose pin nacle they once almost touched. And are we not all in some sense and some degi-ec f,llen,