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GRACE ATTACKS T1LLMAN TILLMAN TAKES WATER - AFRAID TO EXPOSE WHALEY PITCHFORK NOT WORKING. < continued.) U. 8 Senate. July 28, 1913 lion John I Oraee. <'hurleston, 8. C. My iear Mr Oruce: I mi in re? ceipt of your letter of July Jfith, and have read I. with care. I note the Question of an ' old time Tillmunlte" to the affect that he does not under stand why T do not Jump Into the fight against Whaley on the same grounds that would induce rrs to pro? test the swearing In of r*leane, should It develop that his election was ? ought The answer to this h simple. 1 am a member of th? senate and have a right to spei.k front t M floor of the senate and to com? mand attention. I am not a member ( the house of representatives, and while as a member of the senate, I ? m entitled to the floor of the house, ' have no rights under its rules to ad ress that body. This you know us well as I do. 1 kite my state, Its honor, and Its good name; and I am not willing to bring either its honor or Its good name into Question upon hearsay tes? timony or belief, nor am I willing to eenfetej the Incapacity of tie people of South Carolina?keeping In mind th*lr proud history?to rec.lfy any wr< ga that may exist among them or PI *oVern themselves in accordance with the bei t tradition of civilised government. For* me to confess iuch a thought aould be an admission qf my disbelief In the capacity of my State, with i s Hplendhl history and Its great accomplishments In the past, to govern Itself f do not believe that \ >u believe South Carolina is in-apa ble of self-government; and If you thought so, I am sure you would be ?shamed to oonfess it. While 1 am not in accord with the dominant polite ul Carolina at this tin- . and n hlk ther Is much to criticise the affairs of the S with you that "the puOtgfl is already scandalised at South Carolina." But even If your statements were ?rne ? have mad** up my mind, after s ..*th those who love the i uch as do you or I, that the State Itself with the facts before It t only be given the chance | tnrougii us legislature and the Dem? ocratic State Convention to handle the situation in the interest of pure elec? tions, but I am equally persuaded that If given the opportunity, she will see to it that her elections are clean and that the Democratic party, in its con? vention having had the opportuniy to cleanse Is own stable, will cleanse It. 1 have not changed my opinion as expressed to you in my letter of May l?th; "I would rather you fall In and help me. as you can most effect? ively to reform State politics through the State convention next time it meets, by changing the rules of the party and fortifying all along the line against fraud and corruption; and then go to work when the legislature meets ikgaln to see that the statutes are changed ir regard to primary elections so as to preserve the purity of the ballot among white men." You will recall that in a recent in? terview 1 urged upon Governor Mease to use his powerful influence with the legislature for the enactment of such legislation as would protect the purity of the white man's ballot in the prim? ary and ?he general elections. I do not know what Governor Mease in going to do, and no one else knows; nor can 1 nay what the legislature will do Hut us a lost resort, If the legislature falls us. we can go to the Democratic party und by agitation and making a few speeches. 1 know that the people will rise In their wrath and compel a reform of the party1 Constitution, because there Is nothing more certain In politics than this: We have bad the last primary In the State unle*s tlo jMM.pl? become satlhlled that they can Note it the primary and have their votes honestly counted. This has \ . ?-n tli.- . nurse whnh has appealed to **.?? all the while since you first brought this Whaley matter to my attention; sml the more 1 consider ft.nse?mrri. , * of your suggestion fur an Immediate < ongresslonal lnves> tlgatlon. the more < oiiMin ed my Judg pettst kieejfaeial that my tirst ngdntoft in the proper ami onlv one. if we are to have any regard for the good Iwlflir of the State and for tin future of our I' ? rt v I ig not M'lestlon at this lime tin motive wbh'h prompt : \oo to hSfl| < upon the 'washing ol the dirty 11 moi oi South Carolina" here in <h?- capital of the nation. It has too uiu. h ? t the appear m *- of malignant v and per? sonal spite und a ienkre for revenge on your part, and sou runnot SSOapi that verdl't throughout the State it you preso It. Hut your cooperation with me to have the Demorralc party of South Carolina ami the legislature of South Carolina reform the Stttll tb n In the Stute can be attributed to no other motive than that of the high? est patriotism. If you will permit me to do so, I will be glad to submit copies of the affidavit left with Congressman John won, and such other affidavits as you may submit to the chairman of the State Democratic committee, the Speaker of the House of Representa? tives, and the President of the State senate, that both the head of the Democratic party and the heads of he State government In the legisla? ture shall be advised of the situation in the first congressional district as you see it. If this course is followed, I believe that the moral sensibilities of the people of South Carolina can be so aroused in the meantime as to force both the legislature and the Democratic party to reform the sys? tem of primary voting In such a man? ner as to make corruption absolutely Impossible, and in this kind of an effort you may depend upon me to the fullest. You overlook the responsibility which your wishes impose on me. You are asking me to pursue a course which you admit would cause the people of South Carolina to hang their heads in shame, and asking me to do so without giving to the people of the State through Its legislature or its dominant political party of which you and I are members, the chance either t o confess theli* lnab'llty to deal with the situation or their de? sire that I should be made the ve? hicle by which the State may be brought into shameful publicity, In order perhaps, as many think, that you may be given the opportunity to prosecute your political enemy. v#?rv oincerely yours, IgS I B. R. Tlllman. ntlnued.) Cht C, July II, 191:?. Hon. B. R. Tlllman, U. S. Senate, Washington. D. C. My dear Senator Tillman: In my letter of July 25th I had told you that It would be the last time I would ap? peal to you to assist me in the Whaley matter; and I am replying now to your letter of the 28th, not to make any further appeal, but to keep the record straight. I see now that I .should have avoided you from the start. You are not a free man. I can? not let the occasion pass, however, without uterly denying and disclaim? ing the motives which you attribute to me. Although It would be false for me to claim that I anything but despise Mr. Whuley, or to deny that It would give me a great deal of satis? faction and vindication to see him un? seated; yet for you to intimate that my conduct is a matter of "malignancy and personal spite and a desire for revenge," and to make it appear that from such motives I am going to the lengths to which I am going In this case is simply to wilfully, but un skillfuhy, prevert the facts. You have promised to take the very same course If Blease goes to Washington by cor? ruption and perjury. There are seven congressional districts in South Caro? lina. In order for Blease to be a* guilty as Whaley, he would not only have to commit seven times as much bribery as Whaley, but as much per? jury. In other words, Just enough of the one to "elect" and of the other to "seat" him. Regardless of the feel? ing which you ha> c against Blease? in which I join, and which we will say corresponds to mine against Whaley ?I think the people of the United States woud gladly relieve you of the stigma of "revenge and malignancy" if you would do your duty in the lileaso case, nor would it argue at home any luck ot patriotism or love of Carolina for you to do it. 1 believe in Home Hole and State rights. It has been bred In my bones. Bill South Carolina is I part of the Alfter? ban Union, She was not only one ot the thirteen original States (one of the most gallant of them) but when the war of the Revolution was over. it wits a South Carolin Inn who wrote moot ot the Constitution of the United state*, it is under that constitution our government is organised and you are a senator, ami you have taken an oath to uphold M Ho has Mr Whaley. That constitution Uses deAnltely Ihs bounds of Ihs state and national gov? ernment There Is lie 'tWlllghl tone." Th.- lines are only Indistinct If Ihs \ Iston ot so-called "statesmen" Is In? d let I net. i ti her Jurisdiction ihs United States is as supreme ss is South Carolina In hay's, i am not ask Ing the United states to Invnds Ihe proper sovereignty ol our State, i gm not asking congrsss to Intervent In local politics I am simply asking, under the constitution and laws Riad? in purses ncs thereof, lha( congress sj(\ whether or no! Mr Whale, bousbt Mud perjured hit wa| Into con ; grcss. The Democratic party of South Carolina, with all due respect to it ami you, has nothing to ilo with this ' issue; nor has the legislature of our State. |f either one of these bodies could remedy this matter, there would bo something sensible in your view. This matter has passed out of the cognizance of the State. I'nder the constitution, congress alone has pow? er to decide the qualifications of its members. You recognize this "in the Rlease case; and at first you recog? nized it in the Whaley case, because I have It from you in writing, as well as by word of mouth, that if my facts were true, you would ghuy in taking a hand in the matter. What did you mean by these words: "You say you 'are ready to prove the facts of bribery and corruption In the recent primary,' and you say, 'you will bo heurd In Washington.' Come on to Washington, Mr. Grace, and I will help you in any way I can to be heard. While I am not a mem? ber of the house, and therefore, you cannot appeal to Caesar* In my per? son, 1 am a senator and have some Influence ^ith both members of the house and senate, and will facilitate to the fullest degree any exposure you are able to make of corruption and fraud in the recent primary in our State. While it would 'bring the name of South Carolina Into discredit and disgrace it, and cause every true South Carolinian to hang his head in shame, if it is necessary to go to that length in order to 'cleanse the augean stable,' I say let us have it done and quit blustering." That was what you wrote me nearly three months ago. The words under? scored, and particularly the word "1 will." in the) sentence, "Come on to Washington, Mr. Grace, and I will help you in any way I can to be heard," were underscored, not by the typewritter, but by pen and ink, pre? sumably by you; clearly manifesting a then determination upon your part (after reading over nnd reflecting up? on what you said) to help me. If my facts are not true, of course there would be no "washing of dirty linen In Washington;" and I would be humil? iated and discredited. If they are not true, there should be no one quicker than Mr. Whaley to demand an Investigation, even though you are now backing water In the matter. I do not recede ono Inch, though, from what I have said about deplorable con? ditions within our State. My memory Is good. I recall that you yourself, last summer after the Hlease election, so-called, threw cold water upon even the Democratic party taking' steps to Investigate that election. It was sus? pected, and in the light of this corre? spondence it can well be believed that your motive then was fear that your own election would be upset along with the whole primary; and that yon would have to run over again and that a feeling engendered against you in the last days of that campaign might eai.se you to lose?as you did nearly lose, anyhow. I do not think that South Carolina would 'hang her head in shame' if a repetition of the Whaley matter in either branch of congress could be prevented by con? gressional action; and what Is more to the point, I will not allow you to put such words in my mouth, as you do when you say "You are asking me to purstie a course which you admit i would cause the people of South Carolina to hang their heads in j shame." Point out to me where I said any such thing. Instead of hanging' her head In shame, she would be I proud of the fact that It was she who helped largely to write the constitu? tion, and that by it, in the last analy? sis, her honor had been saved, not lost. In the face of what I have told you, and what I am sure you have I heard both through the press and I from responsible men In this district, I do not believe you can be sincere in ] intimating that the character of my j proof is doubtful, as you do In these words: "I love my State, Its honor and its good name; and I am not willing to bring either Its honor or Its good name into question upon hearsay tes? timony or belief; nor am 1 willing to ?onfess the Incapacity of the people Of South Carolina keeping in mind their proud history to rectify any wrongs, etc." YOU nie not afraid, nor is Mr. Whaley, nor can anybody be afraid of the quality of my proof; or that the cas?' rests upon "hearsay testi? mony or belief." You know that the proof is clear. II it is not, then the word that has gone forth throughout the land that Mr. Whaley sits in s bought seat, a bought and perjured seat, Will be shown to have been a vile Blander ami South Carolins ami Mr. Whaley w ill be proudly vindicated. South Carolina should haue, her head in shame now, because of the condi? tions' which have existed for a Ion,: time and gone from bad to worse. In stead of permitting you tu put me in the position of bringing any shame upon South Carolina, I want to tell you that I am already so ashamed ol her and so ashamed of what the world knows of her that I am Willing to do unything to redeem her; an.I Shouldering a gun wnuld be the bast I of Iheae things. 1 have always ad ? -?iwv- *} ?* ? IP '' ? ? * ' I "t * ? ? , ; mired what Danton stdd on the way I to the guillotine: "Let France e free I though my name be accurst." If South Carolina were free, that is, free I under the constitution, I would be the , happiest man in her borders. All I that I am working for is to bring about, as an actual living reality, the | full enjoyment of the institution for which the founders of this republic fought on the battlefield; and for which my own father fought on the fields of the Confederacy. The last thing that occurs to me is what the people think about me; notwithstand? ing I would wish them to think well of me. I am genuinely content when my own conscience is clear, though all the world might doubt me. Hence I am not interested in that part of your letter where you adriotly appeal to my ambition by suggesting that I what I should do new In this matter is only that which hereafter the peo? ple will applaud. You say: "I do not question at this time the motive which prompts you to insist upon the "washing of the dirty linen of South Carolina" here in the capi* tal of the nation. It has too much of the appearance of malignancy and personal spite, and a desire for re? venge on your part, and you cannot escape that verdict throughout the State if you press it. But your cooper? ation with me to have the Democratic party of South Caorlina and legisla? ture of South Carolina reform the sit? uation in the State can be attributed to no other motive than that of the highest patriotism." That might appeal to some of your friends here who are timeserving poL iticians only. But my ear is not to the ground; I hope my eyes are fixed on the stars. And to such an extent am I wiling to go that I believe, with tranquil voice and without a tremor, 1 could say with Danton, 'let South Carolina be free though my name be accurst.' I do be? ve that all we need is an honest, broadminded application of our already constitutionally guar? anteed rights. If I had a case to be tried and I thought the atm6sphere of the federal courts most suited to its trial, I would step over into IT. S. Judge Smith's court and claim that jurisdiction; and I would do so with? out the remotest feeling that I was reflecting upon my native state in ' passing by our county court house on the way. How much more so then should I seek relief in Congress in the Whaley case, when there is no other Jurisdiction? There is such a thing as the tltness of things. Every atom of the universe moves itv its proper orbit; but always, nevertheless, governed by two conflict? ing forces, the centrifugal and the centripetal. Sometimes the equili? brium is preserved by one and again by the other. It was the recognition of this ' law that gave origin to our government. These are times when there Itf'too much Washington and we fall back upon the states; and again, when our states are pulling down our ideals, we fly to the national capitol. There is no lack of patriotism in either; but simply a balanced knowl? edge of our constitutional system. I cannot follow you in your hair? splitting distinction between the Blease and Whaley case. Passing by your pretended original zeal as ex? pressed in your letters and In your conversations to bring Mr. Whaley to justice, I submit that there is not even a hair-splitting distinction between your duty In the matter. You say: "The answer to this is simple. I am a member of the senate and have a right to speak from the floor of the senate and to command attention. 1 am not a member of the house of rep resentathes, nad while as a member of the senate t am entitled to the floor of the house, I have no rights under its rules to address that body. This you know as well as I do." I certainly do; but I just as cer? tainly do not think that you should take steps against Blease in the sen- ; ate only because accidentally you hap- j pened to have the 'right to speak from the flour.' Your rights have nothing to do with either Blease or Whaley'S wrong-doings. 1 thought you had given up speaking from the Moor of the senate, anyhow. What a bad lix then, South Carolina would be In if yon decided not to raise your eloquent voice in the senate. Would; Blease go there with a clean bill Of health simply because your health was bad? Would your labored dis? tinction be enough to leave his seat uncontested? 1 want to tell you that though I have no voice upon the floor i of the senate, if you will show your, {good faith and keep your word by assisting me as you said in your let? ter of May IBth, by using your in? fluence with both members of the house and senate,' I will do my utmost when the Blease time comes, If the facts warrant it, to present as strong :i rase In Washington against him as I am now ready to present agalnsi Whaley. This alleged distinction, senator, will not do. it will not go down. The whole procedure that you SUggesi amounts simply to com? pounding a felony. In your heart you Know that Whaley is guilty. In a re? cent newspaper Interview you al ' most said so. Was your Interview iutcufll'd to dishonor South Carolina ? Of course not. Out of the fullness of your heart, your mouth spoke, which is always a good thii g. But it would be dishonoring Sou h Carolina; it would he striking at the vitals of gov? ernment for a senator to have daily official dealings with an alleged con? gressman, while he knew deep down in his heart that he was no con? gressman at all, but that he was a corruptionist and a perjurer. You are compelled to speak and to act, or you will be particeps eriminis. You will be an accessory after the fact, regardless of the future of what the Demorcatic party may do and the legislature may do. You are now dealing with the past, and you have no right to cover it up; and I t ppeal to you In the name of South Carolina. Consider the facts: George Legare died; there was a hasty, pell mell, pre cipit~*e primary. Half the time be? fore that primary, because of a con? flict between the governor and the State Democratic committee, it was uncertain whether or not the election would be held before or after the primary. As a matter of fact, the election was fixed for a date before the primary. That was the ridiculous extent to which we had come. Then there had to be a meeting of the executive committee, and the date of the primary was pushed forward until substantially no time remained. The primary was held only about two weeks before the election. In the midst of it all, primary, election and the swearing In of Mr. Whaley a few days thereafter, there was the great? est confusion and debauchery. Ther* was no time for redress within the State. There was no time before he took his oath of office. You know it. You know that while I was in Wash? ington, and you were pretending to help me, Mr. Whaley was rushing his certificate of election so that he might take his false oath and he seated be? fore the machinery of justice could be stirred. But great rights and great principles certainly cannot depend up? on the haste of action. The only ques? tion is: Is Mr. Whaley rightfully en? titled to his seat? But you are also" equally muddled about fixing the law so as to prevent such a thing in future. You talk as if no laws existed. Turn to the Criminal Code of South Carolina. There is a whole subchapter devoted to laws meant to meet the Whaley case, with this one exception: that they do not provide for a forfeiture of his seat. Twenty-one sections define and de? scribe crimes against elections, cov? ering every imaginable corrupt practice, enacted, many of them, years and years ago; but inefficacious and as innocuous as a law against the rise of the tides unless they be supple? mented by one small law, the law of restitution, and that is, that the thief and the perjurer shall restore to the people the election which he stole. So far as the law is concerned, thstt is the only amendment I would suggest And it would be nothing but what nearly all other States have passed, and what from the beginning of time has been :he basis of all law, that the injured party shall be placed as nearly as possible in his original status. There is a penalty against larceny. It is also a fact and the law if the stolen goods can be located, they will be returned to the owner. In this case the stolen property has been located and Mr. Whaley is sit' ting on it. It does not belong to Mr. Whaley but to the people of the First congressional District of South Caro? lina. It should be handed back to them so that they and not you, in your discretion and for your polit? ical convenience, might say to what good man they shall for a time en? trust it. But even with the state law amended, all future cases like Mr. Whaley's would have 10 be tried in Washington. Congress is the sole tribunal; so that even these conven? ient theories of yours fall to the ground. Washington, under the con? stitution, is still the place, and what you would call 'washing our linen In public" would still have to be done, In the literal menaing of the word, in the only legal washing town. 1 am enclosing you a copy of the case of Gill against Catlin, which I would ask you to return upon reading. That was a case where the law of Missouri provided that congressmen j should be ousted if they exceeded the legal maximum of expenses. The ousting was in congress, not in Mis? souri. The washing of Missouri's linen was done there; and it was this law that the Act of Congress was fashioned alter. Missouri is still a proud state, and furnishes the Speak? er of congress. Just one word in conclusion. Of your own volition, you lold me when I was in Washington that no? body could construe my action as personal and vindictive. 1 bad celled to your attention that, in all my de? feats In Judith s Where I was a candi? date, 1 never raised my voice; but you volunteered to tell me that yon agreed with me that this case was different 1 am not the losing party. But I do realize that my name was maliciously bandied about In the campaign; and the thing that tirst called me to Wash? ington was that even there 1 had been lo hi up as the greai corruptionist N<*w I have shown you who the cor mptionlstl are. I am not only fight? ing for the good name of South Caro? lina, hut my own, and 1 have chal? lenged my enemies on the very ground where they have most maligned me; and it is unfair, cowardl> and a com? plete evasion of the issue for you and your corruptionist friends in this com? munity now t ? resort to the old "catch thief" tactics by pretending that the publicity which 1 am giving to this matter is wrong and unjustifiable; whereas they filled the newspapers throughout the campaign and poured into your ears, among others, after the election, th it things here were horribly corrupt, but that 1 and not they, was the corruptions. You and they have blackened my name and, through my name, a people and a community; and you slink away when T come before you ready to do some service to my State. Yours very sincerely, (Signed) John P. Grace. What a Minnesota Town Spends for Schools. Wh?n I asked Mr. A. O. Nelson, the hustling, red-headed, wide-awake leader of co-operation in Svea, what was their rural school tax, he almost struck me dumb when he answered promptly: "Seventeen mills or $1.70 on the $100 of property!" Of course, this is something un? usual. It is, in fact, nearly double the local school tax the Svea folks usual ly pay. Two or three years ago, how? ever, they decided they wanted a handsome new building and industrial features?agriculture for the boys and domestic science for the girls? together with transportation of pupils living over two miles from the school (two miles in a blizzardy Minnesota winter is the equivalent of four miles in the South.) and so the folks didn't say, as I fear they would have said in nine-tenths of our Southern com? munities, "Well, we have got to the thirty-cent limit for local school tax and they ain't nothing more we can do." The State of Minnesota, realiz? ing that the education of the people is the life of a State, imposes no auch hampering limitation upon the tax Its people may vote for education; and the people of Svea set no Ruch miser? ly limit upon their support of schools for their boys and girls. One dollar and seventy cents on each $100 worth of property was the tax they voted although they had only one school organization of keep up. Our South? ern communities with two separate school systems to maintain frequently boast themselves mightily for voting I 'rty-cent tax on themselves. We Southerners have simply got to go down into our jeans for more money if our farm boys and girls of the new generation are not to be hopelessly outdistanced by the thoroughly equip? ped, practically trained boys and girl?? of other sections. Eight months term a year with two teachers?a man who teaches agricul? ture, a woman who teaches domestic science; compulsory attendance from eight to sixteen; free text books for all pupils; a good school library; re? productions of noted pictures on the wall?all these together with a pros? pective eight-acre school farm. haVe the farm parents of Svea provided for their boys and girls; and we of the South can provide s mll:ir opportuni? ties for our children whenever we are willing to make similar sacrifices?or investments. And twenty years from now we shall have an incalculably richer country if we are willing to make such investment sacrifices than if we are not.?Clarence Poe, in The Progressive Farmer. GeOeH. Hurst, UNDERTAKER AND EMBADMER. Prompt attention to day or night calls, AT OED J. D. CRAIG STAND, Ml N. Main Street. Day Phone SSt. Night Phone YOUR FACE YOUR FORTUNE. Your t****tli an asset. We study all fact's and one bad or neglected tooth tells of carelessness and lack of courage, (lie (wo mos( noed ?*d characteristics in suce^s I'ul men. DR. COURTNEY is ready to help you. l>on'( h i (he fear of pain or small money cost deter >ou. Sumter Dental Parlors, Dr. C. H. Courtney. Prop Over Shaw & McColtum.