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PAGE FOUR THE NEWBERRY SUN Friday, August 15, 1952 ife" 1218 College Street NEWBERRY, S. C. PUBLISHED EVERY FRIDAY By ARMFIELD BROTHERS Entered as second-class matter December 6, 1937, at the Postoffice at Newberry, South Carolina, under the Act of Congress of March 3, 1879. . SUBSCRIPTION RATES: In S. C., $1.60 per year in advance outside S. C., $2.00 per year in advance. COMMENTS ON MEN AND THINGS By SPECTATOR Shall South Carolina break away from the National Democratic Party? Many ask that. It really should be “Shall South Carolina come back into the Party, for it broke away four years ago and supported Strom Thur mond and Fielding Wright as its ticket. If we had a sound reason for that break what change for the better has there been? I submit the question seriously since we did not act frivolously then; we acted after due deliberation. The arguments about loyalty to the Party do not ap ply; we are not in the Party. All this is confusing, I know, because we sent delegates to the Party Conven tion. Apparently we were out, yet in, by the strange confusion of thought that mystifies all except the insid ers. Under the spur of Strom Thurmond we abandoned the National Democratic Party and declared our supreme allegiance to the South Carolina Democratic Party. By what sort of political manipulation did we return to the National Party? With our emphasis on loyalty and allegiance to our South Carolina Democratic Party we assumed an attitude of independence that would permit us to seek our own advantage in determining our course. That’s where we are today. What is the course which is to our advantage? Do we find anything more favorable in the 1952 National Demo cratic platform than in the platform of 1948—which we denounced, repudiated and foreswore? Is there a better spirit toward us? Is the National Party more friendly, more solicitous, more conciliatory? In the recent Chicago Convention were South Caro linians in the ancient castle of our fathers; or were they before the walled ramparts of the enemy? The so-called Democracy of the Nation is a conglomerate aggregation of pressure groups and Labor bosses, Po litical bosses and miscalled Liberals. They are promoting extravagance, misgovernment, Socialism and a tender in dulgence toward Communism. America has been served in a measure by the co operative restraining efforts of some Southerners and a few Republicans. Not all Southerners have been with us; that divisive influence of political reward, (the loaves and fishes of public life) has led some Southerners to “stand by the Party,” right or wrong. But what should be our course when the Party de liberately invades our precincts; when it makes common cause with political groups to strike down and riddle the political and social traditions of the South? There is no consideration for the South; the National Party is under the domination of as sinister a lot of self- seekers as ever scuttled a ship. I wish to be practical and I think we have substituted chicanery for principle. Let your mind play on this: in 1944 James F. Byrnes, A. W. Barkley, Henry Wallace- three—must have had certain assurances of support. Yet behind their backs Harry Hopkins was sent to carry out a different plan. I do not speculate on that: it is enough to state the facts. Of course we recall that Sid ney Hillman of the C.I.O. had the controlling voice. Now we find the same wily stratagem: Barkley, Harriman and Stevenson'are the choice of the Washington dynasty. Poor old Vice President Barkley was lead out of the running by a Labor boss. All that shows the type of Democracy which rules the Nation. In a show-down Stevenson, not Harriman, not Barkley, was the Truman man. Mr. Stevenson has his attractive and appealing qualit ies—certainly as he is publicized. Behind Mr. Steven son is the boss of Illinois. Would this develop into a Pendergastian affair? Frankly, Pendergast and the other reputed political bosses never had so much political power as the sway of Phillip Murray today. Mr. Murray may be a man of exemplary life; I do not asperse his public attitude, or his private conduct ;but he has the power to dislocate the whole economic and industrial well-being of this country. Because of this, our politicians kow tow to him; and he is a domineering factor in the work of the presidency and the Congress. We Southerners find that Labor, in its turn, wishes to recruit its forces. So Labor urges the adoption of measurers that may bring in great blocs of new members; Labor can also compel the National Government to fix pay and the conditions of work. In some of its program of enlistment Labor slaps the South in the face. If the Association of Colored people and the C.I.O.— and other groups.—may formulate their program in their own interest why shouldn’t the South decide bn a program which suits the South? Why should we truckle to these men and to the political puppets who do their bidding? Why shouldn’t we be as resolute and persistent in main taining our traditions as they are in invading them ? Since this is a state of siege why don’t we bring up all the means of defense? The Truman Raw Deal Is Drooling For The Votes Of Southern Democrats From The Hartsville Messenger. Seasoned politicians at the Democratic national con vention pulled one of the smoothest maneuvers in his-_ tory when they prevented the Southern states from walking, out and secured the nomination of a so-called “moderate” men for presidency and vice presidency. At the start of the convention, the left wing faction known as the Young Turks gained control of the cre dentials committee and shoved through a loyalty pledge that was unacceptable to the South. Their triumph was short lived. Farley, Rayburn, Biffle, Arvey and other old heads, working under direct orders from President Truman, pulled the Democratic chestnuts out of the fire. They threw the support of the party regulars be hind the motion to seat the Virginia delegation and the convention was theirs from then on out. . Propagandist for the Democratic party have made much over the defeat of the Young Turks and have planted the idea that the nomination of Stevenson was a victory for the South. They have even given the South credit for saving the party from the leftists. » a. “You carried the day,” they are saying to us, of course you will swing in behind the Stevenson- Sparkman ticket.” The argument doesn’t hold water. There is • one reason, and only one reason, why the Southern states wern’t kicked bodily out of Chicago: Truman and his lieutenants knew that they needed the Southern vote to offset the tremendous popular appeal of General Eisenhour. And they worked such a skillful compro mise that many erstwhile Southern bolters have changed overnight into staunch supporters of the party. From where we sit this fact seems crystal clear: the Fair Deal crowd will play buddy-buddy with the South until election day, luring our voters with words of un accustomed cordality. The day after, they will resume their former course towards the Socialist welfare state and the hell with the South. The tiger does not change his stripes Democratic party propagandists are busily engaged Everybody'll See This One 9, r /■ „ FLYING SAUSAGES ashington Are the Republicans worth supporting? That’s a pill, a bitter dose for many Southerners. Why? Think of all the reasons for the deep-grained feeling against Re publicans and you will have to admit that the Truman brand of Democracy is a greater affront to the. South than the attitude of all Republican Presidents from the days of Reconstruction until today. If it be to take the lesser of two evils, think it over. Many Carolinians would gladly vote for Eisenhower. It would make their choice easier if Eisenhower were put on the Democratic ticket. If not, bring him out inde pendently. What good result would come from that? We should become a political factor to be reckoned with and respect ed, if we held ourselves free to vote as might best suit our conditions. I am not keen to become a Republican; but I am most deeply desirous of maintaining our rights. And I want to compel the others, both Parties, to regard us seriously and to court our support as sedulously as they court the favor and support of other elements. We had the courage once to rise in our dignity and leave the National Democratic party. . We may have failed to use the most effective means; we, at least, • threw down the gauntlet and defied all the agglomeration of special fav orites and the skulduggery in high places. Are we today less resolved ? I believe we have not only the resolution, the indomitable purpose, but we can increase our effective ness beyond the admirable effort of 1948. The South might say, in the language of a great man: “I can do no otherwise; here I stand, God help me”. So may South Carolina stand, as the emblem of the State says, “Prepared in mind and resources”, with faith and hope. Let no man persuade you that the South was well-treated in Chicago. The convention began very smootyy. The Democrats would show the Republicans how to organize a convention and operate expeditiously. But in every large gathering you find men who hope to move in the full glare of publicity: they are eager to do something, even if to of fer a motion to adjourn, or something of that sort. Even in the churches we have orators at business meetings. In Chicago, a delegate by name of Moody introduced a resolution to require a solemn oath that the delegates would abide by the programs, platform, resolutions, and nominees of the convention, and would support the work of the con vention back home. That resolution may have been pre pared, or inspired, by one of the bosses who operated on the side lines. Immediately, young Franklin Roosevelt saw an opportunity to make capital, to attract attention to himself; so he jumps up and takes the lead to compel, the South to signer get out. He has -all the Roosevelt gienius for dis play, and the recognized avidity for all phases of publicity, from television and radio to the press. So he jumped in to lead the fight for the resolution. As a result, Virginia, Louisiana and South Carolina were declared without right or standing in the convention. And this was the state of affairs when the platform was adopted: South Carolina was not allowed to vote After that, Governor Byrnes call ed for a ruling, whether South Carolina delegates were full members or not. The chairman ruled against South Caro lina. A delegate from Maryland saved the day by moving that the delegates be fully accredited. That was not out of regard for the South; that was because the South was going to Eisenhour and the Democratic nominee would face sure defeat in the'November election. A S SOME Republicans cry that Eisenhower is a Democrat on the Republican ticket, so do some .Democrats complain that Steven son is a Republican running under Democratic colors. Some political correrypondents •re writing that on domestic pol icies the tenets of Ike and Adlai are interchangeable. While the Democratic politicians are depend ing upon Stevenson to whistle-stop the nation to the time of President Truman’s anti-Wall Street, anti- Big Business campaign of 1948, Edwin A. Lahey, Chicago Daily •News political analyst, taunts the Democratic strategists with this quip: "Scratch Stevenson with a strike notice and La Salle street comes out his pores." (La Salle is Chicago’s Wall Street.) Despite the Democratic cam paign chiefs’ confidence that they can handle their boy, those who know Stevenson best declare that, once in the ring, Stevenson will not change his style of fighting to in clude the New Deal-Fair Deal tac tics. • • • ! Perhaps short on quips but long on angles, the Democratic chiefs are sitting pretty comfortably on the cushions of satisfaction—satis faction in the fact that they have found an acceptable unity candi date and paired him with a vice presidential candidate from Dixie who is expected to forge the chain of unity even stronger. These chiefs are more interested in their party’s i lease on the White House than in keeping New Deal style of fighting unmodified. Nevertheless there is some dis tress in the Democratic camp over Stevenson’s objections to the civil rights and Taft-Hartley repeal planks in the Democratic platform. Those meaning the most aren't the professional politicians but real conscientious New Dealers who recognize in Stevenson a man who won’t compromise his own beliefs to follow a platform. They prob ably will stick with Stevenson, however, because of his great in tegrity, even though it won’t buckle under New Deal stress. * * * Stevenson's strategy seems to be based upon widening the break in the Republican party while he is healing the break in his own party. He is emphasizing the split personality of the GOP while play ing down the schizophrenia in his party. And he, with Sparkman, seems to be just the psychiatric treatment the Democrats needed. Stevenson will tell the voters that Eisenhower is a nice, fairly liberal fellow, but that in order to get the Old Guard vote he will have to revert to some of the isolation ism and hidebound conservatism of the Old Guard. This will fright en the liberal Republicans and might even convert some of them to Stevenson’s cause, if he es chews the New Deal enough. It will rankle the Old Guard and kill their enthusiasm for the Repub lican ticket. It might win a big majority of the independents. One thing the Democratic strate gists overlook—Ike might use some of this split personality business on Stevenson. in painting Governor Stevenson as a conservative, economy-minded man and an advocate of states rights, whenever possible. Governor Stevenson is a great man and a great can didate, without question. But as President of * the United States, he would inherit an enormous political machine grown fat and corrupt after 20 years in office, a machine with millions on its payroll and billions to spend. To hope that one man could check or change the course of this juggernaut is pure wishful thinking. The same bunch that got the nomination for Steven son would still be around Washington, and they would continue to pursue their headlong rush down the prec ipice into socialism. The opposition of the South to the Truman Demo cratic party is based on more than the civil rights issue. The South opposes the steady expansion of the Federal government, - opposes the monstrous bureaucracy that spreads its tentacles into every county in the nation, opposes the parceling out of tax money to special groups in return for votes. The Fair Deal followed these policies in the past and it will follow them in the future. Southerners should continue to oppose the socialists who control the Democratic party no matter what mask they wear and no matter what stalking horse candidat es they put up to conceal their real intent. Test Your Intelligence Score 10 points for each correct answer in the first six questions: 1. According to the 1950 census, which state contains the most people: —California —New York —Ohio —Pennsylvania 2. About how far apart are the relay towers of the transcontinental TV system: —562 miles —150 miles —205 miles —30 miles 3. Malaria is transmitted by: <j —a sneeze —a bite —a spray —a worm 4. In what sport is the International Gold Challenge Cup awarded: —skiff racing -—fishing —polo —basketball 5. Who wrote the novel, Tess of the D’Urbervilles: —Hardy —Voltaire —Dickens —Hugo 6. George Washington was elected president in: —1780 —1794 —1772 —1789 7. Listed below at left are garnishings and condiments used in the cuisine of various countries and opposite them the countries in which they originated or enjoy the greatest popularity in the kitchen. Match them, scoring 10 points .for each correct answer. (A) Paprika (B) Chili powder (C) Truffles <D) Soy sauce —France / >>, * —China W/* -I -Hungary -Mexico Total your points. A score of 0-20 is poor; 30-60, average; 70-80, superior; 90-100, very superior. ANSWERS ON PAGE SIX Flowers and Gifts for All Occasions CARTER’S Day Phone 719 — Night 6212 ^ I 24 Hour Plant Service FOR ICE-crushed or block ICE COLD WATERMELONS ICE CREAM FREEZERS ' (Electric or hand) PICNIC CHESTS GASOLINE AND OIL Farmers Ice & Fuel G . Phone 155 \QO% Lead Zinc FIRST QUALITY. $4.25 gal in 5 gal lots. $4.35 single gallon. Frank Lomina Hardware Phone 159 — Men! Here’s The To Beat INflation .. and DEflation, SAVE YOUR DOLLARS WHILE THEY’RE CHEAP! Dollars are plentiful today... and you are probably making more of them! Now is the time to start sav ing ... for every dollar that you manage to put aw; into an interest-bearing savings account at tL.^ Newberry Federal Savings & Loan Association may well be worth $1.50 or $2 in buying power when this inflation period is over! A long-term s program is the best way to beat inflation... and de flation, too. Let’s talk it over. Remember, we are currently paying 3% interest on savings. . ACCOUNTS INSURED UP TO $10,000 NewberryfFederal Savings & Loan Association Newberry, South Carolina jB