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President Wilson in His Address to Senate Points out Path of Duty and Service to Humanity for America. PfopoMS That United States Join Great League to Enforce Peace to Prevent Wars in Future?This Country, Say s President, Must Have Hand in Terms Decided on at End of Present War to See That Justice is Meted out to All Nations and That Governed are Not Forced to Live in Subjection. Washington, Jan. 22.?Whether tbc United States shall enter a world pescs league, and, as many contend, thereby abandon its traditional policy of isolation and no entangling al? liances, was laid squarely before con- i grass altd the country today by Pres- | ident Wilson in a personal addraso to the sanats. For the first time in more than a hundred y*ers a president of the United States appeared in tho senate chamber to discuss the nation's for? eign gelations after the manner of Washington. Adams and Madison. The effect was to leave congress, all olh clal quarters and the foreign diplo? mats aasased snd bewildered. Im mediately there arose a sharp di\ .. ion of opinion over the propriety as woll mm the'' "eu beta nee of th* president'* proposal "Startling." "staggering," "astound? ing," "the noblest utterance that has! fallen from human Hps since the Dec? laration of Independence," were among the expressions of senators. The president himself after his ad "I have asld what everybody has been longing for. but has thought im? possible. Now it appears to be pos? sible." The chief points of the president's address were: That a lasting peace In Europe can not be a peace of victory for either olds. That peace must be forwarded by n definite concert of power to assure the world that no catastrophe of war shall overwhelm It again. That In such a concert of power the United States can not withhold its participation to guarantee peace and Justice through the world. And before a peace Is made the United States go vert.m en t shou'd frankly formulste the conditions upon which It would feel Justified In ask? ing the American people for their formal and solemn adherence. The president. In bis address, said: "Gentlemen of the Senate: On the llth of December, lost, I addressed an Identical note to the government?, of ths nations at war requesting them to stats, more definitely than they had been stated by either group of belligerents, the terms upon which they would deem It possible to make pescs. I spoke on behalf of human? ity snd of ths rights of all neutral nations like our own, many of whose most vital Interests the war puts In constant Jeopardy. The central pow? ers united In a reply which stated merely that they were ready to meet their antagonists In conference to dis? cuss terms of peace. The entente powers have replied much more dcM nltsly snd have stated. In general terms. Indeed, but with sufficient dsflnlteness to imply details, the ar? rangements, guarantees and acts of reparation which they deem to bo the Indlspensabls conditions of a satisfactory settlement. We are thr.t much nearer a deflnlto discussion of peace which shall end the present war. We sre that much nearer the discussion of the International con? cert which must thereafter hold th? I world at peace. In every dlscussio of ths peace that must end this win it Is taken for (ranted that, that peac* must be followed by some deflnit concert of power which will make it virtually Impossible that any such I catastrophe should overwhelm ttj again. Bvery lover of mankind, even sans snd thoughtful man, must takr that for grsnted. "I have sought this opportunity t address you because I thought I owe I It to you, ss the counsel associate with me in th* final determination of our international obligations, to disclose to you without reservo tie thought and purpose that have been taking form In my mind In isejejfd to ths duty of our government .1 those dsys to come when It will be necessary to lay afresh and spoil new plan the foundations of pear smong tbe nstlons. "It Is inconceivable that the 000? pie of the Fnlted States should Otajf no psrt In that ?reat enterprise. T ? take part In such I service will both opportunity for which they be? sought to prepare themselves by ?' very principles and purposes of tfcol polity snd the approved pfftOtlOOfl their government ever since the dr when thsy sst up a new nation Ii ths high *nd honorable hope tbn might In all that It was and did I OV mankind the way to liberty. Tie | can not in honor withhold the ser? vice to which they are now about to i be challenged. They do not wish tc ! withhold it. But they owe it to them I selves and to the other nations of i the world to stato the conditions un der which they feel free to render it "That service is nothing less thar. this: To add their authority and thoir power to the authority and forct. of other nations to guarantee peac I and Justice throughout the world j Such a settlement can not now be Ion., postponed. It is right that before II comes this government should frank ly formulate the conditions upon which It would feel justified in ask ing: our people to approve its fornu and sol01 on adherence to a league fo peace. I am bere to attempt to etat? those conditions. "The present war must first be end ed; but we owe it to candor and to ? just regard for the opinion of man? kind to say that so far as our purtici pation in guarantees of future peac Is concerned, it makes a great deal o difference in what way and upon whut terms it is ended. The treaties an: agreements which bring it to an end must embody terms which will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and preserving, a peace that will wir the approval of mankind, not merely a peace that will serve the several in tereets and immediate alms of th nations engaged. We shall have r, voice In determlnling what UtOJ terms shall be, but we shall, I fee sure, have a voice In determining whether they shall be made lastlr.. or not by the guarantees of a unl versal covenant; and our Judgmen' upon what Is fundamental and essen tlal as a condition precedent to per manency should be spoken now, no afterwards, when it may be too late "No covenant of cooperative peac that does not include the peoples oJ the new world can suffice to keet the future safe against war; and ye there is only one sort of peace tha the people of America could join In guaranteeing. The elements of tlv. peace must be elmcnts that engae? the confidence and satisfy the prin ciples of the American governments elements consistent with their politi cal faith and the practical convic? tions which the peoples of Amerlc have once for all embraced and un dertaken to defend. "I do not mean to say that an? American government would throv any obstacles In the way of any term of peace the governments now a war might agree upon, or seek to up set them when made, whatever the> might be. I only take it for granted that mere terms of peace between tV belligerents will not satisfy even th belligerents themselves. Mere agree ments may not make peace secur?. It will be absolutely necessary tha* a force be created as a guarantor oi the permanency of the settlement so much greater than the force of an nation now engaged or any allianc hitherto formed or projected that n< nation, or probable combination o nations, could face or withstand it If the peace presently to he made 1 to endure, it must he a peace mad' secure by the organized major fore of mankind. "The terms of the immcdiat peace agreed upon will do.crniin ?vhether It is a peace for which sue! a guarantee run bo secured. Th question upon which the whole fu ture pence and policy of the \v??rl' depends Is this: Is the present \v:i a rtruggle for a just and secure peuc< or only for a new balance of p rwor If it be only a struggle for a nc balance of power who Will guarante who can guarantee, tho stable equii brlnm of the new arrangement .' (>n a tranquil Europe can be a Stab' Kuropc. There must he, not a ba1 ance of power, but a communltv < power, not organized rivalries, bll an organized common peace. "Fortunately we have received \ si '?xpllelt assurances on this point. Th statesmen of both of the groups ? nations now nrrayed against one a> other have said in terms that COUl not be misinterpreted, that it waa P part of the puiposo they had in rein to crush their antagonists. But tl Implications of these assurances me? not be equally clear to all, m: y no tlie eame on both sides of th** v ter. I think it will bo servlceal I? i I attempt to set forth what we Ui deretnnd them to be. ' They imply first Of all that it nu>M be a peace without victory. It is not pleasant to say this. I beg that I may be permitted to put my own in? terpretation upon it and that it may' be understood that no other interpre? tation was in my thought. I am seek? ing only to face realities and to face them without soft concealments. Victory would mean peace forced lipon the loser, a victor's terms im-1 posed upon the vanquished. It would be accepted in humiliation under duress at an intolerable sacrifice and would leave a sting, a resentment, a. bitter memory upon which terms of peace would rest, not permanently, but only as upon quicksand. Only a peace between equals can last. Only a peace the very principle of which is equality and common participation in a common benefit. The right s:ate of mind, the right feeling between nations, is as necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settlement of vexed questions of territory or of racial and national allegiance. "The equality of nations uoon which peace must be founded if it is to last must be an equality of rights; the guarantees exchanged n.u.-it neither recognize nor imply a differ? ence between big nations and small, between those that are powerful ind those that are weak. Right must bj based upon the common strength, not upon the individual strength, of the nations upon whose concert peace will depend. Equality of territory or of resources there of course can not be; nor any other sort of equality not gained in the ordinary peaceful and legitimate development of the peo? ples themselves. But no one MMS or expects anything more than an equality of rights. Mankind is look? ing now for freedom of life, not for equipoise of power. "And there in a deeper thing in? volved than even equality of right among organized nations. No peace can last, or ought to laat, which does not recognize and accept the prin? ciple that governments derive ail their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no right any? where exists to hand peoples about from sovereignty to sovereignty as If they were property. I take it for cranted, for instance, if I may ven ure upon a single example, that tatesmcn everywhere are agreed that there should be a united, independent and autonomous Poland and tha't heneeforth inviolable security of life, >f worship and of industrial and so? cial development should be guaran? teed to all people who have lived hitherto under the power of govern? ments devoted to a faith and .pur? pose hostile to their own. *'X speak of this, not because of leal principle which has always been held very dear by those who have sought to build up liberty in America but for the same reason that I have spoken of the other conditions oi peace which seem to me clearly in? dispensable?because I wish frankly to uncover realities. Any peace which does not recognize and accept this principle will inevitably be upset. It will not rest upon the affections 01 the convictions of mankind. The fer ment of spirit of whole populations wil fight subtly and constantly against it, and all the world will sym? pathize. The world can be at peace only if its life is stable, and there can be no stabilty where the will if in rebellion, where there is not tran anility of spirit and a sense of jus tlce, of freedom and of right. "So for as practicable every great people, now struggling towards a ful' development of its resources and ol its powers should bo assured a direc< outlet to the great highways of "?? sea. Where this can not be don y the cession of territory, it can no doubt be done by the neutralizatior >f direct rights of way under the general guarantee which will assure the peace itself. With the right comity of arrangement no nation need be shut away from free access to he open paths of the world's com? merce. "And the paths of the sea mus ilike In law and in fact be free. The freedom of the seas is the sin qua non of peace, equality and coopera? tion. No doubt a somewhat radica reconsideration of many of the rule of international practice hithcrb nought to We established may b necessary in order to make the sea indeed free and common in prac tloally all circumstances for the U?? of mankind, but the motive for such changes is convincing and compell? ing. There can be no trust or in 'imacy between the peoples of tlv world without them. The free, con ?tant, unthreatcned intercourse of na? tions is an essential part of the pro cess of peace and of development. 1 need not be difficult to define or to weeure the freedom of the seas if the governments of the world slncerel: desire to come to an agreement con? cerning it. "It is a problem ClOOOly eonnoete? with the limitation of naval arma? ments and the cooperation of the na? vies of the world In keeping the sem it oner free and safe. And the ques ion of limiting naval armament ipens the Wider and perhaps nio>? Umcull question of the limitation of exalt an abstract polit armies and of all programmes of mil? itary preparation. "Difficult and delicate as these questions are, they must be faced With the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real accommodation, If peace is to come with healing in its wings, and come to stay. Peace can Jtot be had without concession and Jnucriflee. There can oe no sense of Fsafety and equality among the na? tions if great preponderating arma? ments are henceforth to continue and pheye and there to he built up and j maintained. The statesmen of the I world must plan for peace and na? tions must adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned Ijfpr war and made ready for pitiless j ^contest and rivalry. The question of I armaments, whether on land or sea, j is the most immediately and intensely practical question connected with the I future fortunes of nations and of mankind. j . "1 have spoken upon these groat J matters without reserve and with the J utmost explicitness because it has J seemed to me to be necessary if the world's yearning desire for peace was J anywhere to And free voice and utter j ance. Perhaps I am the only person In high authority amongst all the pep 1 pies of the, world who is at liberty to speak and hold nothing back. I an; speaking as an individual, and yet I j am speaking also, of course, as the responsible head of a great govern I ment, and I feel confident that I ha-ve j said what the* people of the United j States would wish me to say. j May I not add that I hope and b,c 1 lleve that I am in effect speaking tor j liberals and friends of humanity in every nation and of every programme of liberty? I would fain believe that I am speaking for the silent mass of mankind everywhere who has yet had no place or opportunity* to speak their real hearts out concerning the i death and ruin they see to have come j already upon the persons and the j homes they hold most dear. ""And in holding out the expectation that the people and government of United States will Join the othor {civilized nations of the world in guar? anteeing the permanence of peace Hpon such terms as I have named 1 speak with the greater boldness and confidence because it is clear to every Lman who can think that there is in this promise no breach in either ou? traditions or our policy as a nation, J but a fulfillment rather, of all that V W| have professed or striven for. J . 'T am proposing, as it were, thai 1 the nations should with one accord j adopt the doctrine of President Mon? roe as the doctrine of the world: That no nation should seek to extend its policy over any other nation or people, but that eveiy people should be left free to determine its own j policy, its own way of development I unhindered, unthreatened, unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful. 4T am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances I which would draw them into compe I titlons of power, catch them in a net I of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and I disturb their own affairs with influ I ences Intruded from without. There i? I no entangling alliance In a concert I of power. When all unite to act in I the same sense and with the same I purpose, all act in the common in I terest and are free to live their own j lives under a common protection, j "I am proposing government by th' I consent of the governed; that freedom I of the seas which In international conference after conference, repie tcntatives have urged with the j eloquence of those who are the j convinced discples of liberty; and that moderation of armaments which makes of armies and navies a power Cor order merely, not an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence I "These are American principles American policies. We can stand foi no others. And they are al3o thc I principles and policies of forward J looking men and women everywhere I of every modern nation, of every en I '.ightened community. They are the I principles of mankind and must pre? vail." I COTTON GINNERS* REPORT. Crop in Sight to January 10, 11,117. 118. Washington, Jan. 23.?Cotton gin? ned prior to January 16th amounted to 11,147,118 bales, the census bu reau announced today. In this num ber 1S9,000 were round and 115,4?!" i bales soa island are included. The glnnings by States were: South Carolina, 936,700. Georgia, 1,825,629. Alabama, 543,987. Announce Engage nent. Bishopville, Jan. 20.?Mr. and Mrs W. L. Parrott announce the engage? ment of their daughter Inez, to Jesse Olin Rlkard, the marriage to bf solemnized in the spring. ' 'U! Jacksonville, Jan. 23.?Thomas C McCoy, a former distiller, was today sentenced to two years' Imprisonment onthe charge of conspiring to defraud the United States out of revenue taxes. MORE PBOHIBmON, MOBEBOOZE TiLLMAN GBT8 STARTLING FIG? URES FROM MODEL LICENSE LEAGUE PRESIDENT. Asks Osuorne About it ami Commis? sioner of Internal Revenue Tells the Senator Figures are Correct. Washington, Jan. 21.?Senator Till man has been having some corre I spondence recently on the subject cf prohibition, which has brought, to light some statistics which startled him. Assertions made by President T. M Gilmore, of the National Model Li? cense League, that the official figures showed a larger per capita consump? tion of liquor in this country today than twenty years ago so strained the South Carolina senator's credulity that he wrote to Con.missioner of Internal Revenue W. H. Osborn, who before taking his present office was in charge of the Keeley Institute at Greens? boro, N. C. Commissioner Osborn ad? mitted that the G ilmore statement was correct. The letters given out by Senator Tillman are as follows. Hon. Benjamin R. Tillman,^M. C., National Model License League, Louisville, Ky. Washington, D C: Dear Senator Tillman?I thank you very much for your letter of the 4 th. It is a great compliment for on? of your age and dlutinction to write me at such length, and I appreciate it. The National Model License League never tries to avcid a fact nor a logi? cal conclusion. There Is a startling fact, however, that seems to me to overshadow this 'vhole so-called pro? hibition movement. It is this: That our per capita con? sumption, according to the records of the Internal Revenue Department, of whiskey and beer twenty years ago, when only two States?Kansas and Maine?were uncer prohibition, was 15 gallons per annum, while today, with over half of the country under prohibiton, the per capta consump? tion of whiskey and beer is over 20 gallons per annum. We were using in those days a bil? lion gallons of beer, and today over two billion gallons per annum; we were using in thore days eighty odd million gallons of whiskey; today we are using over one hundred and forty million gallons of whiskey per an? num. If prohibition doos not prohibit the use of liquor, then we have no pro? hibition. If prohibition encourages the excessive use of liquor, then s* % 1. vs should not be encouraged. Coincident with the progress nf prohthrtron see a steady increaro in the per capita consumption of liquor. The so-called proh ibition States per? mit the shipment of liquor from other States, for personal use, and there can be no question that under such laws the consumption is increased. Georgia today, with her limitation law, is receiving a much larger per capita of whiskey than the per capita consumption of the country in gen? eral. I do not believe in vested rights, but I do believe that where men arc encouraged by a go\ernment, and by custom, and by the general patronage of the people, to engage in an enter? prise, that they should be compensat? ed for losses sustained if later on the people decide to destroy such an en ?erprise. I If the people of the country should decide, influenced by agitation, to pro? hibit the manufacture and sale of to? bacco. I think the men in that busi? ness should be compensated. You speak of our retiring from the business. We cannot retire, because we cannot dispose of our properties while this so-called prohibition movement is rampant. I own Bonfort's Circular in New York. I have been connected with it for over thirty years. I have given my life to its development. Four years ago it was valued at $400,000. It would be impossible for me today to find a buyer for it for $50,000. If the Hobson resolution is adopted by congress, Bonfort's Circular will be destroyed and I jvill be ruined financially. But if the Hobson resolu tiqn is adopted by congress and then ratified by the States it will not put a stop to the manufacture, nor the use, of alcoholic beverages, and it is not so intended. Thanking you again for your letter, I beg to remain, Very truly yours, T. M. Gilmore, President National Model License League. Treasury Department, Washington, Jan. 13, 1917. Office of Commissioner of Internal Revenue. Hon. B. R. Tillman. United States Senate, Washington, D. C: My Dear Senator: I wish to ac? knowledge the receipt Of your letter ?f the 10th instant, inclosing a com? munication addressed to you by T. M Gilmore, president of the Xntional Model License League, In reward to the effects of prohibition, and it la noted that you ask to be advised if the statements made by the letter of Mr. Gilmowe are facts, and you further request that a comparative statement be furnished of the per capita con? sumption of intoxicating beverages now and twenty years ago. You also would like to have a statement of the per capita consumption in Georgia now as compared with that of any pe? riod when the open bar flourished. In reply, I have the honor to advise you that the statements of Mr. Gil more as to the fact that the per capita consumption of whiskey and beer twenty years ago was 15 gallons per annum, while today the per capita consumption of whiskey and beer is over 20 gallons per annum, is approx? imately correct. Twenty years ago there were tax paid 34,4 23,094 barrels of fermented liquors of not more than 31 gallons to the barrel and 69,979,362 taxable gallons of distilled spirits. The proba? bilities are that over 140,000,000 gal? lons of distilled spirits will be tax paid in this fiscal year and 63,000,000 barrels of fermented liquors. Compared with prior fiscal years, the estimated tax payments for this fiscal year of distilled spirits show, generally speaking, a decided increase. In my opinion there are two principal causes for this increase. One is that due to a strict enforcement of the in? ternal revenue laws the government is now receiving- practically all of the lax that is due, whereas a few years ago much of the tax was evaded as shown by investigations re? cently completed by me. The other reason is that due to general prosper? ous conditions throughout the coun? try more whiskey is being used, par* ticularly in those States where pro? hibition laws are not in effect. In my opinion, there is not consumed in the States that have State-wide prohibi? tion laws as much whiskey as was consumed when the State laws did not prohibit the sale of distilled spirits. In regard to the consumption of al? coholic liquors in Georgia, or other States, you are advised that this in? formation is not disclosed by reports made to this office. The Internal rev? enue tax is paid in the case of fpirits, at the distillery or bonded warehouse, and, in the case of beer, at the brewery prior to its removal, after which the same become subject to general trade conditions, including interstate shipment, and of which no further report is required to be made to this office. There is enclosed a statement show* lng the annual tax-paid withdrawals for consumption of distilled spirits arid fermented liquors In the TJnMsd States during the fiscal years ?st7 to 1906, inclusive; also the pel capita consumption of each in the United S .itaedtirTng the same .period, except* trig the fiscal year 1916, as to per capt notHtitt?lable at this time. The figures token from the Statistical Abstract of the United States for the fiscal year 1915. The report for fiscal year 191| Is not yet in print. Sincerely yours. vaxue: property at $2,500. A verdict for $2,500 was awarded by the jury yesterday to Mrs. Dawes in the condemnation proceedings brought by the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad company against Mrs. Mary A. Dawes for possession of property opposite the A. C. L. station. This property is wanted by the railroad in order that they may extend tracks at this place. The proceedings took up most ail of Monday, the verdict of the Jury being returned late in the afternoon. Those on the jury were Messrs. W. B. Burns, foreman; S. O'Quinn, A. C. Thomp? son, W. R. Wells, J. A. McKnight, R. K. Wilder, E. E. Aycock, C. C. Beck, A D. Harby, S. A. Harvin, S. W. Raf tleld, T. H. Clarke. The witnesses for the railroad were Messrs. Geo. D. Shore, D. R. McCal lum, Bartow Walsh, R. B. Belser, J. R. Clack; for Mrs. Dawes E. K. Friar, Neill O'Donnell, W. F. Shaw and Mrs. Mary A. Dawes. The values set by these witnesses on the property wished condemned by the railroad varied greatly, some of the witnesses deem? ing it practically a confiscation of the entire property, as there would be no direct approach to it, In their Judge? ment, while others did not think that it would hurt the value of the other property owned by Mrs. Dawes. Neither ride had given any notice of appeal up to this morning, so it noems that both sides must be fairly well satisfied. London, Jan. 23.?The known cas? ualty list from Friday night muni? tion factory explosion Includes sixty nine killed, seventy-two seriously In? jured and three hundred and twenty eight slightly hurt, it is officially an? nounced. Ottawa, Jan. 23.?Canada has re? cruited an army of 4 34,539 men for the war, 120,000 in excess of the force Great Britain asked the Do? minion to contribute at the beginning of the conflict, Sir Robert Borden, premier, informed parliament yester? day. Of this 175,000 already have seen active service, he announced, with casualties of 70,000. which information is capita consumption were W. H. Osborn, Commissioner,