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FHK SUMTER WATCHMAN, Established April, i860. "Be Just and Fear not--Let all the Ends thou Aims't at. be thy Country's, thy God's and Truth's." THE TRUE SOUTHRON. Established juve 1266 Consolidated Aug. 2,1881. SUMTER. S. C.. WEDNESDAY. MAY 29. 1901. Sew Series-Vol. XX. No. 44 %\)t W?MMM at? jSoutfjrmt Published ST3IT Wednesdays -B? 1ST. G-, Osteen, SUMTER, S. C. TERMS : ?1.50 per aanara-ia advaooe. ADVERTI 3 EHEST: On? Square first insertion.SI 00 Svery subsequent insertion. 50 Contracts for three months, or longer wil be made at reduced rates. All communications which subserve private interests will be charged foras ad versements. Obituaries and tributes of respects will be charged for. MCLAURIN AT GREENVILLE. Defense of His Record in Congress. Still a Democrat But Independent of and Broader Than the Party. HE DEFIES THE BOSSES. Greenville, S. C., May 22.-Senator John L. McLanrin spoke here by invi? tation today. One of the largest and most representative crowds that ever gathered in this city heard his speech ?with marked attention. The speech was quite lengthy and evidenced care? ful preparation. It was devoted large? ly to the defense and explanation of his course in the Senate. The following extracts will give an idea of the line of argument he fol? lowed : Fellow-citizens: The political Re? formation of 1890 had for its main ob? ject the independence of thought and action on the part of the people in political affairs. It was this that made me a ''Reformer." A white primary, where the white people of the State could settle their differences among themselves. In ?part it has accomplished its object in spite of the efforts to dwarf it into a one-man movement. Its leader has not been content for it to be complete, and has attempted more than once to dictate who should not b'e elected to office. All revolutions of this kind go farther than its originators design, no power can control them. Men who suppose that the ' ' move? ment" of 1S90 was a mere efferves? cence to give office to a favored few are greatly mistaken. Some of the best and truest have never held office, and the time is coming when those who betrayed and prostituted this great movement into a ''one-man pow? er" and mere scramble for the ''loaves and the fishes" will be held to an account. I stand today just where I stood in 1S90, with the added experience of ten years of study and contact with public men and affairs. I thank God that one thing has been accomplished. The poeple have been disenthralled and enlightened, and will never be satisfied with the accom? plishment of anything less than the | full purpose of the movement-free thought, free speech, a fair ballot and rule of the people. This must and shall be the final outcome. No attempt to break down the reforms nearly ac? complished can succeed. The natural and inevitable consequences of that revolution must follow. Nothing can stay them. It is the province and duty of a re? presentative to study all important public questions and form a judgment as to their effect on the welfare'of the people. To do this, he must at times act independently and lead public sentiment rather than blindly follow what is reputed to be the majority. It is his duty to study national pro? blems and vote according to his best lights and honest convictions, leaving the final decisions as to the wisdom of his course to the people. As for my? self, I acknowledge no master save the sovereign people, speaking at the bal? lot box, and I refuse to obey the dic? tates of any political boss, either in or outside of South Carolina. Political parties under our form of government are a necessity. They grow out of the political relations es tablished by the government itself. Party platforms have always been supposed to be the exponents of these views. A bloody civil war settled the question of State rights, and for a quarter of a century the waving of the "bloody-shirt" on the one side and the "nigger in the wood pile" on the other constituted the dividing lines. I say that every man. on a purely sec? tional question, like white supremacy, is a traitor and a renegade who dors not stand by his own section and his own people. I say that any man. on domestic poblems, problems of inter? nal concern, should, as far as possible, bow to the behests of his party. If he cannot agree wit li his party on ques? tions of this kind, he should, if possi? ble, find a party with which he is in accord. I assert, fellow-citizens, that it is almost a crime for any party to make great, broad, non-political Amer? ican measures, involving the political and commercial development of the nation, the test <>f party fealty. Issues essential tb the maintenance of the honor and prestige of the nation ;ire too vital to IK- relegated to the plane of partisan and sectional contention. Believing as I do that there are vital issues which, growing out of changed industrial conditions, are higher and broader than mere party questions, I have, as your senator, looking beyond the line marked by sectionalism and partisanship, striven to promote the material, political and commercial in? terests of our common country- -for in so doing I can best serve the inter? est of the Statde of South Carolina. For this I have been arraigned be? fore the people of this state and charg? ed with allaying myself with the Re? publican party. There are two questions that I sub mit to the people of South Carolina First. Am I honest in the views advocate? Second. Am I misaken? ; My interes?is are inseperably inter woven with the interest of the State no good can come to her in which cannot participate, and no evil o which I must not bear my share. I ! I wanted to have an easy time, I cer ! tainly choose the hard road. I rnigh ! have drifted with the current, san? "me, too,'' and continoed to . hol< office. I had pretty good tutelage ant an illustrious example in my early po litical career in the arts of demagog erv, and could do it again in a pinch But fellow-citizens,, the "game isn' worth the candle. ' ' I am human, and have my full shan of the frailty and vanity which gc with poor, weak human nature. I lool back to some things that I have saic and done, and I know that I wai wrong and I wish it were otherwise But fellow-citizens, twice within th< last three years I have felt that I wa? very near the time when I would stanc before the bar of a just God, wh< ; knows the secrets of my innermos soul, and I felt that he would merci have for petty frailties and short comings, and give me credit for th? earnest and honest effort, for the sac rifices which I had made to serve th? best and highest interest of my State and country. I am not afraid tc meet my God and stand upon m> public record-why, then, should ] fear any tribunal here below? I onb wish that my life as a man was a; sinless and free from reproach as i' is as your public servant. Charges o: corruption have been rife in Soutl Carolina during the past ten years brit my worst enemies have nevei charged" that a dirty dollar has evei crossed the palm of my hand. I do not control. I do not profes? to control, nor will I become respon? sible for, the Federal patronage ir South Carolina. On account of ni} liberal veiws, and what he is pleasec to consider my patriotic stand fo] broad American doctrines, the Presi? dent has done me the honor to consuli me on certain occasions as to South Carolina appointments. He has dom so, to my certain knowledge, witt Senators Morgan. Sullivan, McEner\ and other D?mocrates. I appreciate it beyond measure, for a wi-ser man, a truer patriot, and a more kindh Christian gentlemnam. never occupied I the White Hnonse than William Mc? Kinley. I believe I have his confi? dence and friendship, and there is no treasure that I value more highly. If I have controlled any patronage. j it has been in the public interest, not my own. Xo nephews of mine have been commissioned in the United States Army. I have had no son drawing a large salary, traveling this State at,government expense, manipu? lating political affairs for me. I be leive in the rule of the people.- and I want to see the time come when the patrons of the office, those who sup? port it. shall name the postmaster just as they do the sheriff and clerk of the court. My intimate friends know that it has been my desire to retire from public life. I had determined never S again to undertake the canvass of this State, and were it not that I felt that I owed it to the people of South Caro? lina to discuss these issues and enable them to act intelligently by placing themselves in touch with the best thought of the age, I would not be here today. The people of this State gave me the grandest chance that any young man has had since the war, and I fully realize the opportunity and duty. I never doubted for one moment but if allowed to present my case fair? ly to the people. I would be re-elected to the Senate. I have not made a vote that can be successfully assailed, save upon narrow partisan grounds. I had, however, determined not to run on ac? count of my health. The campaign of 1S97 left me in a physical and mental wreck. My physician has repeatedly said that I could not stand either mentally or physically the strain of such another campaign. Within the ten months past, however, my health has been wonderfully improved and I am ready for the fray. I desire here and now to tell the "Bosses" (in and out of the State) who have decreed my political death, that I defy them. The only way they can defeat me is to rule me out of the primary and thus prevent the people from expressing j themselves. Let them, if they dare, j prevent white men from passing judg : ment at the ballot-box upon these great national issues. I desire now to take up some of my votes and speeches, and address myself To the qusetion. Am I mistaken? ; When ? was placed on the Ways and Means Committee of the House. I be? gan a systematic course of reading on < the tariff question with reference to ? its effect upon the people of the South. ! In March, 1S97. I made a speech in I which I embodied my views. 1 had offered an amendment for a duty of : two and one-half eents per pound on j cotton imports, and had mad?' a fight ; in the Committee for a proper sched I ule on rice, pine lumber, turpentine, cotton seed oil, oil cake, jute-bagging, cotton tires and the coarse grade of goods made in ourJSouthern mills'. I j recognize t!ie faet thai our revenues : were io come from the imposition of ' import duties, i: was but fair to give I each section and industry a share of th*- benefits, as tin' burden must be borne by all. I attacked the doctrine of free raw material as a clandestine : and unjust form of protection. I ; traced its history and showed that it was devised and offered to the manu [ facturers of the East by Mr. Cleveland : in his first race, as a form of protec? tion. In other words, Roger Q. Mills. : the Chairman of the Ways and Means ; Committee of the House, was sent up ! into th?* New England States to offer j them this "left-handed protection,*' I while free trade was talked in the South and West. It was a mere party expedient to catch votes. I Think that i no political party will ever attempt ; again such a monstrous injustice. It j means that the farmers in this country j shall be forced to buy in a restricted ; market and then sell all of their pro I ducts in competition with the pauper I labor of the world. I made this fight for Southern industries while a mem? ber of the House, when I had no idea in the world of goini? into the Senate. You all remember what universal cho? rus of approval there was. Senator Tillman. Bacon, Clay and others took up the same line in the Senate. The News and Courier, the Columbia State and ninety per cent of the papers of the South commended my course. I was strongly urged to run for the Senate in 1896, * but did not wish to leave the Ways and Means Committee, and besides I was thoroughly dis? gusted with the condition of affairs in South Carolina. I could hear of noth? ing but "charges of corruption," "bond deals," "whiskey rebates," etc. I did not wish to be mixled up in such an agair: howevear it might eventuate, a man could not but feel lowered and degraded by coming in contact with such filth. ? felt reason? ably sure at that time that I could have been elected to the Senate. I was assured, by one authorized to speak, that Judge Earle would not be a candidate if I ran : but I concluded to go on in a modest, quiet way and work out my destiny in the House. This was not to be, however. That pure man, chivalrous gentleman and my predecessor, lived but a few short weeks. Governor Ellerbe tendered me the nomination. I realized the radi? cal nature of some of my utterances and votes, and while I could not forsee what has happened, I knew my nature well enough to feel certain that hav? ing once enlisted in the fight I would never turn back while life lasted. I, therefore, refused to accept the ap? pointment at the hands of Governor Ellebe unless he would guarantee that the Executive Committee would order a primary and permit the people to pass upon the issues which I had rais? ed. I spoke. I beleive, in every country in the State outside of my Congres? sional District except three. I advo? cated my views not only on the tariff but on what I considered the real line of policy to be pursued by Southern. Representatives. I carried about eighty per cent, of the vote cast. I wish*I had time to recount to the people what the rice schedule, which I got into that bill, has done for the rice planters on the coasts of South Carolina, the waste places it has re deemed, the thous*nds of dollars it has brought into this State. What the duty on pine has done for the lumber interests, which were ?being sacrificed to the white pine importd free of duty from Canada. The North, which is almost bare of timber, instead of go? ing to Canada, has been forced to go South, and that has put thousands of dollars into this State. There is no telling what arrangement of the schedule on cotton goods so as to pre? vent discrimination against coarse fab? rics, has meant to the cotton mills of the South. This is not the place to explain what the retention of the home market means when a manufacturer seeks a foreign outlet. I will refer, however. to the duty on raw cotton, which I advocated at the time. Cotton, corn and wheat are our great exports. Now I want to ask any man of reason, why it is that a duty of twenty-five cents per bushel is put on wheat.and fifteen cents per bushel on corn, while noth? ing is put upon cotton? The three stand exacatly upon the same basis. It is this, Northern Representatives protect corn and wheat against impor? tations from Canada and elsewhere, while cotton has been sacrificed to a mere sentiment. Ten years ago the "Allen long staple" was planted all over upper South Carolina, and I know of some men who bought gins especially adapted 1 to this cotton, but they had to throw them away. Egyp? tian cotton has driven them out of the business. The red hills of this up country are the very place where this cotton should be grown, but how can we develop it in competition with the cheap labor of Egypt? What are we doing now, meeting and pass? ing resolutions to reduce the acreage while English engineers are construc? ting dams in the valley of the Nile, which within two years will add one and one-half million bales or one eight to the cotton crop: while we are reducing the acreage here our competi? tors are incresing it. and we are to furnish the market for the increase, I say. away with the impractical states? man which will sacrifice the cotton planters of South Carolina to those of Egypt. After I was elected to the Senate I attempted to pursue the same line in everything, but I was ill for a long time after my campaign, confin? ed to my bed at one time for seven weeks. While I was in this physical and mental condition, the war with Spain came on and I had to grapple with these new questions. I was sick., heart, body and soul. All that I wanted was peace and to be let alone. Tlii* cruel taunts and sneers of " Re? publican and traitor"" hurt me then, while I laugh at them now. I made up my mind not to create any further issues, but tamely fall in a.nd follow the lead of Jones. Tillman, Pettigrew A' Co.. and then to quietly retire at the end of my term. My intimate friends know that this was my intention. When they concluded to defeat the treaty, I could not sei- what great harm could come to th?* country from forcing the Republi? cans to rall an extra session, lt would only postpone matters by one month. At th?- request of some of the D?mo? cratie leaders, I made a speech, not against the treaty but against [mpe rialism. which speech was at the time, and with the lights before nie, my opinion. I liad not drawn the dis tinction between Expansion and impe? rialism, and I fully intended to vote against the ratification of the treaty. 1 was so tired of being abused arni ac (.used of disloyalty to my party. How? ever, on Sunday afternoon, the day he fore tlie treaty was to be voted upon, the news was flashed over the wires that our troops had been fired upon by the very people whom we had freed from tlie tyranny of Spanish oppres? sion. This {(resented an entirely new situation, and before I had finished reading the "extra" the correspond? ents of the New York Sun and I think the World called at my house before 1 had consulted with any human being, and I expressed this opinion, as the files of the newspapers will show. One month of delay might mean serious consequences to the people of the Uni? ted States. To defeat the treat? meant that we were still at war with Spain, and that our soldiers were in? truders in the Philippine Islands. Tc ratify the treaty meant not a state ol war, but a mere insurrection and de? prived other nations of an excuse foi interference. It seems to me anj way, that no matter what the situa? tion or causes may be, that the onh position for a man to take when we are engaged in a foreign wa,r is tc stand by his own country, right 01 wrong. It is charged that my vote ratified the treay and stopped the war. If so, I am proud of the fact, and 1 am thankful that I had strength tc do my duty and cast that vote. I feai that I would not have had the com age to do it, had I not felt that my vote was absolutely necessary: but re? alizing the far reaching effect and the fearful responsibility, I cast my vote accordingly. I have never seen the day when ? regretted it. I will not undertake to demonstrate the wisdom of expansion, but will con? tent myself by simply saying that we are a nation of expansionists. I cannot undertake to discuss the question of a government for outlying possessions : we have settled othei problems of a more complex nature, and I cannot but beleive that a solu? tion will be found just, humane and satisfactory to all concerned. My vote on the army bill has been attacked. It was along the line of the foreign policy of this government. Let me say right here, that I am not the first Congressman from South Carolina who has voted against his party and supY^orted the President when it came to a question of a foreign war. Three of the greatest men that South Carolina has ever produced. Calhoun. Lowndes and Cheves sup? ported the government against their party during the war of 1812. Cheves used these words, which I repeat from the bottom of my heart: "Irrespective of party, for the great interest of the nation.*' / The army bill provided for a maxi? mum of one hundred thousand men and a minimum of sixty-five thousand, and between these amounts the dis? cretion was left to the president. At that time the insurreciton was in pro? gress and my common sense told me that there was but one of two things to do. Either put enough men in the field to crush the rebellion, or quit and come home. I believed in the for? mer plan, and so voted. I see that since the rebellion is over, the President says that he will take the minimum amount. Surely, felow citizens, -I could afford to trust a man on a question of that kind whom the people of the United States had elected to the presidency. Now, fellow-citizens, this brings me to the much-discussed Subsidy Bill. In the first place, it is astonishing to me what a misconception there isas to this matter . There never was a vote on the Subsidy bill, and it was well understood at the time that I made my speech that there would not be a vote at that session. I did not intend just at that time to make a set speech on the bill. I arose in my seat to present the resoloution of the Cotton Spinners Association, and be? fore I knew it I had drifted into a general discussion of the subject. One of the great objections to the subsidy is they call it a "steal.*' Well, fellow-citizens, that is a very poor argument: opponents of the river and harbor, postoffice, or any other bill can make the same charge. There is nothing in the bill itself which in? volves stealing, defrauding the govern? ment or sectional advantages. There may have been some abuses in granting subsidies when it was in the experimental stage , but there is no reason now why there should be abuses. Subsidies are no new theory in the South. Conventions were held during the twenty years preceding the war to encourage the building up of the commerce of and industries of the South. Hayne, Calhouon and Mc Duffie were leading spirits in these enterprises. The National Govern? ment connected the Atlantic and the Pacific by subsidizing railroads, and by this policy we have unequaled rail? road facilities, and have developed our interstate traffic to such an extent that we are now forced to seek an out? let for our surplus products. All that is proposed, is to follow in develop? ing our foreign trade the same princi? ples that have succeeded in our inter? nal development. Why should the Southern people, in the face of these facts, repudiate the spirit of sixty years ago ? Last year only nine per cent, was carried in American bot? toms. Why is this": It is because in this contest of Europe against the L'nited States, foreign shipowners get a subsidy from their Government of twenty million dollars besides the ad? vantage of lower wages, and have thus driven the American flag front the high seas. We pay t his subsidy to the foreign ships in increased freight rates over and over again. We are drained of two hundred millions a year which we pay foreign vessies in freights. Tlie power to fix ?freight rates gives them the power to lix the price of our cotton, wheat and manufactured products. Fellow-citizens, with so many tilings to talk about, it has been impossible fur nie to do more than skim the sur? face, but 1 hope 1 have been so fortu? nate as to excite a desire on your l'art lo investigate for yourself and not let some old moss f>aek. who does not know that the war has ended, do your thinking. These are practical, vital issues. As your Senator. 1 have frankly stated my position. There are two sides to these questions. I IV sped an honest difference of opinion, but no man can impugn my motives sucrcessfully. I never could answer the ends of an automaton in politics or business. I yield to the dictation of no man. I have blazed out my own path more than once in County, State and Na tional politics, and follow it without regard to popular applause. I made "Peace and unity" very popular once in this State-too popular, in fact for some of those who once denounced the 'Leader of the Movement," now grovel in the duss at the feet of their old-time foe. hum VJ ly content with the curses that fall from his lips, for the few crumbs that drop from the table. BUYING THE"S?LTAN OF JOLO. San Francisco. May 21.-Gen. J. C. Bates who has just'returned from the Philippines, is quoted as follows re? garding his dealings with the Sultan of Jolo. and the manner in which he obtained the Sultan's good will after the islands had been ceded by Spain : "The Mohammedans who recognize the Sultan of Jolo," he said, "differ from the other natives of the islands in the fact that they do not desire in? dependence. In fact they told me they preferred to have the protection of a strong nation, and frankly declar? ed that if the United States "did not want to take them, they would appeal to some other great country. As com? mander of the department of South? ern Luzon, it became my duty to treat with the Sultan of Jolo. I found his people to be very much like our native Indians and it seemed to me that it would be better to get them in an ami? cable mood than to go in for an "In? dian war." Gen. Otis put SI,OOO in silver at my disposal, and -after they had given all the concessions that the Government wished, I made a few pre? sents, but they did not get a cent un? til they had come to our terms. There is nothing extraordinary about these people. They are willing to fight and do not lack in bravery, but they have little knowledge of firearms and are not as formidable as the Indians of this country. "After my first consultation with the Sultan the people of Manilla were amazed to learn what had been accom? plished, and it was declared that the United States in six weeks secured I from the natives more than the Span? ish were able to get in three centuries. All we wanted fora beginning was the pacification of the country, and to have it so that Americans may travel freely without danger of molestation. This we secured by continuing the methods inaugurated by the Spanish who had been paying the Sultan of Jolo almost as much money as we do, without obtaining any guaranty of peace in the island." ?n>- -mm- -oz_ GRAND LODGE K. OF P. Spartanburg, May 22-The grand lodge Knights of Pythias met this i morning- at 10 o'clock in the Masonic j hall, with about300 knights present, j At this meeting the election of offi ? cers took place with the following re? sult : .Grand Chancellor. M. L. Bonham of Anderson. Grand Vice Chancellor. George S. Mower of Newberry. ! Grand Prelate. J. M. Knight of Suinter. Grand Keeper of Records and Seals. Dr. J. H. Thornwell of Fort Mill. Grand Master of Exchequer, Wil? sen G. Harvey, of Charleston. Grand Inner Guard. J. H.--D. Wig? ger of Charleston. Grand Outer Guard. G. W. Reeves of Branchville. Supreme Represetative, D. C. Hey? ward of Walterboro. The lodge chose Gree wood as -the place for its next meeting. After the session this afternoon in which various business connected with the order was discussed and acted upon, the grand lodge adjourned. Tonight in the Carson hall the visiting knights, the members of Mor? gan lodge and a number of friends en? joyed an elegant banquet. After the feast a number of toasts were offered and responded to and every one pre? sent enjoyed the night's entertain? ment. Morgan Won't Start a Big Bank. New York, May 24.-Wall Street was startled yesterday by a report, said to have emanated from official sources in Washington that J. P. Morgan had in contemplation the establishment of "the largest bank in the world." which would result from the consoli? dation of a number of existing banks now more or less under the control of Mr. Morgan and his friends. It was reported that the proposed gigantic bank would be of such a na? tional character as the Bank of Eng? land or the Bank of France, and would be the depository of the funds of the United States treasury. Morgan's determination to start such a bank was attributed to his desire to crush the opposition of James Still? man, of the National City Bank, and his associates, who recently attempted To corral Northern Pacific. A variation of the story was to the effect that it was Stillman and not Morgan who proposed to carry out the g rea t c< *n solid a ti on. ". Mr. Perkins, a partner of J. P. Mor? gan A- Co.. said yesterday regarding ing t he rumors : "Nothing of tlie kind lias been con? templated or even suggested. The tliing is simply ridiculous." Janies Stillman, president of the National City Bank, said: * " 1 have never even thought of such a plan, and I am sure that Mr. Mor? gan lias not. "Even if suck an institution were advisable, which I do not believe, there are count less ami insuperable ob? jections, legal and financial, against its establishment. " SHAMROCK !! WRECKED. Narrow Escape From Death ot King Edward and Party. I ^ - i Southampton. May 22-The most I dramatic incident in the history of i the America's cnp occurred today I when a sudden squall on the Solent : completely wrecked the new challenger ? and endangered the life of King Ed I ward and several distinguished persons, j including Sir Thomas Lipton. The ; results of this disaster which could j scarcely recur without great loss of ; life, can best be judged by the writ I ten statement made late tonight by j Sir Thomas Lipton. ' ' We had just began to make for the ! starting line when a fierce breeze i sprung up. King Edward, Lady 'Lon? donderry, Mrs. Jameson and "myself were on deck, hanging on as best we ! might for the challenger was almost I at an angle of 45 degrees. The King i started to go below. Just as he did so j everything collapsed. A heavy block fell between the two ladies and a wire rope struck me on the head, and mo? mentarily stunned me. A sudden squall, an unexpected strain and everything had given way. King Ed? ward was half in and half out of the companion hatchway. What happened, how all the falling "sails did not kill or sweep some one overboard, is more than I know. While the yachts were manoeuvering for the start a squall came without the slightest warning and the bowsprit of the challenger was carried away short,. The extra strain ! thus thrown on the topmast proved too I much for the spar. It whipped, broke j and doubled off to leeward, carriyng i the whole weight of the jack yard and gear over the side in a terrible tangle. Almost as the topmast fell, the great j steel mainmast, weighing mjbre than j two tons and carrying spars and gear j weighing an additional three or four I tons, swayed for a moment and then j almost by a miracle plunged over the j side into the water with the ripping, I tearing sound of breaking were and j tear-ing the gear in the air. j WHY THEY ' F?L ! War Department Putting up Exam I ?nation That Army Appointees Cannot Stand. Washington, May 21.-Accusations are being freely made that the. War i Department.is purposely making the ! examinations for the new appoint ' ments to the army so difficult that at ! least half of the candidates fail, en ? abling others to be appointed in their : places, and thus increasing by more : than fifty per cent the number of I the faithful who can be placated by a ? nice appointment. j Lest some whom it is intended to i put in, should fail, a right of appeal ! is allowed to a board of review which ; will mend all errors. The unsuccessful I candidates do not themselves appear 1 before this board, but all of the exam I ination papers and all obtainable-facts i for and against the candidates-in I eluding his political backing are refer I red to it. If the failure is not too I grievous a one, and the facts favorable outweigh the facts against, he may be j afforded a second opportunity. If a volunteer officer bas a good mil ! itary record-and a good pull-there is I a disposition to allow him to go a lit ? tie short on English grammar and in I ternational law, for, after all, it is ? fighting men Uncle Sam has need of. j The grammar and the law may be ac I quired with time, but fighters are de ; dared to be born with the martial in I stinct. There are thousands of school i teachers and other men of studious oc ? cupations who would have rio difficulty ! in passing the examinations, but it i does not follow on that account that they would be ^good men for shooting ! civilization into half-naked savages or I chasing them through the tangled ! wilds of the Philippines. When a ! man, therefore, has demonstrated that i he is fitted for the'strenuous side of soldiering-and has the requisite back j ing-a deficiency in the lettered accom? plishments weighs less against him than the man of poorer record from the soldiery standpoint. Boards for the examinatioo of _ap? pointees are now sitting in New York City, Chicago, Fort Leavenworth, San Francisco. San Antonia, and at Fort Monroe. There is also a board in Por? to Rico, and in the Philippines Gen. McArthur is authorized to convene such boards as he may deem necessary for the examination of volunteer offi? cers who have been given a chace to try for the regular establishment. Civilian appointees are ordered, as soon as named by the President^ to proceed to the nearest point at which a board is sitting, and are there sub? jected to examination. Returning vol? unteer (?tricers are examined at San Francisco immediately upon their ar? rival, and officers yet in the field are sent to the most convenient boards a; such time as they can be spared from* duty. Such of the applicants ns pas; are immediately assigned to duty. Booker T. Washington says that dur? ing the earlier days of freedom almost every negro who learned to read would receive "a call to preach" withins few days after he began reading. Berlin. May 23.- From the report o? the Hanseatis Consolidation company it is learned that a number of Boers lia ve engaged to settle in the com? pany's colony in southern Brazil. ?2 Makes the food more delicious and wholesome ?OVAL OAKfNG POWDER CO., NEW YORK.