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PAGE FOU& 1218 College Street Newberry, S. C. O. F. ARMFIELD i Editor and Publisher One Year $1.00 Published Every Friday Entered as second-class matter December 6, 1937, at the post office at Newberry, South Carolina, under the Act of March 3, 1879. Usually when high rollers get the lowdown it’s too late. Begins to look as if the new deal won’t stop until it shears the whiskers off of Santa Claus. Doubtless th e fellow who made a portrait of his wife turned out a striking likeness. Another way to cause the milk of human kindness to sour is to churn up the political ideas of the other fellow, if you don’t object to mixing the figure a bit. THE ONLY THING LEFT Social security amendment plans are being readied so the act can be broadened as part of a “must” pro gram in the next congress. In addition to wanting the taxes extended to cover farm workers, the new est idea is to increase the tax already paid oy all WORKERS to' set up a system of “sick benefits.” Folks already hav e to pay taxes on what the earn, eat, wear, buy; they have to pay taxes to grow old, and they are taxed on what they leave behind when they die. The only thing left is a birth tax. BLATHER FROM SMATHERS New Jersey’s Senator Smathers is certain that the Democratic party is shy of men of presidential timber, so he calls on the great magician to Wave the third-term wand. This blather from Smathers isn’t altogether new or novel It has been coming recently from other quarters where men are content to dele gate their thinking to a proxy. The Democratic party is not so deficient in men of high caliber as th e blather from Smathers might lead some to believe. There are half a dozen men in our ranks who would make as good president as any we have had. Offhand the names of John N. Gar ner, Senator Byrd, Senator Clark, and Senator Bur ton Wheeler come to mind. If either of these men was elected he would have an awful job cleaning up after Santa Claus, but he would carry on in a way that be a credit to his par ty and to himself. the fly The fly is a persistently sociable animal. No man ners of reserve or modesty afflict him. If you are reading a newspaper he does not wait to be invited to help you scan the sheet—he lights right upon the page and begins to peruse it with the eargerness of a baseball fan racing eyes over the sports page. If you try to take a nap in this animal’s vicinity, he wants to fraternize. The end of your nose will be his choice of a place to begin his intimate advan ces of fellowship. He is never insulted. You may knock at him with your hand, swat him, berate his company, but he sticketh closer than a brother. He comes to your table without invitation, and he is an epicure. He chooses the choicest dishes upon which to perch and view the vittles. Here he has the advantage of his host and does not fear him in the least. If he decides to sit on the edge of the milk glass, he knows you can’t swat ’im for fear of knocking him into the glass. If he prefers to establish head quarters upon the cherry pie, he is even more fear less,, for he knows that the most accurate swatter would hesitate before trying to compond fly legs and wings with the ingredients of the pie. Wherever you are—in the family circle, in the so cial whirl, in church or out—"ou will find the fly visiting. He is always eager to bear you company, and hobnob and mingle. He is a democratic, free and easy and saturated with curiosity about every thing around him. In this world of wars and rumors of wars, it would be hard to find animal or insect more devoted to the art of cultivating th e good neighbor policy. Furthermore, the fly is intelligent. He has been to school where he majors in on e branch of punct uation. His specialty is what the printer’s call the “full stop,” or in other words, the period. After he has put his imprint upon a piece of blank paper no printer could add a more playful arrangement of full stops. Politically, the fly is not hard to classify. He is at home among Communists, Republicans, Demo crats, and Socialists. He is in a downright literal sense a true liberal. We think he would hit some where between a Florida new dealer and Dr. Townsend. I COMMENTS on MEN & THINGS By Spectator It costs oodles of money to run for Senator or Governor. Gone are the days of the simple life in politics as well as society. All expense is rising, mounting and galloping away. There was a time when two could live as cheaply as one. That was in the golden age when the woman of the house did all the cooking, washing, ironing; etc., “raised chickens,” made a vegetable garden, helped a bit in the fields and used her spare time to “keep house” and “tend to the children.” On that schedule she certainly “pulled her weight”—and then some. Then the wo men were so busy they couldn’t spend so much. A couple of pairs of cotton stockings per annum sufficed. With frequent darning they “answered”. But now—a pair of silk hose per week—and no darning. The shapely hose being always exposed, no mending can be tolerated. In the grand days of ye olden time the lady of the house could keep in touch with th e neighborhood by attending church. That didn’t cost much. But now social contacts are made at clubs, soft drink places, movies, etc. And the cost is much greater. In those noble days when one did venture into the world of free-spending she could get a vanilla soda water or pineapple ice—for a nickel. Nowadays not even the cook would call for so simple a drink as a vanilla soda water. No sirree! A double banana split with whipped cream, topped with a dash of pecans and garnished with cherries—and all that. No wonder “pop” wants to “marry off” his daughters. Hav e you noticed that most of the big candidates have political headquarters in several places? Well that takes a mint of money. Nobody can afford to be a candidate unless h e be a man of considerable means, or unless his friends will “put up” pots of boodle. A poor man, dependent on his own recources, has no more chance of election than he has of walking over the lower regions on solid ice. Campaign rumors may be expected, but those of us who can sit on the sidelines should be able to appraise the candidates on their established reputations and re spected character. No last minute report or charge can influence me in my regard for Messrs. Smith, Johnston, Brown, Adams, Bennett, Blease, Manning and Maybank. These men I know, and many of my readers know them. Let us mull over some of th e rumors, taking the candidates alphabetically: Mr. Ben E. Adams—It is not true, I think, that Mr. Adams has fought any labor organization. I have read carefully all the articles and editorials by Mr. Adams about the lawlessness in the Industrial sec tions of the middle west and I found that Mr. Adams was writing of certain facts, as he found them. He wrote a faithful record of certain happenings, but he did not at any time make any attack on any organiz ation of labor. So far as reports indicate that Mr. Adams has attacked any organization I think they are without foundation. He has said plainly that he stands for equal rights before the law and an impar tial enforcement of the statutes. Mr. Neville Bennett—Much is being said about Mr. Bennett’s advocating a'r-conditioning of mills, the tex tile 40-hour week and his espousal of the teachers' re tirement bill at a cost to the State of several hundred thousand dollars, although he had just declared the appropriation bill, in a three-hour speech, as being too high and costing the State forty-one million dol lars. Here are three items in a long and distinguished service in the Legislature, The fact that I am oposed to all three items makes it easier for me to say again that Mr. Bennett has rendered excellent service to our State. He has been sound, conservatively progressive, an indefatigable worker, a high-minded and clean man throughout his period of distinguished service. Mr. Cole L. Blease—Mr. Blease is still in full mental vigor and as capable as ever. There was never any idea in his mind of retiring from the race. Mr. Blease has declared himself forcefully against a number of recent practices and his long record of public service abu^ndantlfy proves that he will do what he promises, so far as he can. Mr. Blease was never a weakling, but astraight-from-the-shoulder in dividualist of extraordinary ability. Col Wyndham Manning—One cannot fully under stand Mr. Manning unless he knows that the Mann ings regard public service as a family obligation. That family has produced three Governors Manning— John L. Richard I. and Richard I again. They dedi cated their ability, their service and their personal fortunes to th e state. It is ingrained in the family. And they were all distinguished servants of the State. The rumors about Col. Manning because of his ser vice at Ashwood Resettlement and because of his shift on the Santee-Cooper project do not affect the ability of Mr. Manning to serve the State. Ashwood may be a dream—or what-not, but Mr. Manning is not responsible for the project. He gave his best to an Administration plan. On the Santee-Cooper Mr. Manning did change his position—and I, for one, dis agreed with him both times—but that does not imply anything but a difference of opinion. It is no ground for opposition to Mr. Manning. Seldom does a man offer his services to the public with as fine back ground and as compelling a personal appeal as make Mr. Manning so attractive. THE SUN PUNGENT PIECES 1 From The News and Courier THE “BLUE BLOODS” So Candidate Johnston takes a fling at “blue bloods”. If President Roosevelt is not a “blue blood,” who is? IT DOES NOT ESCAPE OBSERVATION It will not escape observation that President Roosevelt in Greenville did not say whether or not he would ve to the anti-lynching bill if it should be passed, although the mayor of Greenville sent him a telegram re questing him to do so. HE DARE NOT DISCUSS IT On the senate floor last January, during the fight against the anti lynching bill, it was Senator James F. Byrnes of South Carolina who de clared without qualification, “The negroes are in control of the Demo cratic party”. President Roosevelt cannot discuss the anti-lynching bill before an audience of South Carolin ians. WHAT HE DID NOT SAY It will not escape observation that President Roosevelt in Greenville, fresh from Georgia a few hours where he attacked Senator George, did not attack Senator Smith. Nor did he declar e for Johnston or Brown (He gave Johnston a free ride.) There were reasons. Had President Roosevelt attacked Smith he would hav e attacked by im plication Senator Byrnes, whom no one describes as a 100 percenter. New Deal publications class him also as a “Southern bourbon.” Had President Roosevelt declared for Johnston, after Johnston, “I run ’em off’ speech about negroes Sumter, he would have had to explain to the negro voters in Pennsylvania, New York. That speech is in the hands of Walter White and the other Northern negro leaders. NEVER TOUCHED SMITH Senator Smith has denounced the accusation that he said that “a man or family can liv e in South Carolina on fifty cents a day” as “an infernal lie”. Therefore, President Roosevelt could not have had Senator Smith in mind when he said that he did not believe that a man or a family could live on fifty cents a day in South Carolina. The President would not have given the lie to Senator Smith nor placed himself in the position of being classed as a liar by the senator. A president cannot afford to do that. The enemies of the president, if he have any in South Carolina, would not place him in that position. Besides, if President Roosevelt is for Johnston he would have said so in Greenville. He said it about Camp in Georgia. Shall anyone in South Carolina ac cuse President Rosevelt of a want of frankness, of indulging in insinuation of reluctance to speak his mind? NATIONAL GOVERNMENT SEEKS TO CONTROL STATES (By SPECTATOR) Do you know why we have a Con stitution of the United States? At the close of the “REVOLUTIONARY WAR” the King of England recog nized the independence of thirteen States. There was no such thing as a great nation of thirteen States; each State was recognized as an inde pendent nation. The word “State” means and independent and sover eign power. So we were thirteen in dependent and sovereign powers. A confederation was formed. It was bound together by a contract. The general government set up by the States was weak, the States wished to carry on independently. They be gan to act as though they were thir teen separate powers, each one for eign to all the others. And so they had import duties, charging customs duties (tariffs) against goods from other States. Principally because of that we have today a great nation under a Constitution, a firmly-knit union of forty-eight States. The basis of our union is free trade a- mong ourselves. This was to be a nation without trade barriers within the limits of th e nation. The abound ing prosperity of the nation has been due primarily to freedom of trade among ourselves. Two contradictory factors ar e at work. The Courts are trying to make all our business interstate, so as to allow the National Government to control it; and the States are setting up barriers to interstate trade by all sorts of regulations. Let us remember that one of the great fights in the Constitutional Convention was over this very mat ter of State tariffs or duties against the products of other States. And it was agreed to vest this power in the Congress, provided it might not im pose export duties. And what have we today? a. The Port-of-entry. Kansas has 66 places where inspectors collect taxes on goods made elsewhere and brought into Kansas. There they also collect license fees from trucks and cars, from other States. Seventeen other States now have adopted the Port-of-entry system. b. “Use” taxes in eight States. If you buy something out of your State you must pay your own State for the privilege of using it. c. If a truck travels into a State it must not carry extra gasoline or REVIEW of NEW BOOKS PAUL B. CLARK, PH. D. 1736 Woodburn Ave. Covington, Ky. A PHILOSOPHER’S VICTORY THROUGH CHRIST. By William Hazer Wrighton. Fleming H. Rev- ell Company. In this small book of ninety pages that sells for one dollar, on can read th P fine thinking from the Christian point of view of the head of the De partment of Philosophy of the Uni versity of Georgia. It is experiment al religion on a high plane: The Real Problem, Victorious Grace, Present Your Body, Instead of Joy a Cross and Shame, Conquerors in the Phe nomena of Life, The Normal Chris tian life, etc. All experience is interpreted ex perience and this delightful book Is an asset to praise the mind and the heart of the author who has had such a rich share of the graces of the Christian life and the asserted will ingness to commend what he has ex perienced to all others who struggle along the way. The author seeks no praise, no personal trlory; the praise is Christ’5 now and forever. The ten chapters abound with com mon sense, apt illustrations and scrip tural citations that strike the intel lect, arousp the emotions and direct the will. Personally the book com mends itself to me because the author is both a Christian snd a philosopher: and the only Christian education that amounts to anything is not an ob jective-reference content but a Chris tian facing all the facts of life what ever they are. PREACHING. By G. Campbell Morgan. The Fleming H. Revell Co. This prolific writer summarizes in this small volume, I. The Central Message; and IV. The Introduction and Conclusion. He gives advise as to methods, suggestions and illustra tions as preparation for expository preaching. Many will turn away from this book because they are not preachers and never intend to be. But the real value of this book is of wider scope; there is a message here in fundamen tal terms for any one who has as his task the full and complete inter- pretatkin of any document, be he lawyer or Sunday school teacher, philosopher interpreting Spinoza or English teacher unfolding the truths of Browning. Morgan may not see this value so readily. But this value Is there and over and above this value is the value that Morgan does see: “Preaching is the declaration of the grace of God in human need on the authority of the Throne of God; and it demands on the part of those who hear that they show obedience to the thing declared,” p. 12. The point of view is this: The appeal must be made to the will and not on ly to the emotions, and the appeal must be made along the lines of three essentials,—Truth, Clarity, and Pas sion, all intended to constrain the will fo yield to the highest and the best. THE FOLLY OF INSTALLMENT BUYING. By Roger W. Babson. Stokes. Here is a practical book for the general household and one that is calculated to help the family purse more than the average helps that come. The book is filled with com mon. sense from cover to cover; its philosophy is a preachment for bet ter days for the seUer as well as for the buyer. Examples are given to support the author’s contention. It is folly to buy on the installment plan. Take the “small” service charge and study it. Babson points out that this “SMALL” amount is really be tween 11 and 36 per cent when it is calculated on an annual basis. His remedy is an expedient similar to the vacation fund or the Christmas Saving plan, i.e., save in advance for purchase. Nor, according Babson, is in stallment buying a real stimulus to business; it is a drug and its effect is temporary bringing in the busi ness cycle the burden of a huge debt to be met in the next slump. The book deserves to be read by those who buy and sell on that plan to discern the real facts in each case. Most likely Mr. Babson’s plan will hurt nobody but the lender but the lender of this money to service the “small” charge amounts to between 11 and 36 per cent. a reserve supply. Our Courts hav e strayed away from the path of true unity or national ism by validating statutes so clearly divisive, so clearly tending to exclu sion. Under this we shall become like Europe—a territory of many barriers. It is worth noting, the growth of two opposing ideas at the same time. True it is that these State regulat ions are plainly in contravension of the Constitution; but I doubt if they strain at the great document more violently than do the Acts of Con gress creating the Labor Relatons Board and other Boards which con trol even the Cotton Mills of South Carolina, on the ground that they en gage in inter-State commerce! So the Congress and the State Leg islatures are running neck and neck in the rac e to disrupt our great free nation and to establish many new im pediments to growth and prosperity. FRIDAY, AUGUST 19, 1938 THE SUN Printing Office Supplies I I III ■ 1938-1939 Opening of The Newberry X ■ City Schools ' V ■ New students and conditioned students ar e expected to report to their respective schools for examinations and classification on Thursday morning, September 1st., at 9 o’clock. All students who will be in the 8th. Grade are asked to report Thursday morning, September 1st., at 9 o’clock. All students who expect to use Rental Textbooks for this ses sion are requested to meet their teachers at their respective schools on Thursday morning. It is necessary for me to know at this time how many will use these books. All new students (beginners and students entering the city school from other districts) are requested tb enroll before the opening date of the schools. Students may enroll a( the office at the High School between the hours of 9 A. M., and 4 P. M., or enroll ment may be made by telephone over number 560. Students must show they have been successfully Vaccinated for smallpox. All students are notified to meet their respective teachers at their schools on Friday morning, September 2nd., at 9 o’clock for lesson assignments and other preliminary work. O. B. Cannon, Supt. Supt. Newberry City Schools Notice to Claimants Against The County Notice is hereby given that hereafter all sales to the County of Newberry will have to be authorized by the County Supervisor and an order therefor obtained from the Supervisor and this order will have to ac company and be attached to all claims presented to the Board for payment before payment will be made. HOLLAND H. RUFF, Supervise. August 16, 1938