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HT of Bomhastes Furioso, these magical words, 1 ?^WTilY AMD ALONE, AMID THE TAUNT8 imiMilll Of JY OPPONENTS i HAVE SET x THIS BALL III MOTION.! ??There, sir," he conwnaed, 'a few words only but place them at the bottom of y our pic ture, and you will sell thousands and ten thou % wads in the western country !" "The artist was dissolved in gratitude ? he poured out hi* thanks in the cordial and glows mjf expressions of his country. They swelled the vanity of the great projector of the ex punging fare#* ? and nothing would do but he must split the ears of the polite foreigner with paragraph *fter paragraph cf his prosy and pointless twiddle, Certes, lie did read more than a column and a half of the Globe, pointing otit the beauties that lay couched in the Ian guage or ideas, and commenting as he went along thus ; ?a fine idea that, sir !' 4an admir able image that, sir!* And after a paragraph or two of inimitable absurdity, he would cry, *aht8ir, there are seme noble plunges !' (not plights, but plunges ! Good that, is is not and most appropriate S Let us hereafter dig nify those efforts of oiur young orators by calU ing them true Bentonian plunges !) 'Ah, sir, there are some noble plunges, and the whole speech is in the same style. Many of my speeches are argumentative and demonstrative hut this is a sort of wiading op ? more embel* lishment bore ? it is a peroration ? it is pen> ration, sir l91 # "The enthesiatic artist's eyes kindled as he spoke. As the -Colonel found out his mag niloquence, he would egccl&im, fah ! very fine! grand!* &c. Slc. He evidently considered his lonane made, ft was a lucky stroke of the pencil that made the likeness of a man who ?solitary and alone.' has set a ball in motion ! ? whose 'great expunging speech will be read every where in Europe and America ! !' ? whose mottoed image will be sold by tens of thousands in the Western country ! ! ! ? and whoso Senatorial efforts are all flung es and PKK0KATI05 ! ! \n D. Extract from the Speech of Mr. PICKENS , (</ S. C 0 cm ike resolution proposing an enquiry into the condition of the Executive Departments. In the House of Representa tives . Tuesday, Jan. 3. Mr. P. continued, Mr. Speaker! it is with gieat pain and reluctance that 1 am compelled to spea^ of these transactions as 1 feel that 1 ought* Nothing could induce me to do so at present but the solemn conviction that I be lieve that they are deeply identified with the liberties of this country. I speak of the Pre sident as officially connected with the institu tions of freedom. 1 scorn to excuse him, and to bold up his minions and understrappers for ressonsihility and denunciation. No, sir ! I disdain to use modeiate language. 1 shall take his own epithets. I here then charge that the President has wilfully and openly in terfered to appoint his successor, and that he has endeavored to accomplish his object by shameless "bargain and corruption." He has succeeded9 and now, standing on the defaced and spurned Constitution, waves aloft the un restrained sceptre of empire over a deceived and betrayed country. Let us be rich and prosperous ; let us be happy and free from persona? restraint ; let us retain all the forms of a Republic, yet are we slaves, and history wiH hold np our infamy and degradation, if wo acquiesce and submit to this lawless dicta* tion. Rome still retained the forms of a republic, long after her conquering generals from devastated provinces brought in the plunder of sacked cities, to be divided amongst those who were styled "Roman citizens." Her people still nominally elccted their tri 60s es, long after the very sources of power had been corrupted and polluted by the bribery and proflgacy of captivating chiefs and aban doned ..demagogues. These tribunes, who were at first elected to defend, as tliey nobly did, popular rights, afterwards became prosti tuted, and, although ostensibly appointed still 'by the People, yet they knew the hand of tkeir master, and prostrated the liberties of - their country before his will. They were afftnged and appointed beforehand by those who held the power of the Republic. We, < too, may still boast the forms of a free Peo ple, and long preserve them. We have seen . the nomination and appointment of a succes sor to the chief Executive ; we have witnessed the success of that appointment. All the popularity and influence of the President, with hie hundred thousand dependants; alt the weight, and power, aad influence of the Gov* eminent, in all its vast and extensive ramifi cations, have been brought to bear upon the appointment of a successor. And I ask, sir, if we confirm, by re-election, this fraudulent appointment, will not posterity say we, too, are free ooly in nir.ne ! Our country has been fouiif deceived ; we have been basely deluded by ail the arts of ''intrigue, bargain, and cor ruptiea." Let it not be said that these things aie of no importance ; that they have no effect upon practical liberty. Look to their consequences in the future. In physics, in mera^ and in politics, those causes are at first small which produce the most tremendous effects upon the destiny of man. The collec tion of a few shillings of ship-money brought tho head of a monarch to the block, and changed for a time the Government of Great Britain. Go into the far West, and trace out, if ??ucan, the origin of the vast Mississippi Itatifi yo? will find a bubble at the foot of perhaps some nameless hill, from which runs a stream, at the ripple of whose waters, not a living creature turns aside ^ bit follow it to the valley below, en d it swells , and it deepens, and it widens, until the wealth of a nation floats on its surface, ui?d at the angry voice of whose stormy wave the harcly marine r trem bles. I need notrsay that this is a full illus tration of the history and progress of political affairs; that from apparently a small begining the mo6t tremendous results are produced ; that one step over the great landmarks of the Constitution will lead to the overthrow of all law, to the prostration of liberty, and the abandoned reigH of arbitrary power. A drop of watec, oo??ng through the dykes of Hol land, if unnoticed, woeki desolate the fairest regions, and spread terror through a ruined country. If m>w, m the infancy of -our Gov ernment, the President has it in his power to nominate and appoint his successor, the day is not far distant when we ^hali live under a power more odious than licreditary monar chy, because it will be exercised under the deceitful name and habiliments of a Repub.ic. We are told that the South is to be "recon ciled by the successor falling into Southern principles," and that it is policy to acquiesce in the appointment. Sir, there may be at heat t traitors in the South, but it will be irea on to the Constitution and to the country to submit to the dictation. No ! ner-er, never, j We have been foully betrayed, and against the principles of the succession we declare uncompromising , unextinQu , r j ta the knife.". It may be ihat we shall be but fejy in numbers; it may be that our flag staff shall be shattered and broken, but ice will aad the flag A? the gunwale, and conquer prfta* under jt, Let not goatismen suppose that the present jgtate of things is to last fereyer let them no.. suppose that the dominant party of to day is to bo* the dominant party 6f to-morrow ? let them not, in the arrogance of power* forever forget right. These things they may Act per haps feel in their day and generation, but their children may Jive to see the day When they shall curse, in the bitterness and deep anguish of their hearts, the memory of theif fathers, for having brought down upon them deg^dation and ruio. Even Robespierre would have paused in his bloody career of I ambition if he could have foreseen that the same guillotine which he raised over the neck of Danton, was so soon to be brought down with a just vengeance upon his own. And the Duke of Orleans, unprincipled as he was, when he sat in that unprincipled assembly which voted the death of Louis XVI. would have trembled with horror as he gave his vote for the death of his own blood cousin, if he could have known that, under the despo tism be was aiding to raise, his property was to be so so 3ii confiscated and his dripping head held up by the executioner to the vengeance of a lawless mob. How can the South acquiesce under an Administration, the head of which has admit ted that this Government has the constitutional power to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ? ] tell gentlemen they will yet be brought to quail and tremble under the tre mendous power of this doctrine. We will yet see the lightning flash, and feel the earth quake's heave. The issue wili be made , and we must be prepared to meet it like men, or to crave mercy from one who is against us in sentiment and in feeling. The coming Administration has elements of weakness which it will be difficult to re cover from. The opposition can never be satisfied with the corrupt and profligate prin ciples under which it has been dictated. Look around and see the strength that is to be put forth. Where is old Massachusetts? There she is firm as her granite and everlasting hills, ready for another contest. Look to those People on both sides* of the Ohio, who have raised their flag over their country's ramparts, and have so nobly defended themselves against the mercenary bands of power ; look to those intrepid People, through whose bosom run the waters of the Tennessee and the Cumberland ? where are they all ? Ready and eager to step forward in the breach that has been made over the barriers thrown around the freedom of the elective franchise. Look to those Peo ple on both sides of the Savannah, where are they 1 United in feeling and in sentiment, with one banner streaming aloft in the breeze ? that banner under which the Constitution was made ? the banner under which Jefferson fought his way to victory and to fam? ? the only banner under which this government can be reformed ? the noble banner of free trade and Slats rights , under which defeat is no disgrace, and victory is redemption and liberty. We may be defeated, but not conquered ; we have yet the undying spirit of freemen. Then let us come to the rally, and the Repub lic may yet be safe. Mr. Pickens then concluded by moving the adoption of the original resolution. SPEECH OF Mr. PRESTON, (of S. C.) On the resolution to expunge a part of the j our. nal for the session of 1833 1834. DELIVERED JANUARY 13, 1837. sMr. PRESTON addressed the Senate as follows. Nothing, Mr. President, (said he) wjs farther from my intention, than to have said a single word on this subject. Nor do I now propose to discuss it. That has been done so fully and elaborately on both sides, that I shall not enter upon the argument. I tnought 1 should not have said a word, but I feel a sort of impossibility of withholding. If we had not arrived at the very issue ; if the question were not ready to be taken, I should have retained my seat, for 1 have long been endeavoring to school and to subdue my heart down to this submission. During the entire course of events which has gradually brought my mind to the conclusion that this resolution would at some time pass, I have endeavored to disci* pline my feelings, to curb and restrain them, and bring down my mind to the event, so that when at last the sad moment should arrive, I might meet it with a becoming resignation ; and I did suppose that I had succeeded. I had long seen the growing popularity of this mea sure. I was no stranger to the arts and the industry by which the progress of that popu larity had been stimulated and urged on from day to day. I well knew the power and the popularity of the Chief Magistrate. I had beard of his own personal exertions to promote this object. 1 saw that it was resolved upon as a party measure, and I saw the party which had resolved upon it, rapidly and triumphantly succeeding throughout a large part of the Uni on. These things certainly are sufficient to have forewarned me, and I had hoped, and til) this moment believed, and they had forearmed me also. But there was added to all these the still less equivocal evidence arising from the proceedings of several of the State Legislature es. Sir, when first I heard that a State Leg islature had instructed her Senators on this floor to vote in favor of this thing, it struck ma with inexpressible sorrow and dismay.? ? But when I from time to time beheld Various other State Legislutures acting under the same dictation, or at least misled into the same mis take, sorrow assumed in my bosom the com plexion of despair. But there was still one ingredient to be added to this cup, to render i the odious draught more intolerably bitter. 1 could, 1 will confess it, with some comparative degree of philosophy, have seen certain States of this Confederacy one afler another giving way and bringing their successive sacrifices to this altar of executive power. 1 could have * borne to see this and that and the other State prostrating herself and aiding in the general conspiracy to prostrate the Senate. But when at length it came to pass that the ancient and powerful commonwealth of Virginia was brought to bow her venerable locks before the footstool of poweT, forgot her rast history, for got who and what she *s and what she has been,' and associated herself in a combinetion like this, how shall I describe to Vou my feelings. As a politiraiti, I might have been mortified at such a spectacle ; as a statesman, belonging to the United States, 1 turned from it with shame ; but as a natfve of Virginia, 1 deplore, I lament, from tha bottom of my heart, that she, t -o, has joined the funeral procession of the Constitution. Sir, I was proud to remember her in her proud day ; to consider her as she once was, and perhaps still is ? the great mother of men ; to look back to that bright, that iinmor? , tal period in our histoiy when she recalled her i children from these halls of national legislation into her own legislature, there to vindicate I the rights and independence ofthe State, and to re-assert the violated Constitution agAinst the usurpations of this Government. Then, indeed, Virginia preserved that illustrious char acter which had descended with her from the Revolution. Then she put herself on her State rights, and on the popular doctrines of a free Government; and all who witnessed the ani mating sight must have concluded that* throughout her existence, she would ever cqn^ntie tg vindicate and to perpetuate the doctrine and the spirit of1 liberty. Sir, t could have wished that the honorable gen tleman who now represents that distinguished State could have found in his own mind reasons for taking a different course from that which he has pursued in this matter. With the the powers which he unquestionably possesses, with his liberal education and large experi ence, and especially with the good fortune of growing up amidst the rery men wh?leid the foundations of our Republic* 1 had hoped that lie would have invoked the ancient spirit of his State, and would have added the suffrage of his voice to save the trembling Constitution about to be iinmolited at the footstool of Exec - cutive power. But it was my lot to be disap pointed ; and I mourn, from the bottom of my heart, the instruction under which he feels himself contrained to vote for this very extra., ordinary resolution. Where are the sedateness the gravity, the calm and cautious wisdom of Madison 1 Where the philosophic spirit, the enlarged views, and popular predilections of Jefferson? Where the sturdy republicanism of John Taylor 1 Thoy are gone ? gone, and others conlrol her destiny. Sir, I lament, I mourn that my native State should have lent herself and the remnant of her glory to pro mote and gloss over this proceeding. I take consolation, however, Mr. President, that there is one State, one free and fearless State which has kept herself aloof from this conbination ; whose pride and honor demand of me, her -representative, to make, as 1 now do, on behalf of South Carolina, her public and solemn pro test against this open and flagrant violation of me ^onsuiution. But, sir: I have done. The argumentls ex hausted ; the vcrdict has been rendered ; the judgement given ; execution is demanded ? ay, sir, and let me add, the executioners are here with ready hands. Exercise your function, gentlemen. You have been called on to do 1 execution ? do it. The axe is in your hand ; perform that which is so loudly called for. ? Execution, sir 1 Of what ? Of whom ? Is the axe aimed at me, and at those of us who voted for the resolution you are about to ex punge ! Is it us you strike at ? If so, I would fay, and with comparative satisfaction, in God's name let the blow come, and while the fatal edge fell upon my neck, I would declare, with honest sincerity, that I had rather be the crim inal of 1834 than the executioner of 1836. ? Proceed, gentlemen, do your holy work. ? Grant judgenr.en\ Do execution ? execution upon your own records ? execution upon the Constitution of your country. 1 do not envy your office. Personally, however, it docs not touch us. No, sir, 1 am glad, I rejoice that, on that record, my narfie is found as one against whom this act is aimed. I would appeal from the present time to posterity, and ask whether the names of myself and my associates or the names of our executioners are then mos! likely to be venerated as guardians of the Constitu tion. But can you suppose that your work is to be done on that body of representatives of the States who voted for the obnoxious record? That you will execute us? Our reputation, our character, and standing ? No, sir ; it is not in the power of your black lines to touch us. I, indeed, was but a common soldier, and served in the ranks under greater men. But would gentlemen strike out of the record of this Government the names of those who offer ed that resolution? No, no. They are ftr beyond your reach, and the only result of your impotent attack will be the more firmly to es tablish their fame. Wrong they may have been, but their business and their aim was to sustain the Constitution. An act had been done of equivocal import, and attended with tremendous consequences.' Those consequen ces swept over the Union like an inundation, and jn that dark hour, and in the face of a popularity before which nothing could stand, they dared to raise their voice in this Mali, and so far as an expression of opinion could go, to record their censure of that act. And will gentleman pretend to tell me that these men will not receive the gratitude of posteri ty? This expunging process may for a season promote the reputation of those who perform it ; but this deed will bring fresh into remembrance the names of those who passed that lesolution which they cannot suffer to stand on the records af the Senate. Some of these individual are present, and I must forbear. TJut long after we shall have passed away, when tbe history of our country is written, and fondly and proudly dwelt upon by our posterity, their names will be mention ed. They will be familiar as household words, and will be taught to children as the names of Washington, and Adams, and Hancock, and Lee, and Lafayette are now taught to our chil dren. If the hope, if the design is to efface those names from the leaves of our national memorials, it will fail. Every effort to extin guish will but increase the splendor which sur rounds them. An attack upon the Constitu tion may, indeed, confer on these who perpe trate it a sort of immortality, but it is not such as will belong to its defenders. We remember, indeed, but we execrate, t ho name of the miscreant who, for a sort of fame, destroyed a venerable temple of antiquity. And whom, I again usk, will you do execution upon ? Up*> on the records? Is it the object of offence ? Will you make your war on the paper? Will you wreak your spite upon so much rags and cotton? Who or what is it that is to be pros trated and broken down? It is the Senate of tho United States. It is one of the co-ordi nate branches of the General Government* Proceed then to the sacrifice. Do execution on the Senate. Consummate your solemn farce, and then rise and congratulate yoursel ves that you are yourselves members of the very body that you have bowed to the footstool of power. Offer your glad hosanoas ? ay, triumph and boast that you have brought that Senate, of which you form a part, to this pass. But while you are making the welkin ring, I will mourn at your jubilee. I shall be present at the scene, but not of it, and my only con solation will be that I can reply to my country, j "Thou canst not say 1 did it." The People, j it seems, have decided against the Senate. The People order the Senate to take the j Constitutiun in their hand ? to bring it into the presence of the " miraculous man," as an ! honorable Senator (Mr. Dana) has just termed him, and, as an offering fjr his great services, for his unequalled popularity, for the unsur passed confidence which lie enjoys, sing hos annas in his ears, and, while the sky re-echoes to your shouts of exultation, buin the ConstiU utioti as incense under his nostrils. This, and nothing- Jess than this, will satisfy the idolatro us devdtion ot'his admirers. Do execution on the records of your land. Obliterate your own jouhial. Do not introduce the report of a committee. Do not revoke your former act by recording a resolution ; but perform a phy sical act of execution. Why, sir, does the Senate of to-day differ from the Senate of yes terday? Has the Senate of 183? different views from the Senete of 1834 J Does the Senate now think that the Senate then grossly transcended its power? And is not language capable of expressing this t Are there no words to expres a difference of opinion 1 Can not you state the strength of your con victiori in all the compass of yotir mother Jongiiel No. You mu?t do a physical act. You must put nothing ort rfecord. You must perform a deed. You mu-t do something that has no precedent. [ Your Clerk is to be cxliioited* not redding* not writing, not enunciating your decisions, but performing mechanical execution on a bit of paper. He is not to be occupied in his ordi nary and legal functions. No, sir. He is to perform the duty of a common hangman. ? Might it not be as well to order in a tile of soldiers with their bayonets ? Or would it not be better still to purify the journal by fire 7 Fire is the ancient ordeal. Give the victim to the flames ; and then, like a company of the native Sagamores, sit round and inhale the agreeable fragrance as the smoke of the guilty lines shall darkly ascend to heaven. When the act is performed you will have set a memo rable precedent. And do you think there will be no improvement on this patent mode of conciliating the Executive ? May it not be profitably * applied to some other purposes ? Why not expunge those who made the record? I f the proceeding had a guilt so momtrous as to render necesary this novel and extraordina ry course, the men themselves who perpetrat ed the deed ? it is they who should be expung ed. Men who entered so foul a page upon your journals cannot be worthy of a seat here. Remove us. Turn us out. Expel us from the Sen ite. Would to God you could. Call in the Prcetorian guard. Take us ? apprehend us ? march us off. But the honorable Senator who has just resumed his seat takes the ground that this expunging resolution is merely a strong mode of expressing an opinion. Iputittothe can dor of that honorable gentleman wether this is a mere expression? The resolution which is to be expunged, asserted, on behalf of the Senate, a difference of opinion from the Presi dent of the United States. It expressed that difference fairly and openly. The whole ex tent of its offence is the expression of a difference of opinion from the President on a constitutional question. It never once en tered the minds o the authors of that resolu tion to stain your record by an official act of hatred. I admit, indeed, that the bosoms of some of them may not have been who'ly free from some feelings of that description, and that some of the speeches on this floor man ifested at times a strong sentiment of hostili ty towards the President. But did it ever enter their thoughts to make the journal of this body a record of personal sp te ? They expressed a difference of sentiment, and this surely may be done in the very k ndest spirit. But sir, is that the temper of the present pro ceeding] la it to express a difference of opinion that we are now invited ? Is it to ex press an opinion at all? What is it the egres sion of? Vengeance. That is what is to be expressed. The compass of the English lan guage is not able to bring forth a tone sutficent for the purpose. Vengeance ! vengeance ! must be taken on the records. They are to be put in mourning. They are to be hung with black. In ihis there may be a double purpose. The Senate may intend that their journals shall bear imperishable evidence of their deep mourning that the feelings of the President should have bee? wounded. The record is to be carried into his presence that we may show the Chief Magistrate that we have put ourselves permanently m mourning for the offence we have committed, and to express our humble hope that this may go some I little way toward healing the wounds which have been inflicted on his sensibility. Possi bly the President may deign to listen to us ; nay, he may even give a gracious smile of approbation, a glance of complacency, on those who humbly present to him this most grateful oblation. Yea sir; the preceding is intended to inscribe upon our records more than lan guage can impart, more than we are willing or able to put into words ; a deed, an overt act will, it is humbly hoped, prove more graceful than any words could have been rendered to the august, the 44 miraculous " being who is to be propitiated. Attend, sir, to the pallmode which has just been sung to the honor and glory of the President of the Uhited States. The attenuated period both of political and physical existence,ofthe President, makes me very reluctant indeed to offer any remarks on the very extravagant language in which he has been praised; nor should 1 advert to the gentleman's speech at all but to notice the ground on which this measure is advocated. 44 Expunge, expunge," cries the gentleman ; 44 expunge a resolution which is an attack on the good, the glorious, the popular, the power ful, the miraculous. President of the United States." This, sir, was the lone, and this the argument in three-fourths, nay, in four^fifths of the venerable gentleman's discourse. He puts this resolution on the ground of his eu% logy of the President. That is the sole argu ment. Because President Jackson is praise worthy and glorions, expunge, expunge. ? Why, sir. what is the connexion ? The Sen ator has certainly not given us a very logical I conclusion. General Jackson is to be praised ; that forms the premises of his argument. Tute record is to be expunged ; that is the conclu sion. We are to obliterate our records, and bpng them m the habiliments of mourning, to ?iis feet, because President Jackson is gra cious, glorious, popular, powerful, miraculous. And all these properties, and all this glory, is to be transferred bodily to another gentleman who is just like himself. Alter et idem. We are to abolish our journal, because General Jackson is thus and thus, and his successor will be thus and thus. That is the argu ment. I say nothing now of the truth of the premises, because this is not a convenient opportunity for the investigation of that sub ject. Those who are in ecstacies, who are in exaltations ofadmiratiou, who are shouting, clapping hands, and singing hallelujahs, arc i not exactly in a condition of mind to listen or be argued with. They may be within the extreme pale of reason, but they are, to say the least, on the confines of enthusiasm. But admitting that the President is that axalted, that immaculate, that unequalled, that mira culous person which he is represented ; allow ing that he leaves out of sight all that history has left us of ancient Rome, and all we have read of modern worth and virtue, admitting that all this is transferable, and has been trans? ferred, for the glory and blessedness of our country, to one worthy to be his successor, let me ask, how does this bring us to the conclu sion that the record of our proceedings is to be expunged ; Let the gentleman introduce a resolution embodying the substance of his speech, to wit, that General Jackson is the greatest and best man that now lives, has lived, or will ever live again J th -t he is worthy of all honor and glory ; that the Constitution is to be sacrificed and the records of one branch of the Govern ment defaced and mutiliated for his gratifica tion. Let him lay that resolution before the People, to whose verdict he has appealed, and see how it will be received. The honorable gentleman, however, stated one fact in reference to the President, which is more novel, at least, than many of the remarks with which he favored the Senate. It is, if I mistake not* something entireley novel on this floor. He told us that the President was mi raculous. But the miracle, it seems, lies in the fact thit he was born a foreigner, and is President of the United States. Sir, Gene ral Jacksdn. I admit, has dvercome great dif ficulties. He has fought the battle of life; he has fought it every where for success, and with sliccess. Cut 1 never knew until 1 Was I now officially ioformed, that he was born in Ireland. [A laugh.] To prevent his future historians from falling into a difficulty like tbat which happened in the case of a more obscure individual in Greece, for whose birth* place seven cities are said to have contended, the gentleman from New Hampshire has kindly fixed the spot ; and when that cloud of future historians of whom we have been told, and who are themselves to become im-? mortal bv writing General Jackson's life, shall be searching for panegyric to adorn their rival oagea on that deathless theme, they will at least be releived from the pains of uncertain conjecture as to the nativity of the hero of their story. It is said, from high authority, that men make to themselves idols and worship them, and I shall not now pause to censure this pro pensity of our nature; and 1 know when the idol is fashioned it is difficult to restrict its worshippers as to the mode of worship, or the extent of the sacrifice. To the idols in the East men sacrifice themselves, and sometimes their wives and children. But these gentle^ men are far sviser. They do not sacrifice themselves ? nothing is father from their thoughts. Such a thing does not enter into ? - their purposes. But still the sacrifice must be conspicuous, impressive, such as will pro duce effect. They look round for a victim. But will they, like Eastern devotees, cast them selies beneath the onward crushing car of Exh ecutive power ? Oh, no, sir. Nothing like it. They stapd cautiously out of the way of its career, and cast down the Constitution of their country. That is the victim ? crush it. There is the official record of the Senate ? crush it. There is the very body itself, the collected Senate of the United States ? crush it. And do you crush it, gentlemen ? Do you expunge the Senate for daring to speak a word in its last expiring hours, to indicate that it is still a co-ordinate branch of the Govern ment, and in favor of the dying liberty of the land ? I ask, again, whom it is that you thus offer to stigmatize ? On whom is this resolu tion to act 1 Against what body is your b'ow directed ? What body will you brand with in famy as the aristocratic branch of the Gov ernment ? It is the Senate of the United States, your own Senate. That is the victim dragged out4for immolation to the powers that be. But this expunging process is defended by the gentleman from Virginia, on the ground that it is a great engine to maintain the cause of human liberty. And how do<s he attempt to maintain his position ? Why, truly, because it was resorted to in England in support of the right of popular election. Ay? And will gen tlemen seek to wrest out of the hands of the British Whigs a weapon so powerfully wield ed by them but in a cause so different ? For whom did they employ it ? and agaiost whom? Was it not used to protect popular rights 1 to guard the rights of popular bodies ? the righrs of the People and the rights of Parlia<* ment against the abitrary power of the King and of the royal party in the House of Com^ mons 1 Was it wielded for the Whigs against the Tories ? or for the Tories against the Whigs? Let the gentlemen answer. Yes; when the beams of liberty struggle out to day, and gild the British history once in two hun dred years, you find this process of expunging resorted to by our sturdy ancestors in their struggles with the Crown, and as an extreme measure, to resist the encroachments of law^ less power; . not, as here, to wipe out and obliterate forever the last effort for freedom. ? If the resolution of Parliament in the great Westminster election had been in favor of Wilkes and against Mr. Luttrel, would it have been expungeSl ? No, sir., it wa? because it was entered at the instance of I-u'trel against J. Wilkes, the Pat roclus over whose bw this fight for freedom was maintained; that was the reason of itsexpunction from the journals. And it forms one of the most omin? ous signs of the times we live in, that here, the most powerful engines weilded in the land of our ancestors in favor of popular rights are all seized upon and employed for the increase and advancement of Executive power. Ail that belongs to the People is invoked only to betray them. The People, the People, the voice of the People, gentlemen claim as their own. They cite every popular argument, and all for what ? To hold up the causc of the many against the few ? of the millions against the grasping power of the one ? No, sir; no, no. All these mighty motive powers are call ed tip to exalt the Executive, and to put down the legislative power ; to increase the power of the one against the rights of the many. ? They are brought forward to silence, for all future time, the voice of the Senate, whenever it shall be raised against the encroachments o|* power. Yes, sir, they ?erk to hang up in lorrortm over your head, and in full view of I every Senator, a scourge, to be applied with out mercy to any who shall dare to use aught but the language of eulogy. "irorribili sedere flagello." that is the fate which awaits him. It is to be set up by way of memento, to muzzle this body for ail future time. No, sir, our voice must never be heard save in strains of adulation, and in chanting palinodes like that which has recently been furnished as a pattern to this body. A' gentleman, whose talent and intelligence I highly honor, has asked us to atrip this mat ter of all the humbuggery which has been thrown around it. Well, sir, let us do so.? And what is it, when thus denuded, but a bit in the mouth of this Senate, to bring it down when it becomes too restive for the taste or safety of those in power; so that the Chief Magistrate may, undisturbed by its curveting?, proceed to seize upon the national treasure, and repeal the decisions ofthe Supreme Court, & if an) adventurous mouth shall dare to whis per he is acting against the Constitution, such rashness may instantly be checked by the warning "hush ! take care ! remember the expunging resolution ! ? do you wish to bring us again under the discipline ofthe black lines*" I suppose the fac sinr' of that blotted and de faced page of our records will be fixed up in some conspicuous position above the seat of our presiding officer, so that, when we would dare to think, to feel, and to speak, as free men and American legislators, we may look up, and beholding the awful monitor, may put our hands on our mouths, and our mouths in the dust, and repent, while it is yet time, all such presumptuous aspirations. In other days, it has often happened that successive Senates have differed from each other in opinions and policy, and have in like manner differed from the Executive, and each Senate has freely expressed its own senti ments. In regard to the United States Bank, for example, the opinions of {his body have varied at different periods. The Senate* at one time, thought that bank constitutional; at another time, they thought it unconstitutional; a majority now consider it as a monster. Why not, then, expunge? Why not draw your black lines round that part of your journal which records the act by which that bank was chartered ? The resolution against which your magnanimou-? wrath is now directed has done no harm. It has led to no action. It has brought nokmg train of evils on the coun try. But the charter of the Bank of the United States ? what did not that effect! That was no empty declaration of opinion. It was a tub* stantial act. And to what a long black cat*' logve of national calamities did it net in youf opinion lead ? if any thing i? to be expunged# why not expunge that ! It seems not to hare entered the imagination of gentlemen on the other side to draw their lines round thtt reto? ?* lution. Yet the honorable Senator from Vir. , ginia believes most sincerely, that the act warf unconstitutional . He' holdB that it led to consequences greatly detrimental to the na tional good, and tells us that the President deserves the everlasting grttfitode bfthe coun try for having abolished and destroyed 41m bank. Well, sir, if it is not fit in that case* how and why is fit in this ? Because this vio lates the rights of the People 1 Sbdidthat* Is this unconstitutional ? So was the other. Is this derogatory to the feelings and wishe* of the President 1 So was that. Is the Sen ate bound in duty to express its disapprobation of this act? Why not ofthe other! But fr it really so great an offence to differ from the President on a constitutional questioo, . in** much that all traces of such a thing must, be obliterated from our records f that it nuaft be effaced ? expunged ? purged off! Why; t!f, the President differs from us constantly oo constitutional points ; and both he and thi# Senate differ widely from President Waahilif-' ton on a constitutional point, viz. on the con* stitutionality ofthe Bauk of the United States. Why is not the opinion of Washington to be expunged ! Why not go back, tod bold hioi up m a sacrifice ! lt Ims, indeed, in siwse sort, been already done. You have not beokes into the sepulchre of Mount Vernon, and! dug up his bones, and burnt them, like but you have immolated his name ; his virtue#, his glory, have been taken from him* and transferred to anothe-. Why not make) your sacrifice complete? If the principle on which you act in jealousy for the honor and ipower of the Executive, why not, when formed Pi*e idents have sent us messages containing on^ constitutional notions, expunge their message* from your archives? The President sent us a message in the panic session uf 1834. How would gentlemen have taken it, had those who constituted the majority at that day proposed to expunge it from the records? Both Houses of Congress have differed from other Presidents. Dojs any gentleman here dream of a leading member in either House under the Jefferson administration pro* posing to expunge any Presidential opinion which did not correspond with his own ? Of would any supporter of the wise, the sedate, the grave, the temperate, the forbearing Madi son, ever conceive the notion that he was to be propitiated by effacing the public records? Did he ever require his friends to depart from their public duties, neglect the exigencies of the public business, and address themselves to this most extraordinary method of silencing the indignation of a President? There wa* a great struggle in *98, and after a long course; of most bitter and acrimonious party wariarer the republican party eventually triumphed* and came in?o power* but in the very heal at conquest, and still covered, as it were, with* the sweat and the dust of battle, did it once enter into their heads to expunge from, (he public journaU the acta of their predecessors- T Or could it now occur to the minds of inteUU gent and honorable men tnst they are (tailed1 upon to vindicate the ashes of the illustrious dead by removing frjm the nationai archievcs all traces of difference of opinion oo. the part of cither House of Congress, from the departed saviours of our country ? Daro the honorable Senator from Pennsylvania rise in his places and with a reverend regard bo- yonder image of Washington, introduce tu resolution to expunge whatever on ou? journal intimates: a difference of opinion from, that great man T Will he venture to look into thai venerable and venerated coonieflanoe,*- and* mafce such, a mot on in this chamber ?* No sir. His own heart tells him that the image would frown upon him from its. frame, and, could it speaks would. cry, Forbear, Destroy not your Con^ stitution. Dishonor not your own archieves. Draw no Mack lines upon your journal on my account. Write no history for me. My his tory is written in a nation^ eyes, t desm you to play off mouctebaajfc ffcroe for my glory ; it is safe in thifc keeping of my coun*> try men. Yes, sir, such weoU be the language of Washington; and I well knew that the hon^ orable Senator from PeeasrlvaMei has it* response in his heart. And, grr, if we are not called to do this for the illustrious great & good, who nave departed, shall we do it for til* living because he is powerful ? Because he is the dispenser of office, who is to propagate his own system of policy through another generation, and to transfuse his cam fM spirit into a living branch of the aame stem T If this sacrifice was to ' be offered to the illustrious dead, whom history has already fixed in ninches of imperisha&e hoc or, we endure it with greater patience. But to a lfo? ing man, and a roan who can reward the deed, sir, I cannot look the thing steadily in the face. I protest to you that toy inmost heart is bowed doWft at the thought with s of row and shame. But the deed is to be done. States, have spoken. Whether the People of the Uriiied States have spoken might betir a question^ Certainly many States have uttered their voice, whose right td speak 1 should be the last to question. That tllfcy navfe acted under mistaken views, I have not a doubt. The act is fraught w tth most dingerdua conse quences. it inflicts deep wobnds cfli ihe dig nity an J the potency of this body ; for f ?dt* in the countenances of many honorable gen tlemen that they would ghtdly avoid this thing, and would, if they cod! d,- avoid the deed. I do believe that in the vefy moment of inflict ing the blow, their hearts will be haunted bf the same emotious which fill and oppress- mjF own. And while, Under the pressure ef dl m necessity, they raise the axe, they feel pre pared, like Otliel* dxecutioner?, first to ask pardon of the victim. Ay, sir, I bettese that when it comes to the actual, perfor mance of the tragedy, there will be a secret whisper in their ear that will say to (bem, perhaps our party feelings have pressed \t? a little too far. And when, after asofersa and mournful pauses the Secretary has per formed his detested office, and has mangl ed the record of the Senate, will any hem rise in his place to cry aloud? thus perish nil traitors? Or will they not rather hang their heads, and, smiting on their breast#, heave mournful sighs over so hard a necessity f 1 shall witness it, and whatever i may feel, 1 shall feel nothing personally. Solar as I am personally concerned, I can fold iny arms in perfect coolness and witness t Ue deed without shrinking. All 1 feel now rs for the Senate is for the Constitution? is for tbe country. I may cry, wo wo to England, but not to roe. In a moment I shall recover my self-possession, shall rise, shall rejoice, that it was ray good fortuue to have my name entered on the saiee page where the rights of this body were recorded, and that there, in company with the Senate's honor, it shall safely ab?de forever, in spite of your black ia ?ks. ? Mr. Buchanan sat opposite th* prciure of Wash ington.