The Union times. [volume] (Union, S.C.) 1894-1918, January 26, 1917, Page 6, Image 6
PRESIDENT POINTS PATH
TO SERVICE FOR AMERICA
(Continued from page one)
On Behalf of Humanity.
"Gentlemen of the Senate: On the
18th of December, last, I addressed
an identic note to the governments
of the nations at war requesting them
jo state, more definitely than they
hat! been stated by either group of
OeU'gerents, the terms upon which
they would deem it possible to make
peace. I spoke on behalf of humanity
and of the rights of all neutral
nations like our own, many of whose
most vital Interests the war puts in
constant jeopardy. The central powers
united in a reply which stated
merely that they were ready to meet
their antagonists in conference to discuss
terms of peace. The entente
powers have replied much more definitely
and have stated, in general
terms, indeed, but with sufficient definiteness
to imply details, the arrangements,
guarantees and acts of reparation
which they deem to be the indispensable
conditions of a satisfactory
settlement. We are that much nearer
a definite discussion of peace which
shall end the present war. We are
that much nearer the discussion of the
international concert which must
thereafter hold the world at peace.
In every discussion of the peace that
must end this war it is taken for
jrranted that that peace must he followed
by some definite concert of power
which will rrtake it virtually impossible
that any such a catastrophe
should overwhelm us ajrain. Every
lover of mankind, every sane and
thoughtful man must take that for
jrranted.
"I have soujrht this opportunity to
address you because I thoujrht 1 owed
it to you. as the counsel associated
with me in the final determination
of our international obligations, to
disclose to you without reserve the
thoujrht and purpose that have been
taking form in my mind in retrard
to the duty of our jrovernment in
those days to come when it will he
necessary to lay afresh and upon a
new plan the foundations of peace
amonjr the nations.
Must IMay Its I'art.
"It is inconceivable that the t^e?ple
of the United States should play
no part in that jrreat enterprise. To
take part in such a service will be the
opportunity for which they have
soupht to prepare themselves by the
very principles and purposes of their
polity and the approved practices of
their jrovernment ever since the days
when they set up a new nation in
the hiph and honorable hope that it
mipht in all that it was and did show
mankind the way to liberty. They
can not in honor withhold the service
to which they are now about to
be challenged. They do not wish to
withhold it. But they owe it to themselves
and to the other nations of
the world to state the conditions under
which they feel free to render it.
"That service is nothing less than
tnis: To add their authority and
their power to the authority and force
of other nations to guarantee peace
and justice throughout the world.
Such a settlement can not now he long
postponed. It is right that before it
comes this government should frankly
formulate the conditions upon which
it would feel justified in asking our
people to approve its formal and solemn
adherence to a leagure for peace.
I am here to attempt to state those
conditions.
"The present war must first be ended;
but we owe it to candor and to a
just regard for the opinion of mankind
to say that so far as our participation
in guarantees of future peace
is concerned, it makes a great deal of
Miflerence in what may and upon what
terms it is ended. The treaties and
agreements which bring it to an end
must embody terms which will create
a peace that is worth guaranteeing
and preserving, a peace that will win
the approval of mankind, not merely
a peace that will serve the several interests
and immediate aims of the
nations engaged. We shall have no
voice in determining what, those
terms shall he, hut we bluili, I feel!
>ure, have a voice in determining
whether they shall he made lasting
or not hy the guarantees of a universal
covenant; and our judgment
?if.on what is fundamental and essential
as a condition precedent to permanency
should he spoken now. not
afterwards, when it may he too late.
New World Needed.
"No covenant of cooperative peace
that does not include the peoples of
the new world can suffice to keep
the future safe against war; and yet
there is only one sort of peace that
the peoples of America could join in
guaranteeing. The elements of that
peace must he elements that engage
the confidence and satisfy the principles
of the American governments,
elements consistent with their political
faith and the practical convictimisc
whirh i ho nnnnlnu /?f A
r-"!'.1-1 HINEHI.O
have once for all embraced and undertaken
to defend.
"I do not mean to say that any
American government would throw
any obstacles in the way of any terms
of peace the governments now at war
might agree upon, or seek to upset
them when made, whatever they might
be. I only take it for granted that
mere terms of peace between the belligerents
will not satisfy even the
belligerents themselves. Mere agree
merits may not make peace secure. It
will lie absolutely necessary that a
force be created as a guarantor of
the permanency of the settlement so
much greater than the force of any
nation now en^atred or any alliance
hitherto formed or projected that no
nation, no probable combination of
nations, could face or withstand it.
If the peace presently to be made is
to endure, it must be a peace made
secure by the organized major force
of mankind.
'The terms of the immediate
peace agreed upon will determine
whether it is a peace for which such
a guarantee can be secured. The
question upon which the whole future
peace and policy of the world
depends is this: Ts the present wai1 !
a struggle for a just and secure peac-.\ i
or only for a new balance of power?
If it be only a struggle for a new
balance of power who will guarantee,
who can guarantee, the stable equili
brium of the new arrangement Only i
a tranquil Europe can be a stable
Europe. There must be, not a balance
of power, but a community of
power, not organized rivalries, but
an organized common peace.
Both Claim Justice.
"Fortunately we have received very
explicit assurances on this point. The
statesmen of both of the groups of
nations now arrayed against one another
have- said in terms that could
not be misinterpreted, that it was no
part of the purpose they had in mind
to crush their antagonists. But the
implications of these assurances may
not he equally clear to all, may not
be the same on both sides of the water.
I think it will be serviceable if I
attempt to set forth what we understand
them to be.
"They imply first of all that it must
be a peace without victory. It is not
pleasant to say this. I beg that I
may be permitted to put my own interpretation
upon it and that it may
be understood that no other interpretation
was in my thought. I am seeking
only to face realities and to face
them without soft concealments. Victory
would mean peace forced upon
the loser, a victor's terms imposed
upon the vanquished. It would be accepted
in humiliation under duress at
an intolerable sacrifice and would
Jeave a sting, a resentment, a bitter
memory upon which terms of peace
would rest, not permanently, but only
as upon quicksand. Only a peace between
equals can last. Only a peace
the very principle of which is equality
and common participation in a common
benefit. The right state of mind,
the right feeling between nations, is
as necessary for a lasting peace as is
the just settlement of vexed questions
of territory or of racial and national
allegiance.
"The equality of nations upon
which peace must be founded if it is
to last must be an equality of rights;
the guarantees exchanged must
neither recognize nor imply a difference
between big nations and small,
between those that are powerful and
those that are weak. Right must be
based upon the common strength, not
upon the individual strength, of the
nations upon whose concert peace will
depend. Equality of territory or of
.vovuiwa biivic ui tuuise Citll IIOV oe;
nor any other sort of equality not
gained in the ordinary peaceful and
legitimate development of the peoples
themselves. But no one asks
or expects anything more than an
equality of rights. Mankind is looking
now for freedom of life, not for
equipoise of power.
The Main Principle.
"And there is a deeper thing involved
than even eventuality of right
among organized nations. No peace
can last, or ought to last, which does
not recognize and accept the principle
that governments derive all their
just powers from the consent of the i
governed, and that no right anywhere
exists to hand peoples about
from sovereignty to sovereignty as if
they were property. I take it for
granted, for instance, if I may venture
upon a singld example, that
statesmen everywhere are agreed that
there should he a united, independent
and autonomous Poland ami that
henceforth inviolable security of life,
or worship and of industrial and social
development should he guaranteed
to all people who have lived hitherto
under the power of governments 1
devoted to a faith and purpose hostile
to their own.
"I speak of this, not because of any ,
desire to exalt an abstract political
principle which has always been held
very dear by those who have sought '
to build up liberty in America, but 1
For the same reason that T have spok- 1
en of the other conditions of peace :
which seem to me clearly indispensa- 1
hie?because 1 wish frankly to uncover 1
realities. Any peace which does not 1
recognize and accept this principle will 1
inevitably be upset. It will not rest
upon the affections or the convictions 1
! of mankind. The ferment of spirit
of whole populations will fi>;ht subtly
and constantly against ^t, and all the
world will sympathize. The world can
be at peace only if its life is stable,
and there can be no stability where
the will is in rebellion, where there
is not tranquility of-spirit and a sense
of justice, of freedom and of ri^ht.
"So far as practicable evecy ureat
people now stru^jrlinjr towards a full
development of its resources and of
its powers should be assured a direct
outlet to the preat highways of the
sea. Where this can not be done by
the cession of territory, it can no
doubt be done by the neutralization
of direct rights of ways under the
quality of spirit and a sense of justice,
the peace itself. With the ri^ht
comity of arrangement no nation need
he shut away from free access to the
open paths of the world's commerce.
Sea Must He Free.
Alio me patns or the sea must
alike in law and in fact he free. The
freedom of the seas is the sine qua
non of peace, equality and cooperation.
No douht a somewhat radical
reconsideration of many of the rules
of international practice hitherto
sought to he established may he necessary
in order to make the seas indeed
free and common in practically
all circumstances for the use of mankind,
hut the motive for such changes
is convincing and compelling. There
can be no trust or intimacy between
the peoples of the world without them.
The free, constant, unthreatened intercourse
of nations is an essential part i
of the process of peace and of development.
It need not be difficult to define
or to secure the freedom of the
seas if the governments of the world
sincerely desire to come to an agreement
concerning it.
"It is a problem closely connected
with the limitation of naval armaments
and the cooperation of the navies
of the world in keeping the teas
at once free and safe. And the question
of limiting naval armaments
opens the wider and perhaps more
difficult question of the limitation of
armies and of all programs of military
preparation.
"Difficult and delicate as these
questions are, they must be faced
with the utmost candor and decided
in a spirit of real accommodation, if
peace is to come with healing in its
wings, and come to stay. Peace can
not be had without concession and
sacrifice. There can be no sense of
safety and equality among the na
tions if great preponderating armaments
are henceforth to continue and
here and there to be. built up and
maintained. This statesmen of the
world must plan for peace and nations
must adjust and accommodate their
policy to it as they have planned for
war and made ready for pitiless contest
and rivalry. The question of
armaments, whether on land or sea,
is the most immediately and intensely
practical question connected with the
future fortunes of nations and of
mankind.
Time for Frankness.
"I have spoken upon these great
matters without reserve and with the
utmost explicitness because it has
seemed to me to be necessary if the
world's yearning desire for peace was
syiywhere to find free voice and utterance.
Perhaps I am the only person
in high authority amongst all the peoples
of the world who is at liberty to
speak and hold nothing back. I am
speaking as an individual, and yet I
am speaking also, of course, as the
responsible head of a great government,
and I feel confident that I have
said what the people of the United
States would wish me to say.
"May I not add that I hope and believe
that I am in effect speaking for
liberals and friends of humanity in
every nation and of every program
oi imerty? I would fain believe that
I am speaking for the silent mass of
mankind everywhere who has yet
had no place or opportunity to speak
their real hearts out concerning the
death and ruin they see to have come*
already upon the persons and the
homes they hold most dear.
"And in holdine out the exnertatirm
that the people and government of
the United States will join the other
civilized nations of the world in guaranteeing
the permanence of peace
upon such terms as I have named I
speak with the greater boldness and
confidence because it is clear to every
man who can think that there is in
this promise no breach as a nation,
but a fulfillment rather of all that we
have professed or striven for.
"I am proposing, as it were, that
the nations should with one accord
adopt the doctrine of President Moriroe
as the doctrine of the world: That
no nation should seek to extend its
policy over any other nation or people,
but that every people should he left
free to determine its own polity, its
own way of development, unhindered,
unthreatened, unafraid, the little
along with the great and powerful.
Must Avoid Intrigue.
"I am proposing that all nations
henceforth avoid entangling alliances
which would draw them into competitions
of power, catch them in a net
?
o. miu^ui; aim semsn rivalry, and
disturb their own affairs with influences
intruded from without. There
is no entangling alliance in a concert
of power. When all unite to act in
the same sense and with the same
purpose, all act in the common interest
and are free to live their own
lives under a common protection.
"I am proposing government by the
consent of the governed; that freedom
;>f the seas which in international
conference after conference, represent
Jif ivnu of oooo 1 ?
-..v?v. . v.. w. v * \- v u.-)C nave Willi
the eloquence of those who are the
convinced disciples of liberty; and
that moderation of armaments which
makes of armies and navies a power
for order merely, not an instrument
r>f agression or of selfish violence.
"These are American principles,
American policies. We can stand for
principles and policies of forward
looking men and women everywhere,
of every modern nation, of every enlightened
community. They are the
principles of mankind and must prevail."
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